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The Unsettled Debate: Monarchy and Republic in Spain and Greece in the Interwar Years*
■ Assaig] ENTREMONS. UPF JOURNAL OF WORLD HISTORY Barcelona ﺍ Universitat Pompeu Fabra Número 6 (juny 2014) www.entremons.org The Unsettled Debate: Monarchy and Republic in Spain and Greece in the Interwar Years* Enric UCELAY-DA CAL (Universitat Pompeu Fabra) abstract The following essay examines the political development in Spain and Greece between the World War I and World War II, comparing these two Mediterranean countries and placing them in a broader European and global context. The conflict between the supporters of monarchy and republic as forms of government was extremely important in the political debate in both countries, and shaped their history in a quite remarkable way. The discussion of these intricate dynamics will help to appreciate the problems that Spain and Greece faced at that time, and can also contribute to a deeper understanding of some key features of the historical change in these two countries. resumen El siguiente ensayo examina el desarrollo político en España y Grecia en el período entre la Primera y la Segunda Guerra Mundial, comparando estos dos países mediterráneos y situándolos en un contexto europeo y global más amplio. El conflicto entre los partidarios de la monarquía y la república como formas de gobierno fue muy importante en el debate político de ambos países, influyendo en su historia de una manera muy notable. La discusión de estas dinámicas complicadas ayudará a apreciar mejor los problemas a los que España y Grecia se enfrentaban en ese momento, contribuyendo asimismo a una comprensión más profunda de algunas de las características clave del cambio histórico en estos dos países. -
Political Extremism in the 1920S and 1930S: Do German Lessons Generalize?G
Political Extremism in the 1920s and 1930s: Do German Lessons Generalize?G ALAN DE BROMHEAD, BARRY EICHENGREEN, AND KEVIN H. O’ROURKE We examine the impact of the Great Depression on the share of votes for right- wing extremists in elections in the 1920s and 1930s. We confirm the existence of a link between political extremism and economic hard times as captured by growth or contraction of the economy. What mattered was not simply growth at the time of the election, but cumulative growth performance. The impact was greatest in countries with relatively short histories of democracy, with electoral systems that created low hurdles to parliamentary representation, and which had been on the losing side in World War I. he impact of the global credit crisis and Great Recession has been Tmore than just economic. In both parliamentary and presidential democracies, governments have been ousted. Hard economic times have increased political polarization and bred support for nationalist and right-wing political parties. All this gives rise to fears that economic hard times will feed political extremism, as it did in the 1930s. Memories of the 1930s inform much contemporary political commentary, just as they inform recent economic commentary. But exactly what impact the interwar depression and economic crisis had on the electoral fortunes of extremist parties has not been systematically studied.1 Many of our intuitions about the links between The Journal of Economic History, Vol. 73, No. 2 (June 2013). © The Economic History Association. doi: 10.1017/S0022050713000302. This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution license (http://creativecommons.org/ licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. -
The Establishment and Development of the Metaxas Dictatorship in the Context of Fascism and Nazism, 193641
23tmp09a.qxd 04/04/2002 14:43 Page 143 9 The Establishment and Development of the Metaxas Dictatorship in the Context of Fascism and Nazism, 193641 MOGENS PELT In October 1935, Italy launched a fully-fledged attack on Abyssinia, threatening Britains position in Egypt and the supremacy of the Royal Navy in the eastern Mediterranean. Three years later, in 1938, Germany established her dominance over Central Europe in a series of short-of-war operations, incorporating Austria and the Sudetenland into the Reich by Anschluss and the Munich agreement. The dismemberment of Czechoslovakia dealt a fatal blow to the French security system in south-eastern Europe, la petite entente with Prague serving as its regional power centre. While the credibility of France as a great power almost completely eroded overnight, Vienna and Prague suddenly provided ready-made platforms to an invigorated and resurgent Germany to project her power into south- eastern Europe, and to rearrange that area in line with Berlins plans for a new European Order. This, in turn, gave a boost to national vindication in the revisionist states, Bulgaria and Hungary, while it generated shock waves of national insecurity and internal instability in the status quo states, Greece, Romania and Yugoslavia. On 10 October 1935, only a week after the beginning of Mussolinis African enterprise, a military coup détat in Greece reinstated the monarchy, which had been abolished in the wake of the First World War, and some ten months later, on 4 August 1936, King George II established what was meant to be a permanent dictatorship under the leadership of General Ioannis Metaxas, a prominent royalist. -
Codebook CPDS I 1960-2012
1 Codebook: Comparative Political Data Set I, 1960-2012 Codebook: COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET I 1960-2012 Klaus Armingeon, Laura Knöpfel, David Weisstanner and Sarah Engler The Comparative Political Data Set 1960-2012 is a collection of political and institutional data which have been assembled in the context of the research projects “Die Handlungs- spielräume des Nationalstaates” and “Critical junctures. An international comparison” di- rected by Klaus Armingeon and funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation. This data set consists of (mostly) annual data for 23 democratic countries for the period of 1960 to 2012. In the cases of Greece, Spain and Portugal, political data were collected only for the democratic periods1. The data set is suited for cross national, longitudinal and pooled time series analyses. The data set contains some additional demographic, socio- and economic variables. Howev- er, these variables are not the major concern of the project and are thus limited in scope. For more in-depth sources of these data, see the online databases of the OECD. For trade union membership, excellent data for European trade unions are available on CD from the Data Handbook by Bernhard Ebbinghaus and Jelle Visser (2000). A few variables have been copied from a data set collected by Evelyne Huber, Charles Ragin, John D. Stephens, David Brady and Jason Beckfield (2004). We are grateful for the permission to include these data. When using data from this data set, please quote both the data set and, where appropriate, the original source. Please quote this data set as: Klaus Armingeon, Laura Knöpfel, David Weisstanner and Sarah Engler. -
Greece and NATO Master's Thesis Presented
The “Menace from the North” and the Suppression of the Left: Greece and NATO Master’s Thesis Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University Ioannis Pavlou, B.A. Graduate Program in Slavic and East European Studies The Ohio State University 2015 Thesis Committee: Georgios Anagnostou, advisor Anthony Kaldellis Copyright by Ioannis Nikos Pavlou 2015 Abstract In the aftermath of the Greek Civil War, the right-wing elements of Greece’s government felt that they needed to join NATO to protect Greek interests from the perceived threat posed by Communism and their Balkan neighbors. Throughout this period of time, the Greek state implemented several drastic and often undemocratic motions that led to measures against minority groups, suppressing left-wing politicians, and applying old nationalistic rhetoric such as the “Menace from the North” to the situation with the Communist regimes in their neighboring countries. During this time, Greek interests often were pushed aside in order to appease the United States and other members of NATO while at other points, Greece nearly went to war with their NATO ally Turkey over the future of Cyprus. Meanwhile, Greece’s new-found alliance with NATO led to an improvement of their military capabilities to the point where the highly nationalistic, anti-Communist army would seize control of the government in 1967 and form a Military Junta. During the seven years of military control, NATO continued to work with the Military Junta which in turn would have drastic consequences when Greece nearly went to war with Turkey over Cyprus. -
FASCISM, and the Doctrine of NATIONAL SOCIALISM Also by H
FASCISM, and The Doctrine of NATIONAL SOCIALISM Also by H. R. Morgan: Fascism, The Total Society – Codex Fascismo Parts Two & Three Fascism, Integralism, and the Corporative Society – Codex Fascismo Parts Four, Five & Six American Radical Apostasy Fascism, and the Doctrine of National Socialism – Codex Fascismo Parts Seven & Eight The Codex Fascismo Collections of Poetry: Murdered Dreams (1993) Stark, Raving Mad (1994-95) The Long Walk Home (1997) Glimpses Through the Glass (1989) FASCISM, and The Doctrine of NATIONAL SOCIALISM Codex Fascismo Parts Seven and Eight Volume 4 Compiled, Edited, with Introduction and Commentary by H. R. Morgan Copyright © 2015 by H. R. Morgan. Library of Congress Control Number: 2015918312 ISBN: Hardcover 978-1-5144-2355-4 Softcover 978-1-5144-2354-7 eBook 978-1-5144-2353-0 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the copyright owner. Special note: All translations and interpretations contained herein are the sole property of H. R. Morgan. All rights to this translation reserved Any people depicted in stock imagery provided by Thinkstock are models, and such images are being used for illustrative purposes only. Certain stock imagery © Thinkstock. Print information available on the last page. Rev. date: 12/09/2015 To order additional copies of this book, contact: Xlibris 1-888-795-4274 www.Xlibris.com -
The Establishment and Development of the Metaxas Regime in The
23tmp09a.qxd 04/04/2002 14:43 Page 143 9 The Establishment and Development of the Metaxas Dictatorship in the Context of Fascism and Nazism, 193641 MOGENS PELT In October 1935, Italy launched a fully-fledged attack on Abyssinia, threatening Britains position in Egypt and the supremacy of the Royal Navy in the eastern Mediterranean. Three years later, in 1938, Germany established her dominance over Central Europe in a series of short-of-war operations, incorporating Austria and the Sudetenland into the Reich by Anschluss and the Munich agreement. The dismemberment of Czechoslovakia dealt a fatal blow to the French security system in south-eastern Europe, la petite entente with Prague serving as its regional power centre. While the credibility of France as a great power almost completely eroded overnight, Vienna and Prague suddenly provided ready-made platforms to an invigorated and resurgent Germany to project her power into south- eastern Europe, and to rearrange that area in line with Berlins plans for a new European Order. This, in turn, gave a boost to national vindication in the revisionist states, Bulgaria and Hungary, while it generated shock waves of national insecurity and internal instability in the status quo states, Greece, Romania and Yugoslavia. On 10 October 1935, only a week after the beginning of Mussolinis African enterprise, a military coup détat in Greece reinstated the monarchy, which had been abolished in the wake of the First World War, and some ten months later, on 4 August 1936, King George II established what was meant to be a permanent dictatorship under the leadership of General Ioannis Metaxas, a prominent royalist. -
The Greek Quagmire
The Greek quagmire. Prologue. October, 26 th 1940, Saturday. In the hall of the Italian Embassy in Athens, the Italians and their Greek guests are commenting the performance of Puccini's Madame Butterfly finished recently. Suddenly, in the offices, the teletypes begin to tap. The officials are coming and going. They are trying to remain calm, but more than one of them, pale-faced, troubled and tense, is widening the collar of his shirt. The Italian Plenipotentiary Minister, Emanuele Grazzi, sees all that movement and breaks into a cold sweat. He knows what that movement means, or at least he understands this intuitively: from Rome the ultimatum to Greece is coming. He hopes in some hitch, in some difficulty of deciphering: he does not want to deliver to General Metaxas, Greek Prime Minister, a declaration of war right in the middle of an official reception. It would be extremely embarrassing, anyway. He is lucky, at least about this. It is late, the text is long: time is requested in order to decipher it . The Greek guests leave the Italian Legation; Metaxas is at his residence in Kefissià. He is not yet an enemy. "You are the strongest" He turns into an enemy at three a.m. of Monday, October 28th. The communication has been deciphered and translated. Grazzi accompanied by military attaché Colonel Luigi Mondini and by the interpreter De Salvo, gets into car and heads to the residence of Metaxas. The guard at the door confuses the colours of the flag on the fender of the diplomatic car , he mistakes the green for blue and announces to the Greek Prime Minister the visit of the French ambassador. -
Codebook CPDS I 1960-2013
1 Codebook: Comparative Political Data Set, 1960-2013 Codebook: COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET 1960-2013 Klaus Armingeon, Christian Isler, Laura Knöpfel, David Weisstanner and Sarah Engler The Comparative Political Data Set 1960-2013 (CPDS) is a collection of political and institu- tional data which have been assembled in the context of the research projects “Die Hand- lungsspielräume des Nationalstaates” and “Critical junctures. An international comparison” directed by Klaus Armingeon and funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation. This data set consists of (mostly) annual data for 36 democratic OECD and/or EU-member coun- tries for the period of 1960 to 2013. In all countries, political data were collected only for the democratic periods.1 The data set is suited for cross-national, longitudinal and pooled time- series analyses. The present data set combines and replaces the earlier versions “Comparative Political Data Set I” (data for 23 OECD countries from 1960 onwards) and the “Comparative Political Data Set III” (data for 36 OECD and/or EU member states from 1990 onwards). A variable has been added to identify former CPDS I countries. For additional detailed information on the composition of government in the 36 countries, please consult the “Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set – Government Com- position 1960-2013”, available on the CPDS website. The Comparative Political Data Set contains some additional demographic, socio- and eco- nomic variables. However, these variables are not the major concern of the project and are thus limited in scope. For more in-depth sources of these data, see the online databases of the OECD, Eurostat or AMECO. -
Greece Is Assigned to the Mercy of Italy’1
axis ambitions in europe and greece 1933-1940 17 Chapter One axis ambitiOns in eurOpe and GreeCe 1933-1940: ‘GreeCe is assiGned tO the merCy Of italy’1 in the late 1930s Greece was a poor and politically divided country under an unpopular authoritarian regime—a royalist dictatorship led by Gen- eral ioannis metaxas, serving under King George II. its entry into World War ii arose from the territorial ambitions of fascist italy. during the 1930s Greece had faced a continuing and latent threat to its independence from this quarter. the consequences of the fall of france in mid-1940 converted this menace into the reality of an italian attack on 28 October 1940. the origins of the italian threat to Greek independence, however, predated the 1930s and can only be understood against the unravelling of the post-World War i peace settlements. the outline that follows will trace those aspects of the diplomatic and military history of europe’s descent into war in 1939, and the strategic ambitions and calculations of italy and Germany in par- ticular, which led to the invasion of Greece in 1940. all these issues have been the subject of extensive research and considerable interpretative disputes.2 in the 1930s britain and france, the powers that maintained the post- World War i peace settlements, faced increasing challenges to that system in europe and asia. in the mediterranean in the 1930s this challenge came from fascist italy, which aimed to dominate the region as the basis of a revived and extended italian empire. italy’s ambitions directly threatened both french and british interests and colonies. -
Corporatist Ideas in Inter-War Greece: from Theory to Practice (1922–1940)
Article European History Quarterly 2014, Vol. 44(1) 55–79 Corporatist Ideas in ! The Author(s) 2014 Reprints and permissions: Inter-war Greece: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0265691413513422 From Theory to ehq.sagepub.com Practice (1922–1940) Spyridon Ploumidis University of Athens, Greece Abstract The article examines the reception, conception and practical application of corporatist ideas in inter-war Greece. Drawing on Peter Williamson’s terms, this study looks closely at both consensual- and authoritarian-licensed corporatist theories and policies. In the period under consideration, Greece was a fledgling, fast industrializing society that was significantly affected by the economic advantages and misgivings of the ‘gloomy thirties’. High rates of unemployment, which were aggravated by the global economic crisis of 1929, low wages, long working hours and insufficient enforcement of labour law increased the dissatisfaction of the working classes and fanned social unrest. Consensual-licensed corporatist proposals for ‘professional representation’ entered the debate on the (re-)establishment of the Senate in 1928–29. Authoritarian-licensed corporatism found a much broader audience and practical scope during the Kondylis and the Metaxas dictatorships in the period 1935–40. Fascist-like corporatist practices were applied in agriculture and in the bargaining of collective agreements that regulated minimum wages and salaries. In fact, Metaxas had pronounced the transformation of his anti-parliamentary regime into a corporatist ‘new State’. However, the eventual imple- mentation of corporatist ideas was rather limited. For that matter, I argue that inter- bellum Greece remained, in its European setting, a marginal case of corporatist theories and policies. -
Codebook CPDS I 1960-2014
1 Codebook: Comparative Political Data Set, 1960-2014 Codebook: COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET 1960-2014 Klaus Armingeon, Christian Isler, Laura Knöpfel, David Weisstanner and Sarah Engler The Comparative Political Data Set 1960-2014 (CPDS) is a collection of political and institu- tional data which have been assembled in the context of the research projects “Die Hand- lungsspielräume des Nationalstaates” and “Critical junctures. An international comparison” directed by Klaus Armingeon and funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation. This data set consists of (mostly) annual data for 36 democratic OECD and/or EU-member coun- tries for the period of 1960 to 2014. In all countries, political data were collected only for the democratic periods.1 The data set is suited for cross-national, longitudinal and pooled time- series analyses. The present data set combines and replaces the earlier versions “Comparative Political Data Set I” (data for 23 OECD countries from 1960 onwards) and the “Comparative Political Data Set III” (data for 36 OECD and/or EU member states from 1990 onwards). A variable has been added to identify former CPDS I countries. For additional detailed information on the composition of government in the 36 countries, please consult the “Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set – Government Com- position 1960-2014”, available on the CPDS website. The Comparative Political Data Set contains some additional demographic, socio- and eco- nomic variables. However, these variables are not the major concern of the project and are thus limited in scope. For more in-depth sources of these data, see the online databases of the OECD, Eurostat or AMECO.