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POWER POLITICS AND ROLE OF BARADARIES IN DISTRICT (1982-2008)

NAME: MUHAMMAD WARIS

ROLL NO: 03-GCU-PhD-HIS-2004

SESSION: 2009-2012

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY GOVT. COLLEGE UNIVERSITY ii

This thesis is submitted to GC University Lahore in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the award of degree of PhD

in

History

By

NAME: MUHAMMAD WARIS

ROLL NO: 03-GCU-PhD-HIS-2004

SESSION: 2009-2012

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY GOVT. COLLEGE UNIVERSITY LAHORE

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DEDICATION

To the Loving Memory of My Father MUHAMMAD HAYAT and My

SISTer SHAHNAZ AKHTAR (Late)

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First of all I am extremely thankful to Almighty Allah who gave me strength and commitment to accomplish this monumental task on much debated issue of “POWER POLITICS AND ROLE OF BARADARIES IN DISTRICT KHUSHAB (1982-2008)”. I express my profound gratitude to my supervisor Dr. Farhat Mahmud. He provided me valuable support to accomplish this huge task.

I am highly thankful to Dr.Tahir Kamran, Chairperson Department of History GCU Lahore and former Chairperson Dr. Muhammad Ibrahim for sparing time out of their very busy schedule and giving me highly pertinent and valuable pieces of advice, which helped me to overcome my shortcomings related to this thesis. I have deep feelings for Dr. Tahir Mahmud, Coordinator PhD Programme, Dr. Hussain Ahmad , Dr. Tahir Jameel, Dr. Irfan Waheed Usmani, Mr. Noor Hussain, Madam Farzana Arshad, Mr. Ayyaz Gul, Madam Shiffa, Madam Naila Pervez, Department of History GCU Lahore for their kind guidance in organizing this task in practical manner. Madam Humma, Additional Controller of examinations GCU Lahore, She always listen patiently my quiries and immicably solved all technical issues relating to research and examinations. I am thankful for cooperation and support by the administrative staff, GCU Department of History, Muhammad Ilyas and Fahad Sohail.

My special thanks are due to Dr. Muhammad Iqbal Chawla, Dean of Social Sciences and Chairman, Department of History, University of the Lahore, whose special help and care always proved for me a blessing in disguise.

I also pay special regards to my well wishers and personal friends in various universities and institutions, Dr. Rizwan Ullah Kokab GCU Faisalabad, Dr. Akhtar Hussain Sandhu, Professor PG College Township Lahore, Dr. Ghulam Ghaus, Registrar GCU Faisalabad, Dr. Abdul Qadir Mushtaq, Chairman Department of History & Studies GCU Faisalabad, Hassan Sanwal, Department of History GCU Faisalabad, Dr. Faraz Anjum, Dr. Mehboob Hussain and Dr. Maqbool Ahmad Awan, Department of History PU Lahore, Dr. Sajid Mahmud Awan (NIHCR) QU and Prof(R). Muhammad Saeed Saggu(My college Teacher and Mentor), former Director Budget and planning DPI Office Lahore, Prof(R) Gulzar Ahmad Awan former Controller of Examinations BISE and EDO Education vii

Khushab, who gave me the ideas in right direction and motivated me to complete this task. The help and support of my MPhil and PhD class fellows at GCU Lahore, Mr. Khalid Naseem, Mr. Basharat Elahi Jamil, Mr. Amir Khan Shahid is highly praise worthy.

I appreciate the cooperation and favour extended by political leadership, acdamicions, lawyers, and members of civil society of 51 union councils of District Khushab for sparing time to conduct interviews for my research.

My thanks are also due to Dr. Tanvir Anjum ,Quaid-i-Azam University Islamabad, Dr. Rahat Zubair Malik (NIHCR), Dr. Samina Awan ,Chairperson Department of History AIOU Islamabad, Dr. Mussarat Jabeen Asif, Coordinator and Professor University of Lahore Sargodha.Dr.Addil Saleem Department of Economics UOS,Muhammad Nawaz Bhatti Incharge Chairman Department of Political Science UOS, Dr. Kausar Perveen Department of History & UOS, Ms. Ghazala Hayat, Deputy Director ORICS UOS, Dr. Muhammad Shafique Bhatti, Chairman Department of History BZU Multan, Dr. Malik and Dr. Aftab Hussain Gillani, Department of History, Islamia University . Dr. Allah Nawaz Khan, Gomal University DI Khan, Dr. Moosa Kaleem Baloach , Muhammad Mustaqeem ,Lecturer Chemistery, Sargodha University Campus.

I am really indebted to my colleagues and friends specially Mr. Ghulam Qadeer Gondal GC (Sargodha), Mr. Muhammad Bakhsh Gondal GC Kotmoman(Sargodha), Mr. Amir Hussain Alvi, Muhammad Bilal, Raja Muhammad Jamraiz, Muhammad Sarwar Khan, Muhammad Tanvir Khan, Adnan Saeed Khan,Gulzar Ahmad, Mazhar Iqbal Lak, Khalid Sardar, Muhammad Aslam Anjum, Tariq Aziz, My class fellow Ch. Zulfiqar Ali Warraich (The Staff Secretary) G.C. , Haq Nawaz Awan, Dr. Mushtaq Ahmad Jura, Dr. Nazar Abbas Gondal, Zafar Iqbal Harral, Ghulam Abbas,Sultan Haider Ali,Shujat Ali,Ahmad Munir zia, Muhammad Akram, Raja Muhammad Sarwar (Head Clerk), Manzoor Elahi (Clerk). Muhammad Yar Kahoot, Vice Principal G.C. Bhalwal (Sargodha), always encouraged and inspired me to complete my research as earlier as possible and join university. I am highly grateful to Mahr Khalid Mehmood Sipra, Associate Professor, Principal GC Bhalwal (Sargodha) for his special coopration and interest in my work. He always extended his full support whenever I requested. viii

My MPhil students in the Department of History & Pakistan Studies University of Sargodha, Miss Rehana Iqbal SS History GGHS Chak 88 SB Sargodha, Syed Najam ul Hasnain Shah SS History (former Teaching Assistant Department of History University of Sargodha and presently SS History GHSS Nehang Sargodha),Malik Muhammad Qayyam Awan (late) Deputy Cmmissioner . Col. Malik Saif Ullah Awan (Incharge Security Mushif Air Base Sargodha), Mr. Nadeem Ahmad Farooq, UOS, Mr. Muhammad Tahir Headmaster GHS Raitri, Sahiwal, Mr. Mumtaz Kalyar from village Dera Jara Sargodha. They always helped me in my research work.

Last but not the least, my deepest feelings for my sons , Muhammad Shehryar Awan Muhammad Asfand Yar Awan and Muhammad Zavyar Awan (The Yars). My sisters for their enormous prayers for my success.My nephews and nices,Muhammad Yaqoob Awan,Muhammad Ayub Awan,Naeem Iqbal Awan,Muhammad Janbaz Angra,Muhammad Shabaz Angra.Maqbool Fatima(Her son Muhammad Aafan), Laraib Zafar and Zunaira Rubab. Alas my father, Muhammad Hayat Awan, my younger sister, Shahnaz Akhtar my maternal uncle,Haji Alam Sher Awan and my cousions:Zafar Iqbal Awan, Muhammad Mumtaz Angra and Muhammad Iqbal Angra. (May God bless their souls) could not see my success in academic circles during their life time.

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CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS vi-viii LIST OF TABLES xi-xvi LIST OF GRAPHS xvi LIST OF MAPS xvi ABBREVIATIONS xvii ABSTRACT xviii-xix INTRODUCTION 1-42 1.1 Statement of the Problem 1 1.2 Theoratical Framework 2-3 1.3 Democracy: The Mehanism of Power Distribution 3-4 1.4 Signifacance of the Study 4-5 1.5 Objectives of the Study 5-6 1.6 Research Questions 6 1.7 Conceptual Framework 6-7 1.8 Methodology 7-10 1.9 Chapterisation 10-11 1.10 Litrature Review 11-27 1.11 Limitations of the Study 27 1.11.1 Punjab: Land and People 27-31 1.11.2 Condition of Punjab 31-34 1.11.3 Khushab 34-39 1.11.4 Political Landscape of Khushab 39-41 CHAPTER 2 42-92 BIRADARI AND POWER: HISTORICAL BACKGROUND 43

2.1.1: Power Explained by Various Scholars 44-45

2.1.2 Idea of Power as the Control of Resources 45-48

2.2 Biradari: A Social Institution 48-49 2.3 Biradari and Power 49-51

2.4 Biradari in Indian History 51-52

2.5 Major Biradaries in the Punjab 52-53

2.6 Biradari and Power in British 53-68 x

2.7 Biradari Elite in Punjab 68-86

2.8 Biradari and Politics in Pakistan 86-93

CHAPTER 3 94-132 INFILTRATION OF BIRADARI IN STATE INSTITUTIONS 3.1 Biradari in Army and Bureaucracy 94-99 3.2 Biradaries in 99-120 3.3 Civil Bureaucracy and Power with Biradaries 120-132 CHAPTER 4 133-159 BIRADARI’S CONTROL OVER ECONOMIC RESOURCES 4.1 Importance of Biradari vs Wealth 133-135 4.2 Concentration of Wealth in Influential Biradaries 135-136 4.2.1 Forest Land 136-137 4.2.2 Cultivated Land 138-139 4.2.3 Power Struggle between Feudal Lords of Biradaries in Conflict with Kammis 139-142 4.2.4 Mines and Minerals 142-145 4.2.5 Ownership of Factories and Influence of Biradaries on Labour Force 146 4.2.6 Transport Business 146-147 4.2.7 Important Economic Positions 147 4.2.8 Dominance of Biradaries on Economic System of Zakat and Usher 148-151 4.2.9 Dominance of Biradaries on Market Committees in District Khushab 151-153 4.2.10 Dominance of Biradaries on District Bar Council /Khushab 153-159 CHAPTER 5 160-205 BIRADARI IN POWER THROUGH ELECTORAL POLITICS AND POLITICAL PARTIES 160 5.1 Electoral Significance of Biradaries in Khushab 160-163 5.2 Biradari’s Influence in Politics of Parliamentary Elections 163-174 xi

5.3 Affiliation of Biradariesand Political Parties 174-176 5.4 Role of Biradari in Khushab Elections 176-177 5.4.1 Awan Biradari 177-179 5.4.2 Tiwana Biradari 180-181 5.4.3 Baluch Biradari 182-183 5.4.4 Bandial Biradari 183-184 5.4.5 Gunjial Biradari 184-185 5.4.6 Joyia Biradari 185-186 5.4.7 Other Biradaries 186-187 5.5 Local Government Elections and Biradari in Khushab 187-189 5.5.1 Local Government Elections in Khushab 1982 189-191 5.5.2 Local Government Elections in Khushab 1983 191-192 5.5.3 Local Government Elections in Khushab 1987 192-193 5.5.4 Local Government Elections in Khushab 1992 193 5.5.5 Local Government Elections in Khushab 1998 193-194 5.5.6 Local Government Elections in Khushab 2002 194-195 5.5.7 Local Government Elections in Khushab 2005 195-205 CONCLUSION 206-216 BIBLIOGRAPHY 217-236 APPENDICES 237-246 Appendix A District Wise Ranking of Social Development in Pakistan 236 Appendix B Third Quartile Districts and Khushab 237 AppendixC Local Bodies Election 2005 () 238-39 Appendix D Provincial Assembly Results (1937-2008) 240-243 Appendix E National Assembly Results (1962-2008) 244-245

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LIST OF TABLES

T/NO. DESCRIPTION PAGE NO. Table 1 Administrative Divisions and Population of Khushab District 36 Table 2 Literacy and Gender in District Khushab 36 Table 3 Social Sector Indicators – Khushab in Comparison to Three Big (2008) 37 Table 4 Multi-Dimensional Poverty Indices – 2011 (Khushab in Comparison to Big Cities) 38 Table 5 Khushab – Social Performance Ranking – 2008 38-39 Table 6 Household in Khushab – A Survey 39 Table 7 Punjab Legislative Council (PLC) Results 79 Table 8 Party Position in 1937 Elections for PLC 83 Table 9 (Khushab) Biradari Position in 1937 (PLC) Elections 83 Table 10 Biradari Position in 1946 Elections (Khushab) 84 Table 11 Officers in Pakistan Army from Major Biradaries 115-117 Table 12 Army Officers from Various Biradaries 118 Table 13 Biradari Affiliation of Officers of 118 Table 14 Biradari Affiliation of Officers of 119 Table 15 Forest Land of District Khushab Occupied by Government and Biradaries 135 Table 16 Possession of Forest Land by Biradaries 136 Table 17 Cultivated Land Occupied by Major Biradaries 137 Table 18 Mineral Production in District Khushab in Hundred Metric Tons for 2009-10 142 Table 19 Production in possession of Local Biradaries 143 Table 20 Labour Force in Factories 145 Table 21 Chairmen of District Zakat and Usher Committees Khushab 1982-2008 148-150 Table 22 Administrators/Chairmen Market Committees in District Khushab 151-152 Table 23 Positions in Bar held by Major Biradaries 154-155 Table 24 Members Punjab Bar Council Khushab Seat 156 Table 25 Members Executive Committee Punjab Bar 156 xiii

T/No. DESCRIPTION PAGE No. Table 26 Power Decided on Elections from 1982 – 2008 163 Table 27 Biradari Affiliation of Winners and Runners-ups in National Assembly Elections Khushab 164-65 Table 28 Biradari Position in 1985 Provincial Elections Khushab 166 Table 29 Biradari Position in 1988 Provincial Elections (Khushab) 166 Table 30 Biradari Position in 1990 Provincial Elections (Khushab) 167 Table 31 Biradari Position in 1993 Provincial Elections (Khushab) 167 Table 32 Biradari Position in 1997 Provincial Elections (Khushab) 168 Table 33 Biradari Position in 2002 Provincial Elections (Khushab) 169 Table 34 Biradari Position in 2008 Provincial Elections (Khushab) 169 Table 35 Number of Winners/Runner Ups in National Assembly Elections 170 Table 36 Number of Winners/Runner Ups in Provincial Assembly Elections 171 Table 37 Affiliation of Winners and Runners-ups in National Elections Khushab (1970-2008) 174 Table 38 Awan Biradari’s Share in Provincial and National Elections 176-177 Table 39 Awan Biradari Electoral Performance 177 Table 40 Tiwana Biradari Share in Provincial and National Elections 179 Table 41 Baluch Biradari Share in Provincial and National Elections 181 Table 42 Baluch Biradari Electoral Performance 181 Table 43 Bandial Biradari Share in Provincial and National Elections 182 Table 44 Bandial Biradari Electoral Performance 183 Table 45 Gunjial Biradari Share in Provincial and National Elections 183 Table 46 Gunjial Biradari Electoral Performance 184 Table 47 Joyia Biradari Share in Provincial and National Elections 184-85 Table 48 Joyia Biradari Electoral Performance 185 Table 49 Other Biradaries Share in Provincial and National Elections185-86 Table 50 Other Biradaries Electoral Performance 186 Table 51 Local Bodies Election 1982 District Council Khushab 188-89 Table 52 Biradari Status in Khushab District Council (1983) 190-191 Table 53 Awan Dominant Union Councils in Elections 2002 – Khushab 194 xiv

Table 54 Local Govt. Khushab (2005) Awan Majority Union Councils 195-196 Table 55 Local Government Khushab (2005) Awan in Alliance with Other Biradaries. 196-197 Table 56 Tiwana Dominant Union Councils in Elections 2002 - Khushab 198 Table 57 Other Biradaries Presence in Union Council Election (2005) 199-201 Table 58 Local Government Khushab (2005) Baluch Majority Union Councils 201-02 Table 59 Biradari Status in UC Nazim and Naib Nazim Local Government Elections 2002-2005 -202 xv

LIST OF GRAPHS GF/No. DESCRIPTION PAGE No. Graph 1 Army Officers from Biradaries 117 Graph 2 Forest Land of District Khushab Occupied by Government and Biradaries 136 Graph 3 Net Land Sown by Biradaries 138 Graph4 Mineral Production in District Khushab 2009-10 143 Graph 5 Production owned by Major Biradaries 144 Graph 6 Major Offices held by Biradaries in Bar Association 156 Graph 7 Winners and Runner Ups in National Assembly Elections 170 Graph 8 Winners and Runner Up of Biradaries in Provincial Assembly Elections 171 Graph 9 Biradaries’ Seats in National and Provincial Assemblies 172 Graph 10 Affiliation of Winners and Runners-ups in National Elections (Shahpur and Sargodha) Khushab (1970-2008) 175 Graph 11 Biradari Status in Khushab District Council (1983) 191 Graph 12 Biradari Status in UC Nazim and Naib Nazim Local Government Elections 2002-2005 202

LIST OF MAPS MP/No. DESCRIPTION PAGE No. Map 1.1 Map of District Khushab 34

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ABBREVIATIONS

All India AIML Central Legislative Council CLC Civil Service of Pakistan CSP Civil Society Organizations CSOs Independent Monitoring Organizations IMOs Indian Civil Service ICS Indian National Congress INC Islami Jamhoori Ittehad IJI Majlis-i-Ahrar-i-Islam MAI National Progressive Party NPP Pakistan Muslim League (N) PML (N) Pakistan National Alliance. PNA Pakistan People’s Party PPP Peoples Democratic Alliance PDA Punjab Legislative Council PLC Shiromani Akali Dal SAD Unionist Party UP

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ABSTRACT This study presents a blend of applied and theoretical approaches of Biradari significance and the elite power dynamics.The research design lays down the objectives with pertinent questions to be explored from the pages of history of region and Pakistan. A deep insight into the role of Biradari in the local power elite groups and their characters is essential to understand the mechanism of power in Pakistan. Therefore, this research provides a discourse of the interplay of Biradari and politics and their relationships in Pakistan in general and in district Khushab particularly. These concepts and themes bear special standing in modern social and democratic cultures. Special emphasis is given to examine their impact upon political and social norms of equality and decision-making.

The socio-economic considerations on the Biradari role in Punjab and Khushab have been studied in detail. The introduction and political standing of major Biradaries in Khushab has been studied with emphasis on Awan, Tiwana, Bandial, Ganjial, Bandial, Baluch and other important Biradaries.

The electoral performance of the Biradaries of Khushab from 1937 to 2008, gives their thorough profile in all political episodes of power struggle. A comprehensive review of the results of these elections has also been given to present each Biradari in its exclusive political positioning in the Khushab district. This analysis establishes the link of the local character of the power and Biradari to the national character of the democratic institutions and the Biradari influence on their making and functioning.

This study elaborates the need to strengthen the political parties in the real sense through political working and promotion of democratic culture in their ranks and files. Unless and until the democratized political parties are autonomous in selecting their candidates, Biradari will continue to hold sway over power and its dynamics on different local, provincial and national levels. Political parties are concentrating to encash Biradari influence to widen their majority in the elected institutions. That is why Awan, Tiwana, Gunjial, Bandial, Baluch, Qureshi and others are present in these institutions both as independently elected members (MNAs, MPAs and Senators) and on tickets of different political parties. This study recommends changing the course of party politics. Political parties must behave as xviii strong social institutions as well. The continuous lacking of this character would be benefiting Biradaries for long.

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INTRODUCTION

Biradari,1 in its essence, is a blood relation forum with a social hierarchical standing and strongly dedicated following, welded in cultural and traditional bond. Since independence, Biradari based politics has manipulated power and authority in such a manner to make it very difficult for a non-elite, non-traditional politician to continue with his or her performance. The Biradari based politics in Pakistan holds scary over power and authority to limit the opportunity for performance based politics.

1.1 Statement of the Problem

How did Biradari play a significant role in power especially in Punjab is the research problem that this study will try to resolve. The role of Biradari is very much alive as well as extended to influence the larger games of power in the province of Punjab and there is always a need to study and analyse this role. How Punjab is a feudal2 society where Biradari affiliation supersedes party affiliations and people are subjected to elect the Biradari lords despite the application of the democratice system. The accumulation of economic resources due to the Biradari connections and establishment of the relationship on the basis of wealth leads to the concentration of power in the hands of Biradari eleders and heads is a mechanism. The power3 enhances the wealth of Biradari heads that become more powerful and inherit the wealth as well as power to their generations. This power mechanism needs to be explored and the present study makes an effort in this regard.

This study explores the historical backgrounds and linkages of the Biradari System in Pakistan in general. It also explains the events in Pakistan with special reference to the history of power politics in District Khushab (1982-2008). There is a need to develop a knowledge base to specify and delineate the basic concepts and theoretical approaches towards power and its dynamics.

1 Biradari means ‘’brotherhood’’ originated by the Persian word ‘’baradar” meaning ‘’brother’’ among South Asian especially India and Pakistan, a number of social classes are segrageted on the bases of Biradari. 2 Feudal means landlords. 3 It is the ability to influence or control behavior of people.Term Authority is used for power. There are five bases of power, Legitimate power, Reward power, Expert power, Coercive power, Referent power.

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What is power? How does it act in a society or community? What is the nature and distribution of power? These and many other questions are asked in this regard. Simply, power is the regulator in a society. It regulates social interactions, relations and functions. It does so as it leads the society to have a certain framework for legal and contractual relationships. Power, while resting in the hands of certain people, renders them accountable before a system of law and morality to uphold certain duties and responsibilities. This accountability is honoured only when people who are being held accountable follow the system of law and moral obligations. One opts for personal or a group privilege seldom follows any rule of law. He or she exerts power and influence to set aside any accountability. Likewise, Biradari influence takes away the just distribution of collective resources to the individualistic benefits. It so happens that few elite people gather and enjoy the whole benefit and even the members of their Biradari are exploited to that benefit they even gets peanuts only, to the maximum.

Feudal system, elite groups concentrated in various parts and in general and Khushab in particular have been given critical evaluation in order to clearly understand the work of nepotism, caste-based policies, Biradari driven objectives and the implementation of development programmes under these constraints and pressures.

1.2 Theoratical Framework

Theorists have weighed and viewed power differently. There are pluralist theories of power, resting power in the hands of a variety of people or different groups. They are competing for taking full hold of the affairs and building certain checks and balances to exercise power in a democratic system of governance. The elite theory4 advocates a conservative form of governance as Mosca5 and Pareto6 explain it or a radical form as C. Wright Mills7 put it. There are certain other theories

4 It is a theory of the state which seeks to describe and explain the power relationship in contemporary society. 5 He was an Italian political Scientist. He introduced the doctrine of the political class. He has also developed ‘’Theory of Elitison’’. He established the Italian School of Elitists along with Pareto and Robert Michels. The Ruling class is one among his famious writings. 6 He was an Italian engineer, sociologist, economist, political scientist and philosopher, now also known for the 80/20 rule, named after him as the Preto principle. 7 Charles Wright Mills was an American sociologist, and a Professor of sociology at Columbia University from 1946 until his death 1962.

3 of power as well; ruling class theory;8 instrumental theory;9 structuralist theory10 as forms of ruling class theory.

Ethnic theory11 of Paul Brass12 is based on two focal arguments: one that ethnicity and nationalism are not "givens" but are social and political constructions; and, two, that ethnicity and nationalism are modern phenomena inseparably connected with the activities of the modern centralizing state. The theory of elite competition is presented to show how both ethnicity and nationalism arise out of specific types of interactions between the leadership of centralizing states and elites from non- dominant ethnic groups, especially in the peripheries of those states.

Dynatic political theories and ethnic theories with relation to the power theories together make the theoratical framewok of this study. Having discussed the theories of power on one hand and the ethnic theories on the other the researcher has tried to establish a link with power and relationship in terms of ethnic and kinship basis. 1.3 Democracy: The Mechanism of Power Distribution

In a society, people interact to produce relations. These relations are often determined in effect and direction through the exercise and distribution of power. Society devises and adopts mechanisms and modes to this effect. The relations are the expression of the desires and needs of the members of that society. It depends upon the ability to satisfy these desires and meet the needs. This ability to satisfy and to cope with the emerging circumstances defines how the mechanisms and modes of the distribution of power are being developed and exercised. The effects this ability produces are the influence, resistance, cooperation and obedience etc. These and other effects determine to what extent and how power is being utilized, exercised and institutionalized to be equitably understood by majority of the society.

Though Biradari influences mostly yet it cannot provide everything to everyone in its fold. But the collective social power of the Biradari turns the decision

8 It is the social class of a given society that decides upon and sets that society’s political agenda. 9 An instrumental theory focuses on people’s uses of technology, rather that on the technology itself. 10 It works to uncover the structures that underlie all the things that human do, think, perceive, and feel. 11 It says that race is a social category and is but of several factors in determining ethnicity. Some other criteria include religion, language, customs, nationality and political identification. 12 He was a Professor emeritus of political science and international relations at Henry M. Jackson School of International Studies University of Washington where he taught since 1965.

4 of the people in that sense. Biradari has no actual ways to play fairly with the desires and the needs of everyone in its influence. So in that sense, Biradari is not representative of any democratic culture. Despite that, Biradari holds the balance in its favour to promote its interests in democratic systems. The freedom of the people is manipulated by the representatives or the electable of the Biradari. In that sense, democracy loses its power and the society suffers. Whenever Biradari holds power, one outcome is certified: the freedom of opinion is mostly sacrificed. In absence of such a freedom, it is very hard to assume that someone’s desires, needs and aspirations can become a priority. Decades have passed in the form of experiences gained. The message is still same democracy is fabricated and is not delivered at all. 1.4 Significance of the Study

District Khushab is at border line of developed and under-developed Punjab. Its boundaries touch the developed district of Sargodha and , while Bakhar, Jehlum and Chackwal are under developed districts of the province of Punjab are also linked with it. Earlier Shahpur had been the resource center for the in terms of human as well as capital ends. Tiwana and Noons helped the Raj for benefits and privilege in return. This significance is of special value when the reader finds and understands that the Tiwana Biradari was at the helm of affairs. It was the platform of Unionist Party13 that enabled the elite structures of the Punjab rural to shake hands with establishment forces of the colonial power until and unless 1946 elections were decided in favour of independence forces. This study examines such political backgrounds and scenarios to look into the power play before and after independence of Pakistan. So, it is significant to study history to suggest a future of fair play in power and its application and to seek solution of development hazards faced and being faced by the people of Khushab in particular and Punjab in general.

The development of the political system in Pakistan on a district and provincial level is an area which has been relatively unexplored. The scant researchers prevalent within this context have highlighted the linkages between social interaction patterns in Punjab, and its deep rooted implications for the constitution of political context of the province. The Biradari system dominates the social, economic and political aspects of the lives of individuals residing in various regions in Punjab,

13 It was established by Sir Fazal Hussain in 1923 in the Punjab.

5 district Khushab being one such area. However; no research study has still validated this point within the context of district Khushab.

The study intends to outline the effect of Biradari system on the politics within the region, using the framework of power politics as the basic tool for comprehending the phenomenon. The power politics is not only maintained and enhanced by the presence of Biradari based representatives in the district and provincial level government, but also served as a means of further accumulation of wealth. The Biradaries members who were selected as a part of the government constituted the elite class in district Khushab. On the other hand, the individuals belonging to Biradaries having middle or low level economic positions are not provided with the same opportunity. The affluent and powerful Biradaries strive to maintain their dominance and control in district Khushab, while the Biradaries having weak position are forced to oblige to their directions. One manifestation of the efforts to maintain such dominance is the prohibition of establishing higher education institutions in the region. Furthermore, the landowners also retain adequate control on the voting behaviour of the people who work on their lands. Since majority of the people in Khushab are farmers, the decision to cast vote is influenced by the instructions of the elite Biradaries.

The study intends to make clear the role of power politics and Biradari in district Khushab from 1982-2008. It also examines the critical elements of the power politics and its relation with political, social and economic life of the district Khushab. It will be an attempt to analyze the ways in which these legacies have monopolized the political development in the district. This study examines the colonial roots of Biradari system and defines how it had influenced the socio-economic interests of the inhabitants in relationship of the state to Pakistani society. 1.5 Objectives of the Study

The following research objectives have been identified for the study:

1. This study develops a knowledge base for the readers and delineates the basic concepts and theoretical approaches towards the term power politics. It offers a framework for study and analysis in the historical perspective of the contemporary regional politics in Pakistan

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2. This study investigates the relationship of power politics with the economic conditions and Biradari affiliation.

3. It provides an understanding about Biradari based control over the institutions of the state of Pakistan. This is a case study of the district of Khushab and the assumption of important positions in the state institutions by the heads of Biradaries from that districts have been studied.

4. It identifies the currently existing within Khushab region that had representatives during the period of 1982 to 2008 in electoral politics. It describes the dynamics of the electoral politics and role of Biradaries from 1982 to 2008 in district Khushab.

5. This research explores the degree of influence and implications of Biradaries on the outlook of National, Provincial and District power politics of Pakistan in the light of one particular district. 1.6 Research Questions

Based on the research objectives, the following research questions have been formulated for the study:

1. What is relationship between Biradari affiliation and power politics in district Khushab? 2. How is Biradari affiliation more significant than the economic condition as determinant of power in Khushab? 3. How do the positions in institutions of state support the Biradari politics and how do the Biradari affiliation help in getting positions in powerful institutions of state? 4. How the local elite emerged to dominate the local politics, administrative setup and socio economic affairs of district Khushab. 1.7 Conceptual Framework

The concept of power has long played a significant role in political thought, and recent decades have witnessed many attempts to analyze power and provide criteria for its measurement. In spite of this impressive literature, however, our understanding of power remains inadequate. Specifically, no fully comprehensive conceptual framework exists within which questions about power connected with the

7 groups formed on the lines of kinship can be formulated precisely and dealt with systematically. In the absence of such a framework it is difficult to investigate emPirical questions, such as the extent to which an area is dominated by a 'power elite,' formed on the basis of the affiliations of kinship. 14

Biradari affliliation becomes crucial in the formation of the structure of Power. This study has been conducted to analyze the role and dynamics of power in the light of the Elite Theory of Power. The role and significance of ‘Biradari’ in the Sub-continent and then in Pakistan has provided the framework to elaborate and establish the practical implications for the national and local political culture. This theoretical and thematic background has helped the researchers to unfold and explore the events, incidents, processes and procedures through which common citizens have been kept away from realizing their aspirations into concrete actions, projects and programmes.

The conflict on the basis of Biradari affiliation needs to be addressed. Inter Biradari and intra Biradari conflicts lead towards both harmony and rivalary in the society. The Biradari then becomes an important instrument for controlling and manipulating the power horizons of the area. The impacts and mechanism of the Biradari associated with the power, therefore, need to be studied. 1.8 Methodology

This study has enabled the researcher to develop historical perspectives of the subject with an analytical and descriptive approach. The researcher is not intended to propose any theoretical assertions nor any generalized theoretical constructs. Researcher intends to explore themes underlying the exercise of power and authority.

A post-independence thorough understanding has been developed to look into the subject matter in the context of history. Biradari’s role in power politics in the subcontinent and in district Khushab in the Punjab have been studied, critically analyzed and searched for. Following two basic assumptions have been stated:

a) Firstly, the study has developed a knowledge base for the reader and future research and has elaborated the concepts and theoretical approaches towards the term power politics with a particular exploration of the difficulties for non-

14 Alvin I. Goldman, “Toward a Theory of Social Power,” J. Stor https://www.jstor.org>stable. Accessed on 22 Feb, 2014.

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elitist politicians to perform or continue to perform for the prosperity of his or her constituency; b) Secondly, the study has applied the explored concepts and themes to examine critically how and to what extent or strength the Biradari politics hold sway over power and authority to limit the opportunity for performance based progressive politics.

The study design was based upon the critical style of evaluation of the historical backgrounds and scenarios to ascertain the outcomes of the Biradari influence in the light of elite theory of power with generalizations drawn from the popular as well as general doctrines as well. In this context and the limits of the study design, following aspects and objectives have been explored, reviewed and evaluated to reach conclusions:

i) The study and analysis of the role and significance of the Biradari as representative of the elite groups in the subcontinent in general and in Pakistan and Punjab in particular. ii) The investigation into local character of the two above mentioned objectives to find out how regional and local politics under influence of Biradari culture have shaped developments and power politics. iii) The significance of the role of the Biradaries in the Khushab district in the electoral politics from 1982 to 2008.

The study analyses the situation and scenarios of how the local, provincial and national electoral politics in the district Khushab have influenced the overall outlook of power politics.

The study is thoroughly descriptive in nature. It evaluates and explains in Khushab. Therefore, this study is based on the fact that the dominant Biradaries like Awan and Tiwana have played an important role in the power struggles in the region under study, Khushab and Shahpur. These Biradaries were used by the British in the sub-continent and by the governments in Pakistan mostly as organs of control to protect and project their interests. In order to trace out the role of the Biradari system in the electoral contexts in Khushab has been examined.

This study has followed the critical evaluation style as research methodology. The focus of the study has been narrowed down from the macro level of national to

9 the micro level of the local politics valuable literature from multiple sources of books, journals, magazines, research articles and internet research databases corresponding to related issues has been studied to reach conclusions, assertions and suggestions. Researcher has consulted following sources. a. In order to understand the direct and indirect influence of Biradari in power politics through elections, the data about federal, provincial and local elections has been collected, analysed and classified. The Biradari’s role raises in significance in local government elections because of comparatively small size of constituencies. Therefore the local government elections have been studied separately and specially. b. For the sake of having eyewitness account of politics in the past the retired politicians of Khushab have been interviewed. While current position of Biradari phenomenon at present has been understood and analysed through the interviews of presently active politicians. c. Journalism of the time provides important sources for the research. Therefore newspapers have been consulted and some professional journalists have been interviewed. d. The opinion of general public is much important in determining the influence of Biradari in the power politics. It gives insight into the response of general public to the election campaign. Moreover it offers information about how control over economy and state institutions gave politicians opportunities to enhance their impression in the public and gain control of power politics. The interviews of general public, therefore, form major portion of primary data in this study. For obtaining public opinion from different areas of Khushab a questionnaire based survey was designed. e. As wealth is major determinant of power in politics another important source was the data concerning the wealthy people of the area. These wealthy people comprised of the two groups: feudal or landlords and industrialists or businessmen. The data about wealth in the area was obtained through land records, tax records, and assesment of general position and views of public. The use of wealth by certain Biradaries for gaining influence in power politics has been assessed through interviews of a sample of wealthy people in Khushab district. f. The institutions of army, civil bureaucracy and judiciary have been very important factor in the power politics in Pakistan. In order to understand the support

10 of influential individuals in these institutions for the strengths and weaknesses of various Biradaries in the power politics data about influential people in these institutions from Khushab district was collected from official records. The affiliations of these individuals with the Biradaries were assessed and a sample of such individuals was interviewed with the help of open questionnaire. g. Some information has been gathered through observation and conversation with personal contacts and also through participation in the meetings of some Biradaries. h. The data was also collected from the documents like the reports on land distribution, land settlement and census. Moreover books, journals and research reports from various libraries in Pakistan. 1.9 Chapterisation

First part of the study throws light upon the background, history and conceptual understanding of the topic. Second chapter of the thesis, “Biradari and Power: Historical Bachground” reveals the history of power politics under influence of biradri in India, Pakistan and Punjab as a background of the period under study. The biradari factor in determination of power politics during Mughal rule has been explored. Later on British continued to rely on elite politics. This historical continuity kept on the power politics in Pakistanni Punjab on the basis of affiliation and kinship of Biradari. In this chapter history of this legacy has been re-explored.

Third chapter, “Infiltration of Biradaries in State Institutions” deals with major research question, how the Biradaries infiltrate as well as transform the workings of the formal and federal institutions of the state of Pakistan? Although the research is a case study of one district of Pakistan, Khushab, this broadly tries to make the understanding in the political system of Pakistan how Biradaries have penetrated in the executive, legislative, and judicial institutions of government. In this chapter the infiltration of the members of various Biradaries in the major administrative institutions of the state namely army, civil bureaucracy and judiciary has been examined. The way of gaining power by infiltration in these institutions has also been explored with the help of data collected from district Khushab.

Fourth chapter, “Biradari’s Control over Economic Resources” covers details of another phenomenon of Pakistani politics as it is not about policy or

11 ideology. Even it is not based on political parties’ manifesto. It revolves around the elites of some big Biradaries who have controlled the power through social and economic means. Power politics is result of bargaining among some major Biradaries who have economic resources in their disposal and who can manage to compel other Biradari chiefs to follow their directions with the help of economic maneuvering. This chapter discusses how the conflict and influence in the economic field leaves impact in the power politics of District Khushab. This chapter is divided into two parts. In first part it has been described how land has concentrated in the hand of some chiefs of some Biradaries and how they have used it to overcome power politics. Second part mentions how Biradari elite assumed control over major business enterprises and activities and then with business support managed to subdue power.

Fifth chapter, “Biradari in Power through Electoral Politics and Political Parties” is a deep rooted study of Electoral institutions and electoral process to a large degree in the light of the data collected from district Khushab. It has been observed that the victories and failures in the elections take place only on the grounds of Biradari affiliations in Khsushab district. The analysis of parliamentary and Local Bodies electoral results and the widespread failure of political parties to gain power or apparent presence of political parties in the district provides stories of interesting power play among the selected Biradaries of the district Khushab. This chapter is reserved for the analysis of electoral results in Khushab district. It highlights the impact of Biradari affiliation on the power gained through electoral politics. This chapter is divided into two sections. First mentions Biradari’s influence in politics of parliamentary and local government elections. Second section discusses how Biradari acts in place of political parties. 1.10 Literature Review

Two major concepts are the focus of this study. One is power and second is Biradarism. Both have been the studies separately as well as in relatins with many other concepts. In some of the studies both of these concepts in mutual relationship have been studies but the area of the study is not Punjab. The theory has been applied on any area other than that the focus of this study

Biradari or clan has been subject of studies internationally. Kathleen Collins in his study about the political role of clans in Central Asia observes the politics of

12 family and kinship gives us an outline under which role of a Biradari can be studied in Pakistan. The chapters of this thesis, therefore, have been formed under the idea taken from the study of Kathleen Collins.

There is a rich literature on colonial Punjab and much has been written at national level about Pakistani Punjab but there is very limited and available on biraderi politics because very little work is done on local micro level district analysis in that kind of study. Thus, there is a major gap with respect to local level studies about the origin and domineering dynamics of biraderies and their politics.

Tahir Kamran has focused on the role of election commission in the elections of Pakistan. He partially but importantly touches the 1985 elections and comments that the contenders in these particular elections tried to win the election on the basis of prejudices based on the biraderi and other such affiliations rather than on the basis of manifesto of the parties or on the grounds of national or international issues.15

Thair Kamran maintains that after the birth of Pakistan the founder of Pakistan discarded all distinctions on the basis of caste and creed. His paper sheds light on the electoral politics of Scheduled Castes Federation during the early phase of Pakistan.16

In a scholarly study Democracy and Governance in Pakistan, Tahir Kamran has discussed the challenges to the democracy and governance in Pakistan. While describing the social connections with the state of democracy in Pakistan he contends that biraderi holds a lot of significance as social institution and locus of political authority in certain areas of Pakistan. Patrilinial descent is central to the configuration of a Biraderi however bonds of marriage, reciprocal obligation and the common political interests also play significant part in determining its contours. Biraderi solidarity is the strongest among the peasant proprietors of the Punjab. He also realizes the feudal structure in the power game of Pakistan saying that feudalism impacts the power politics of Pakistan more than either Islam or Biraderi.17

Tahir Mahmood sheds light on the patron-client relationship and the way it impacted on the recruitment process of the British Army. The paper, while taking the

15Tahir Kamran, Election Commission of Pakistan , Role in Politics (Lahore: South Asia Partnership- Pakistan, 2009), 144 16 Tahir Kamran, “Early Phase of Electoral Politics in Pakistan: 1950s,” South Asian Studies, A Research Journal of South Asian Studies, (257-282) vol. 24, No.2, July-December 2009, 259 17 Tahir Kamran, Democracy and Governance in Pakistan (Lahore: South Asia Partnership Pakistan, 2008),

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Shahpur District of Colonial Punjab as case, sheds light on the functioning of collaboration in rural and urban settings in Punjab. It argues that patron-client ties were stronger in the rural areas but did not have the same power and density as in the rural setting. It was in the countryside that ‘voluntary’ recruitment to the British Army was most clearly tied with social hierarchies and above all the patron-client relationship between landowners and tenants, clan leaders and their less powerful kinsmen.18

According to Ian Talbot, biraderism was the main cause of the British to rule over Punjab administrated and successful.19 He thinks that this domination of Biraderi through some influential families has later been continued in Pakistan. These families consider the money spent on the elections as an investment and after the victory in elections they not only get back the expenditure on elections but also accumulate huge wealth from the government treasury. He thinks that Noon, Daultana and Tiwana had been ruling over Pakistan in the past.20 Talbot also has studied the evolution of an important biraderi in Punjab ‘Tiwana’ in his book on Khizar Hayat Tiwana, the prime minister of the colonial Punjab. While highlighting the biraderi affiliation in Tiwana he mentions that the people of one biraderi did not differ each other on the basis of religious affiliations and Tiwana of different areas whether they were , or Muslims would vote and support for Khizar Hayat Tiwana.21

Gilmartin’s studies, on the other hand, are looking towards the distinctiveness of colonial administration and says the British had no option other than to rely on local groups’ loyalties to rule.22 David Gilmartin views that the British official considered the Punjabi society as simpler and more deeply rooted in patriarchal and tribal authority than other parts of India. Though British policies that singled out Punjab’s “martial races” and “martial tribes” for army recruitment excluded more than they admitted to army recruiting pools, they nevertheless fed into a

18 Tahir Mahmood, “Army Recruitment and Patron – Client Relationship in Colonial Punjab: A Grassroots Perspective,” Pakistan Vision Vol. 16 No. 2 19Ian Talbot. Punjab Ghulami say Azadi Tak, (Trans) Lahore: Takhliqat, 1999 20 Ian Talbot, Pakistan A Modern History 1947-1997 (London: C. Hurst & Co., 2003) 21 Ian Talbot, Khizar Hayat Tiwana Punjab Unionist Party and translated by Tahir Kamran (Lahore: Fiction House, 1998), 39 22David Paul, Gilmartin. (1979)Tribe Land and : Muslim Politics and the Making of Pakistan, PhD Thesis: Berkeley; University of California. Chapter. 1

14 strongly paternalist British vision of the distinctive character of Punjabis in general as men who valued loyalty and order above all else and who understood power.23

Ibbetson writes a book on the statistical basis of the 1881 Census report of Punjab. In that book he describes his hypothesis and consistency of international and evolutionary history in the way that Punjab’s tribal societal set up was comprised of various races and classes. The whole social fabric is interwoven by caste and creed system. He debates in very detailed and explicit on the matter of caste system along with its relation of the economy as he says that ‘occupations is the primary basis of caste-The whole diversity of caste is the diversity of occupation’. 24

Muhammad Waseem reveals the penetrating theoretical explanation of Pakistan’s politics. Waseem highlights the undemocratic role of political parties and argues about the elections 1993 that they had no contact with the masses at door steps rather they developed links with local power holders (Landed aristocrat biraderies) and they in turn delivered a huge number of votes.25

Samina Awan also believes in the same manner when she maintains that the Ahrar also believed in Muslim community as a separate unit in British India and they while taking the caste system of Hindus and their belief of ‘untouchability’ (achhout) as a hurdle to the filling the gaps between Hindus and Muslims.26

Subaltern studies overlook the diversities based on ethnicity, regional affiliations, lingual base, class and caste.27 In the aristocratic society of Punjab if the landlord had to ensure unwavering and perpetual support of the followers his need is to establish very much responsive and close links with local bureaucracy, i.e. police, revenue officials and courts. Umar Ali quotes a landlord who confirms that the people in Punjab vote for a person who may help him in the release of his nephew from

23David Gilmartin, “The Strange Career of the Rule of Law in Colonial Punjab,” Pakistan Vision Vol. 10 No. 2, 3 24Denzil Ibbetson, Punjab Castes, Lahore: Mubarak Ali Publishers, 1916. This book was translated in language in 1998 by Yasir Jawad with the title of Punjab key Zatain from Fiction House, Lahore. 25Waseem Mohammad.(1994) The 1993 , Lahore: Vanguard Books,Pvt,Ltd,p.235 26Samina Awan, “Subaltern Studies or Regional History: Explorations in Nationalist Movement with Special Reference to the Majlis-i-Ahrar-i-Islam,” Pakistan Journal of History & Culture, (41-54) Vol.XXVI/2 (2005), 52-53 27Samina Awan, “Subaltern Studies or Regional History: Explorations in Nationalist Movement with Special Reference to the Majlis-i-Ahrar-i-Islam,” Pakistan Journal of History & Culture, (41-54) Vol.XXVI/2 (2005), 52

15 prison. Therefore the land-owning castes in Punjab are easily able to grasp the power.28

Biradarism is most important winning factor in electoral politics which is being exercised throughout the electoral In such an approach, the candidate has to take into account the social composition of the constituency. In Pakistani electoral politics it is crucial to identify the influential people and the Biradari or clan/caste composition of the areas concerned. At the time of elections, inter- and intra-clan or Biradari schisms are invoked for mobilization. There have been instances of community leaders negotiating favours from candidates and, in return, offering their Biradari or clan votes. Given the importance of this aspect, political parties often take into account social and ethnic dynamics of constituencies before nominating candidates.29

Abid Ghafoor Chaudhry and Hafeez-ur-Rehman Chaudhry have studied the power structure of a Punjabi village named Sacha Soda. Having explained the term power in the light of the definitions of western scholars they have taken in consideration the concepts of panchayat, dhara, dera and dereydari in great extent. The researchers establish that Biraderi’s decisions regarding voting in local, provincial and national elections the people used their votes for candidates from their Biraderi without any consideration political party. Moreover, there was no consideration like education. The conclusion is that Biraderi was prominent and dominant in almost all matters. In the village, leadership role was played by dominant castes.30

The change in the role of traditional leaders in Punjab not only brought fragmentation within population whose aftermaths were far-reaching. The caste based bond was strengthened which was further reinforced by the muqami-mohajir dichotomy.31

28 Umar Ali, “Bureaucracy and Political Parties in Pakistan, 1947-1958 A Case of Differing Perceptions and Ideals,” Pakistan Journal of History & Culture, ( 27-34) vol xix/1 (1998), 30 29Muhammad Abrar Ahmad “Electoral Politics of Pakistani People’s Party in Punjab With Special Reference to General Election 2008,” JPUHS, Vol.26, No.2, December, 2013, 30Abid Ghafoor Chaudhry ans Hafeez ur Rahman Chaudhry, “Power Brokers in a Punjabi Village: A Case Study of Power Manifestation,” Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, Vol.XXXI, No.2, 2010, 92 31Abid Ghafoor Chaudhry ans Hafeez ur Rahman Chaudhry, “Power Brokers in a Punjabi Village: A Case Study of Power Manifestation,” Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, Vol.XXXI, No.2, 2010, 80

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The power brokers manipulated and attempted their best to influence the socio-cultural life of area and also development work in order to put their group allies to be the largest beneficiaries of development schemes. The current research focuses upon dynamics of power politics and role played by power brokers in the area to influence the newly established development approach titled ‘devolution of power’ to maximize their interests and social power.

The membership of Dhara32 is beyond the family and caste matters. Usually the Dhara deals with the electoral process. The Dhara is most commonly functional in the days of National or Local bodies’ elections. During the elections the candidates contesting the elections usually contact the heads of the Dharas for having a support in the elections. The support of Dhara leader means that allpersons coming from a particular Dhara will be casting votes for the same candidate. Usually, the Dhara leader is supposed to be wealthy and influential so that he may be confident in contacting the politicians for having favours for the Dhara members in terms of jobs, loans, settling the police and court issues, etc.33

Ilhan Niaz in his article “The Culture of Power and Human Rights Abuse in Pakistan,” discusses the power structure of Pakistan as it leaves an impact on the norms of . The power is defined and human rights have been discussed.34

In the article “Voting Behaviour of Educated Youth in Pakistan: A Study of Multan ,” the writers have studied the electoral behavior in Multan city. In the course of writing the biraderi as one of the major criteria of the liking of voters has been mentioned. It is stated that PML-N and PPP both used the elements other than party affiliations to convince their voters. One of those other elements was caste or biradri. It is maintained with the citation of M.G. Weinbaum that in the elections of 1977, PPP too relied on traditional rural elites to counter the opposition.35

32 Politics of heaps. 33Abid Ghafoor Chaudhry ans Hafeez ur Rahman Chaudhry, “Power Brokers in a Punjabi Village: A Case Study of Power Manifestation,” Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, Vol.XXXI, No.2, 2010, 86 34Ilhan Niaz, “The Culture of Power and Human Rights Abuse in Pakistan,” Pakistan Journal of History & Culture, (65- 74) Vol.XXVI/2 (2005) 35Lubna Kanwal, Abdul Razzaq Shahid, Mahwish Naeem, “Voting Behaviour Of Educated Youth In Pakistan: A Study Of Multan City,” JRSP, Vol. 53, No. 2, July-December, 2016, 94

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The paper entitled “Electoral Malpractices in Pakistan: A Case Study of the General Elections 2008” focuses on the malpractices in the elections but touches the concept of biraderi in the way that in Pakistani parliament the faces change as constituencies and loyalties remain entrenched. The elite of the Pakistan, according to the writer, consists of politicians, bureaucrats and army. The politicians are comprised of landlords and industrialists. After reading the argument of the paper one can understand that there have been few biraderi elites who have been ruling over Pakistan. The writer also establishes that Pakistani politicians have not pursued the power with responsibility and all including biraderi elites have consider elections nothing but means to power.36

In the paper “Role of Elected Landed Aristocrats in the Legislation and Policy Making in Pakistan: A Case Study of Members of the National Assembly (1972- 1977) from the Punjab” the writers have given data of the landlords who took hold over the power in Pakistan during all elections. The paper also introduces a number of landlords who had opportunity to be in the parliament and were there to protect the landed elites of their respective Biraderies. Sardar , Pir Syed Safi- ud-Din, Nawabzada Mian Muhammad Zakir Qureshi, Nawabzada Malik Muzafffar Khan, Mehr Ghulam Haider Bharwana, Sardarzada Muhammad Ali Shah, Sahibzada Nazir Sultan, Sadiq Hussain Qureshi, Syed Abbas Hussain Shah Gardezi, Mian Mumtaz Muhammad Khan Daultana, Mian Riaz Ahmad Khan Daultana, Rana Taj Ahmad Noon, Sardar Sher Baz Khan Mazari, Ghulam Muhammad Mustafa Khar, Malik karim Bakhsh Awan and Shehzada Saeed-ur-Rasheed Abbasi are major landlords. Most of these landlords belong to the Awan, Daultana, Noon and Qureshi Biraderies who were dominating the politics.37

Altaf Ullah assesses the role of political parties in the elections 2002. He realizes the role of Biraderies in the politics. He writes that the politics of biraderies played a pivotal role in generating contempt for , chief of one of the major parties of Pakistan. When Mian Azhar, an Arain by caste, nominated his brother-in-law, Mian Nasir Jabran for Lahore’s lord mayor in the 1998 local bodies elections, the Sharif Brothers disliked it and favoured the Kashmiri Khwaja Hasan,

36 Iffat Khan, “Electoral Malpractices in Pakistan: A Case Study of the General Elections 2008” Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, vol. 31, No. 2 (2010), 166 37 Mazhar Abbas and Abdul Qadir Mushtaq, “Role of Elected Landed Aristocrats in the Legislation and Policy Making in Pakistan: A Case Study of Members of the National Assembly (1972-1977) from the Punjab” JRSP, Vol. 52, No. 2, July-December, 2015, 96-113

18 who got victory in that contest. In the like manner the Chaudhry Brothers from Gujrat turned their eyes towards PML (like minded) when Mian Shahbaz Sharif became the Chief Minister of the Punjab and totally ignored Chaudhry Pervez Elahi. In the meanwhile, Ejaz ul Haq, son of former military ruler, too joined them and rejected the offer of Nawaz Sharif for ministership in his cabinet. The lust to accumulate absolute power by Sharif also worked as a cohesive force in bringing together dissidents. However, when Nawaz Sharif was deposed, the PML (like-minded) was formed with Chaudhry , Mian Azhar, Khurshid Mahmood Kasuri, Sikandar Hayat Malhi, Ghulam Sarwar Cheema and Lalika as its leaders. With the passage of time, several Nawaz loyalists such as Chaudhry Akhtar Rasool, Mian Munir and Tariq Aziz also joined the like-minded group. Though this like minded faction of Muslim League was renamed as PML-Q prior to the 2002 national elections yet it had no grass roots in the general masses. The PML-Q mostly depended on the incumbent establishment’s support in order to stay in the electoral race of 2002 with great hope of success.38

Rukhsana Iftikhar in her paper “Working Classes in Mughal India (1556- 1605),” has made an effort to trace out the history of working class in India especially during Mughal era. She maintains that “Political environment and caste system played a vital role in checking commercial expansion during Akbar raj. She has uncovered an establishment of an unalterable division of labor based on caste system with the irresistible authority of law ofnature, the hereditary individual artificer, the smith, the carpenter and so on. She mentions that This specialization brought about by a socially set division of labor which was influenced by caste system in India. There was a fixed caste for every skilled work which extended their work from father to son as observed by . Max Weber argument," caste created segregation of skills and prevented inter-craft mobility was to Indian environment." This thesis was challenged many times but the caste domination in working classes would not be denied in India even today. This domination is a hurdle in scientific developments.” 39

Mughees Ahmad in his paper defines the term biraderi. He says “Biradari is derived from Persian word “biradar” means brother. Biradari (literally ‘brotherhood’)

38Altaf Ullah, “The Role of Political Parties in the 2002National Elections of Pakistan,” Pakistan Journal of History & Culture, (97-121) Vol.XXIX, No.1 (2008), 98-99 39Rukhsana Iftikhar, “Working Classes in Mughal India (1556-1605 A.D.),” (185-200) JRSP, Vol. 52, No. 1, January-June, 2015, 199

19 is commonly argued that ‘primordial’ group identities such as family, kinship and caste, or membership in a village faction, play a more important role in determining voting behaviour in the sub-continent, than individual political preferences.” He concludes that “The British used this social arrangement to amplify their rule.

Divisions of agriculturists and non-agriculturists, and titles of Martial and non- Martial nations proved helpful in strengthening this division. In this way, the inferiority and superiority complexes gripped Muslim nations of subcontinent, and survival was considered to be in Biradarism. Unfair treatment continued with the newly turned Muslims from inferior castes, and due to pride and conceit on their own Biradari, instead of encouraging these new Muslims, they were called by the insulting names like religious, prayerful and riffraff; even though these titles had positive meaning in the literal sense.

There were many other titles like these which played a key role in creating differences among the castes and Biradaries. Like the people working for agriculturists were called “Kammi”. When this style of inferiority and superiority complex influenced the cultivators, then these feelings were expressed through words like feudal, agriculturist, cultivator and farmer. Biradarism gained strength in Punjab during the British rule, and it remained in the same form in Pakistan after they left. By studying about the history of races of Pakistani Biradaries, it is learned that the social system of caste-Biradari has been used for obtaining financial and political objectives from the time of invading tribes till present day.“Dharras” are non-political elements, which play vital role in the success of any political party in elections. Biradari seems to be stronger than political fidelity.

These non-political elements are required for the victory Dharras are groups of it or opposite Biradari or clan, which established in villages to maintain their political importance and social status and have no political fidelity but clan/Biradari loyalty of a candidate and political party. So, political parties have close relationship with Biradaries. Biradaries determines voting behaviour in the rural areas of India and Pakistan, especially in Punjab from British era. The influences of Biradarism are present abundantly in Punjab. Political parties could not get out of this group politics. Caste politics often passes off as democratic politics.

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Caste is a permanent feature of mobilization, dividing the country on the basis of birth and ascription without giving citizen a chance to establish it self. Caste then becomes an immutable category. In fact, social prejudice is the outcome of resisting reaction. The people of any peculiar race or Biradari take the assistance of biases to maintenance and confirmation of their benefits; and with the help of this prejudice they join together with the threads of hearer, nearer and deep relations. It is a social reality that such concepts by which consolation and aid are given to individual and collective ego. Man is not ready to abandon them absolutely.” 40

Mughees Ahmad, making an analysis of the Local Bodies elections 2008, contends that in the elections the personality or ideologies are snubbed because of relationship with Biradari; and the members of every Biradari gather instantaneously or somewhat latter, in the tent of their Biradari’s head. Whether the candidate is of district chairman Faisalabad or Toba Tek Singh, Biradari majority is shown to the common lot and the newspapers. The election alliances are made among the major and the minor Biradaries. The central point of the election campaign seems Biradarism. Candidates contest in groups and panel. If the candidate of District Nazim belongs to major Biradari the Naib Nazim will be from second largest Biradari and this tendency fluctuates district to district. Though these alliances have no ideological base but nevertheless succeed.41

Mughees Ahmad’s doctoral research work on “ key Siyasat per Biraderism Kay Asrat” also shows the glimpses of biraderi politics at regional level. He and Fouzia Naseem in their joint effort describe that “Castism and Biraderism are the main component of the culture of sub-Continent that had a deep impact on the political alignment of the people.”42 It concludes that culture has deep rooted effects on the political system process. The biraderi politics is the leading feature of Indian and Pakistani political process. Comparing the Pakistan and Indian social system the study points out, that “biraderism” in Pakistan is a political phenomenon as it is promoted by the non-party based elections and non-democratic

40Mughees Ahmed, “Political Out Fits of Political Parties in British India: A Case Study of Unionist Party,” South Asian Studies A Research Journal of South Asian Studies (531-541)Vol. 29, No.2, July - December 2014, 41 Mughees Ahmed, “Local-Bodies or Local Biradari System: An Analysis of the Role of Biradaries in the Local Bodies System of the Punjab,” Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, Vol.XXX, No.1, 2009 42Mughees Ahmad and Fouzia Naseem, Social System Influences Political System: A comparative Study of Sub-Continent, in Berkely Journal of Social Sciences, Vol.1, N0.1, (Jan 2011 ),1-10

21 forces. Whereas in India these features are not considered even though the social system does impact on the political system. The Caste system gives shelter to elite Biraderies that provides shelter and identification that promotes Hindu nationalism, as this elite Hindu class focused on revitalisation of religion that creates inter-caste discriminations. They are in view that biraderi is the guiding element of an individual’s life in the social and political arena. An individual’s free will does not matter as it is a family issue of prestige, and family is a part of biraderi it is nothing without it. Biraderi plays an environment in decision making. This study develops link between local politics with biraderi politics and argue that in local level elections biraderies play a pivotal role. They are right in their argument that biraderism the main component of the local culture’ does influence the local bodies’ electorate and it does affect the political system of the state. They offer a new dimension of comparative study of political science. But it is limited and addresses the national level comparison. This can be very helpful in micro local level study.43

Nabila Akhtar has examined district vise dynamics of biraderism in the electoral politics of district Toba Tek Singh. She views the concept of biraderism different from that of the caste system prevailing in Hindu society. She also does not fit the traditional class of spiritual Peers in the definition of biraderi. She highlights that the biraderi affiliation forces one to vote according to the wishes of other members of the biraderi but she also reveals the antagonism present in the biraderi that prevents whole biraderi to vote for a side. 44

Oscar Lewis writes that in a kinship structured society the large extended family is the basic component of most decision making. So voting becomes an extended family process.45

A detailed work on the politics of Pakistan has been done by Muhammad Waseem in his book, State, Society and Politics in Pakistan. That book shows the theoretical explanation of Pakistan’s politics but Biraderi politics has not been attended in great deal.46

43Mughees Ahmad and Fouzia Naseem, Social System Influences Political System: A comparative Study of Sub-Continent, in Berkely Journal of Social Sciences, Vol.1, N0.1, (Jan 2011 ),1-10 44Nabila Akhtar, “Dynamics Of Biraderism In Electoral Politics of District Toba Tek Singh,” JPUHS, Vol.29, No.2, July - December, 2016 45Oscar Lewis, Village Life in Northern India (New York: Vintage Books, 1965), 149 46Muhammad Waseem, Politics and the State in Pakistan (Lahore : Progressive Publishers 1994), 82 (Chap.1)

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A. R. Wilder has produced a valuable study titled “The Pakistani Voter: Electoral Politics and Voting Behaviour in the Punjab”. He notes the election process through its dynamics and trends. His focus is specifically on Punjab. His comprehensive historical view about the electoral processes of Punjab is that in Punjab biraderi is the main social determinant in setting the voting trends of people and also highlights the entirely change pattern of electoral behaviour in Central and Southern areas of Punjab. He points out that politics was subjugated by clientilism i.e. Biraderi linkages. Book infers that the non-party base elections promoted biraderism and there is no room for individualism. He interprets that political dynamic of voting behaviour like party based in urban areas and in the rural paternalistic orientation and the social dynamic is rising. 47

Theoretically Dynastic politics occupies over the three major political institutions of Pakistan and few families abduct the economic resources. These families do not only occupy the economic resources but also deliver the economic fruits according to their own will. For instance, political institutions patronized by feudal lords give employment to their Kins. This top to down hierarchy of employment keeps the decision-making in the hands of feudal lords who run this country. This nepotism travels in civil and military bureaucracies who in return help the major political institutions. It is true that in military and civil bureaucracies most of the employees recruited on merit but top positions are filled on political grounds. It create mess in the longer run as those individuals who even do not belong directly to feudal lineage but enjoy the authority and power they could never attain on merit. They become such individuals who believe in wagging their tails after incapable top elite of the country for sustaining status quo. They are usually educated individuals who assist the major political institutions by suggesting different legitimate acts that has been inherited from the British rule.48

Ahmed Usman maintains that in rural Punjab caste hierarchy and biraderi system are the decisive factors which determine individual’s right to the participation in politics. He has examined the political marginalization of members of service- providing caste groups residing in villages because of their subordinate position in

47Andrew R Wilder, The Pakistani Voter: Electoral Politics and Voting Behaviour in the Punjab (: Oxford University Press, 1999)177-185 48Rana Eijaz Ahmad, Abida Eijaz and Bushra Hameedur Rahman, “Political institutions, Growth and Development in Pakistan (2008 - 2013),” Journal of Political Studies, Vol. 21, Issue - 1, 2014, 257:269

23 caste hierarchy. The inferior caste status of service providers restricts their rights to political participation including rights to vote, contest election; participate in election campaign, and opportunities to acquire leadership roles. Consequently, they are excluded from the system of political patronage that connects villagers with politicians through their Biradari representatives. This system of patronage serves the interests of villagers by providing them access to state institutions, especially police and courts, welfare funds and job opportunities. It is found that with decline in caste system, members of service-providing caste groups have started to exercise their rights to vote in elections.49

L.C. Tupper puts forth the treatise of the mind-set of the colonial power of Punjab and the argument of Punjab’s social system which is served in the preservation of customary law and said that was a “Patriarch” lineage that encapsulated the offspring of common descents and support them in other words supports biraderi system.

The paper entitled “Pecuniary Undercurrents of Biraderism in District Toba Tek Singh” applies the theory of rational choice and investigates the financial and economic dynamics of biraderi politics in Punjab. The paper examines the dynamics that empower the individuals or disempower them in using their free will. It tries to know the extent of the pecuniary dynamics which are the significant predictors of biraderi politics in order to create hindrance in the democratization process of the Pakistan.50

Maqbool Awan partially discusses the phenomenon of feudalism in the society of Punjab during the British Raj. He maintains that Punjabi landlords dominated the politics of the Punjab during British raj. The landed families possessed massive part of the agricultural land of Punjab. In 1893 the Tiwana of Khushab had 15,000 acres of estate at Kalra which with the passage of time increased to 30,000 acres. In 1908, the Nawabs of Mamdot's estate in the Ferozpur District were over 60,000 acres. In 1910, the Dultanas of Multan had about 20,000 acres of land at Ludden. This data proves that the landlords, whether they were Muslims or Hindus were big land holders. Some

49 Ahmed Usman, “Marginalized Voters and Supporters: Biradari System, Caste Hierarchy and Rights to Political Participation in Rural Punjab,” Journal of Political Studies, Vol. 23, Issue - 2, 2016, 607:616 50Nabila Akhtar and Sadia Mushtaq, “Pecuniary Undercurrents of Biraderism in District Toba Tek Singh,” Pakistan Vision Vol. 17 No. 1

24 of the Punjabi landlords made their family alliances with one another just like Tiwana and Noons. These landlords intermarried mainly with the neighbouring tribes, Tiwana and Noons; they did not have widespread biradri links like Khattar tribe of Wah.51

An article titled “Feudalism Is a Major Obstacle: In the Way of Social Mobility in Pakistan” highlights the grim situation developed by . The writers claim that rural areas of Pakistan are severely damaged by it. They maintain that in urban areas there is decline of feudalism due to industrial development and education. But industrial sector is also going under the control of the feudal lords as they are shifting their investment to industry instead of agriculture.52

Zulfiqar Ali summarizes the ideas of Focault in respect of power. He elaborates the concept of power as clarified by Focault in great deal. Foucault believes that knowledge and its various forms derive from different representations of power. Different types of power produce different forms of knowledge. To Foucault, power is something that brings about change or transformation in the conduct and thought of individuals. According to Foucault, there is neither instrumental nor guiding connection between knowledge and power. Instead, knowledge and power imply each other. The writer also explains the nature of power.53

Mosca has linked the influential groups in society with the power. He notes that an elite dose not simply rule by force and fraud, but ‘represents of important and influential groups in the society. He was primarily concerned with the conflict between holders of political power and those they dominate.29 He was perhaps the first to emphasize the necessity of analyzing the growth, composition, and organization of ruling classes. As a result of comparative studies, he concluded that the ruling minority is selected in varying ways, but always in terms of creation desired qualities or resources. Indeed, he believed that the power of a ruling elite (the legal or moral principle or the “political formula”) was ultimately based on the extent to which the qualities of the elite correspond to the peculiar needs in turn reflect characteristic changes in religion, political though, scientific, technological and

51Maqbool Ahmad Awan “Socio-Economic and Political Complexities, A Historical Survey: The British Punjab,” Pakistan Vision Vol. 17 No. 1 52Jahanzaib Khan, Humaira Arif Dasti and Abdul Rasheed Khan “Feudalism Is A Major Obstacle In The Way Of Social Mobility In Pakistan,” Journal of Research Society of Pakistan, Vol. 50, No. 1, 2013 53 Zulfiqar Ali, “Birth and Rise of Management Science, Power and Knowledge Nexus. Dialogue, vol. 7 No. 1. 2016.

25 economic developments and new sources of wealth. Consequently, differentials in power and political authority appear to rest on a wide range of socio-cultural conditions (social forces). He also recognizes the circulation which consists in the struggle between elites and replacement of an old elite by a new one, that other form which consists in the renewal of the existing elite by the accession of individuals from the lower classes of society; and he examines in a number of different contexts the relative ease or difficulty of access to the elite.54

Following the study of Kathleen Collins who has worked on clans in Central Asia we should assess Pakistan’s informal authoritArian convergence along several dimensions, considering how the Biradaries have penetrated formal political institutions, how economic resources are divided up along Biradari lines, how Biradaries (rather than formal institutions) link state and society, and how regime stability has declined in the country under both authoritArianism and democracy.55

Adrian C. Mayer in his book titled Caste and Kinship in Central India mentions the evolution of caste and its role in an Indian village in the specific context of Central India. The writer has discussed how the caste becomes important in the landholdings and how the disputes over landholdings are spread to the frictions over Biradari lines. The ways in which people of different castes can be linked as kin through ritual castes have been highlighted. The writer also throws light on the internal structure of caste highlighting the divisions of the caste and sub castes.56

The significance of Biradari in Indian society has again been discussed by Prakash Tandon who in the second chapter of his book Punjabi Century 1857-1947 has seen the relations based on kinship and Biradari in the social setting of India where marriages of the offspring force even a ‘strong man’ to defy before the affiliation. The author has maintained that the British codification of law weakened the Biradari system in India. He says that if the introduction of law courts deprived the Biradari Panchayats of their function adjucate and arbitrate that Indian social

54Farzana Rizvi, “Circulation of Elite in West and in Pakistan: Historical Perspectives,” Journal of Punjab University Historical Society, Vol.28, No.1, January - June, 2015 55 Kathleen Collins, “Clans, Pacts, and Politics in Central Asia,” Journal of Democracy Volume 13, Number 3 July 2002, 146 56 Adrian C. Mayer, Caste and Kinship in Central India (London: Routeledge, 2002), 138-39, 151

26 setup had assigned them the growth of western education and the movement away from home weakened the social importance of Biradari.57

The marriages in northern Pakistan as well as in Punjab are arranged on the bases of the Biradari affiliations. A thorough discussion on this concept has been made in the study of Hasting Donnan titled Marriage among Muslims Preference and choice in Northern Pakistan. The author has conducted research on the marriage choice and it is case study of a village in Murree areas. One of the choices for marriage is Biradari affiliation and author has studied this choice as well.58

Another book Caste and Kinship in Kangra by Jonathan P. Parry studies the effects and style of caste and kinship in Kangra, a village in Northern India. Likewise, the Biradari in Kashmir has been discussed by Christopher Snedden in his book Kashmir the Unwritten History. Though the book tells unwritten it highlights the Biradari affiliations in this state. The impact of Biradari on social life of Kashmir has been highlighted in it.

Ethnicity and Nationalism, Theory and Comparison by Paul Brass highlights interethnic conflicts, and secessionist movements. In the closing decades of the twentieth century, such forces and movements emerged with new intensity. Drawing examples, from a wide variety of multiethnic situations around the world, with special emphasis on South Asia, Eastern Europe, and the Soviet Union, the book presents a distinctive theory concerning the origins of ethnic identity and modern nationalism.The book test this theory and discusses the various patterns of ethnic mobilization and nation-formation through case studies.59

The book titled Encounter of Meanings: The Biradari in Punjabi Culture as Compared with Brotherly Love in the Gospel Message has considered the conflicts in the Punjabi society that have been produced due to the shareeka element that has been linked with the concept of Biradari.60 The shareeka is meant by rivalry. Instead of its literal meanings of partnership in Punjabi culture it is a negative feeling that is

57Prakash Tandon, Punjabi Century 1857-1947 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968).

58Hasting Donnan titled Marriage among Muslims Preference and choice in Northern Pakistan (: Hindustan Publishing Corporation, 1988), 18 59 Paul Brass, Ethnicity and Nationalism Theory and Comparison (London: Sage Publications, 2012) 60Encounter of Meanings: The in Punjabi Culture as Compared with Brotherly Love in the Gospel Message, Pontificia universitatis lateranensis, 1988

27 considered that a man who is close Biradari fellow is in fact the rival and in that capacity, he uses such practices which might undermine the other Biradari fellow.

Biradari as well as the concept of power have been focus of a variety studies in Pakistan. Particularly to mention are the PhD dissertations of Dr. Muhammad Ibrahim and Dr. Mughees Ahmad. Dr. Muhammad Ibrahim in his dissertation on Role of Biradari System in Power Politics of Lahore: Post-Independence Period elaborates the role of Biradari in Lahore’s power politics. Dr. Mughees Ahmad in his thesis titled Faisalabad ki Siyasat per Biradarism ke asrat (The Effects of Biradariesm on the Politics of Faisalabad Division) selected the area of Faisalabad Division and studied the effects of Biradari on the politics of the division. Wilder argues that “the role of kinship and Biradari as a determinant of voting behavior has received much less scholarly attention.”

The studies, while discovering new vestas of the concept, focused on the electoral politics to a large extent but there is still need to highlight how Biradari based affiliations got the power through concentration and exploitation of economic resources and how the infiltration of Biradari culture in significant institutions of state affect the power politics in favour of Biradari affiliations. This study fills this gap and an effort in this regard has been made. 1.11 Limitations of the Study

This study has been conducted in the critical evaluation style of the historical importance. Khushab was the focus of this study. Analyses are drawn in an impartial criticism of the concerned chapters of the history of , the emergence and progression of Pakistan and the role of Biradari in power politics in Khushab (1982- 2008). The researcher has tried his best to keep the personal biases away from the research work, evaluation of the historical data, drawing themes and suggesting future course of action. It is, however, natural that the processes and procedures for making opinions, drawing conclusions and reaching to consequent findings may be biased because of the researchers own beliefs, thoughts and interpretations of the historical data. There are chances of error and misinterpretation on the part while the researcher has examined the data.

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1.11.1 Punjab: Land and People

Punjab has many distinctive characters in the history of this Sub-Continent. It has been the abode of civilizations whose impact and imprints still demonstrate the unique past of this tract on human history. It is the land of five rivers, though known as the land of seven rivers as well; it has witnessed the Vedic and Greek periods, being cradle of Indus Valley civilization; and were the Tak Desh or the country of Takas and the country of Sakas. Its fives Doab regions present a fertile land whose inhabitants are strong in physique, rich in hard work and known for their worldly wealth in the pages of history. Punjab has also been and still is the center of power struggles, a love of the conquerors and a thrust for the invaders. British were also invaders but they were the conquerors in the Machiavelli’s style and exercise of power.

Punjab experienced the influence of Aryans. They came from the North- Western Mountains of Central Asia and immigrated through the passes of Hindu Kush Mountains. claims its links with Aryans as their ancestors from which the caste system was evolved with Brahmin as the highest of the Hindu castes and Shudra the lowest in this strand of rigid thread of humanity. There is no clear proof in the pages of the history of when the Aryans came to that region one can find the continuation of the terms and institutions of ancient days in present-day Punjab, e.g. Sabha, Samiti, etc centers of power and authority with modifications and developments over the course of centuries and decades.

There is hardly other lands where civilizations had been influencing human race one after the other and still the indigenous cultures survived and developed. Punjab’s history presents this unique status. It was the abode of plurality of cultures and civilizations. It remained under the influence of Egyptian, Jainism, Tatarism, Buddhism and Hinduism. Islam, of course, transformed this cultural saga to new Zenith. Punjab also came under currents of Persian influence.

“In fact, it lay at the fringes of the great Persian emPires and therefore, came under their control from time to time. In 6th Century BC, Cyrus tried to invade the region but failed. Later on, King Darius occupied some parts of Punjab during his attack while Xerxes and the King Gustasip (516 BC) fully invaded the region and it

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became the wealthiest strategy and the heart of the Persian Kingdom.”61 Alexander of Macedonia came in through the gates of Chitral and Swat Valleys. His army was mostly soldiered by and Macedonians:

“In the Greek maps, it has been mentioned that the mightiest river of the entire world is indos (Indus) and its tributaries. Strabo and Arrian had described the areas between Indus and , as they were when the great Macedonian marched through them.”62 From the beginning of the second decade of the 8th century to date, Muslim rule continued over Punjab with intervals. British ruled Punjab from 1849 to 1947, almost for a century of struggle, and resistance from multiple frontiers and for a. In Muslim rule long before British takeover;

“Economically, Punjab remained prosperous and rich. Agriculture was the main stay of economy, which gained the attention of rulers. Feroz Tughluk was the real founder of canal irrigation system of Punjab. The rural community was a working institution in full vigor and determined the economic outlook of population.”63 The battle of Gujarat was lost by the Sikhs of Punjab to the British forces on February 21, 1849. East India Company took the reign of power and annexed the great land of Punjab on April 2, 1849. British Punjab was consisted of five divisions, e.g. Delhi, Jallandhar, Lahore, and Multan, covering an area of 97,209 square miles; a region of native states, including 17 large and small cities on an area of 36,532 square miles. The collective area of both the divisions and the native regions of Punjab were 133,741 square miles.

“Being vast fertile agricultural region of the Indo-Pak sub-continent and meeting place of diverse people and cultures since the very dawn of history, Punjab has occupied a position of profound importance and has a unique history of continuous change in South Asia with rich cultural heritage.”64 The geography of Punjab has placed it in the strategic hub of the subcontinent. It touches the boundaries of both Himalaya and Kashmir. Punjab presents different

61. Khan, Temporal View of socio political changes in Punjab, Research Journal South Asian Studies Vol 24 No. 2 July-December 2009, 296-321 62. Ibid., 300. 63. Ibid., 301. 64. Ibid, 302.

30 tribes, castes and races as it enjoys the flavour and spiritual colour of Islam, Hinduism and Sikhism. In geographic details, Punjab consists of six regions on both sides of the border between India and Pakistan. The first region is consisted of four districts of Sialkot, Gurdaspur, and Ambala. Only Sialkot is included in Pakistani Punjab. The region relies mostly on rainfall for irrigation of lands. That is why the economic belt of the people of this region remains tightened. Small industry in Sialkot has contributed a lot in the economic uplift of its inhabitants. The peasantry is mostly chained by the moneylender elites.

Second region or the central region in the geography of Punjab comprises the lands extending from in the North to the districts in the South. Its districts are fertile and include Gujrat, Gujranwala, Lahore and Sheikhupura in Pakistani Punjab while , , and Ferozepur in Indian side of the province.

The third region is unique in its landscape and is known as . Rawalpindi, Attock and Jhelum are its districts. This region is the centre of sturdy manpower. Aridity makes the living of its people difficult. There is little water available for cultivation.

In the fourth region there are Karnal, Rohtak, Hissar and Gurgaon around Delhi. This region is distinguished from the rest of Punjab due to its lifestyle and culture. Rainfall is unpredictable.

Multan, Dera Ghazi Khan, Muzaffargarh and Mianwali are the four districts of the fifth region and make the South-West of Punjab, all in Pakistani area. It is an area of sand dunes, having desert in it. Its people have traditional sPiritual networks with infertile lands and 9 minimum of rainfall. There are Sardars, Tumandars and Pirs governing the whims and wishes of the inhabitants. Their authority is in flinching and merciless and character. The sixth region comprises four districts of Shahpur, Lyallpur, Jhang and Montgomery.

There is yet another identity of these regions owing to their locality in proximity of five rivers. These are the Doabs of the Punjab. Each Doab is lying between the confluent rivers of Punjab. These Doabs are identified by their names as follows:

 Sind Sagar Doab: It lies between the Indus and Jhelum rivers.  Tech Doab: It lies between the Jhelum and Chenab rivers, also known as chaj Doab.

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 Rachna Doab; It lies between Chenab and Ravi rivers.  Bari Doab: It lies between Ravi and Bias rivers.  Bist Doab: It lies between Bias and the Sutluj river.

This study focuses the Khushab district in , formerly known as Shahpur, in the sixth region of Punjab. Khushab was formerly a tehsil of district Shahpur. Shahpur was initially one of the six districts of Rawalpindi. In terms of geography, its latitude was between 31-32 and 32-34 North and its longitude was 71- 37 and 73-17 in east. River Jhelum flows between Shahpur district and Pind Dadan Khan. In the east is the river Chenab which separates Shahpur from Gujranwala. The is in its South and Mianwali in the West.

Punjab’s 36 districts, Chaj or Jech Doab is the region in which district Shahpur situated. Other districts of this Doab are Jhang, Gujrat and Faisalabad (Lyallpur). Tehsil Khushab of district Shahpur was situated in Sind Sagar Doab. It was renamed as district Sargodha in 1960.65

1.11.2 Condition of Punjab

Punjab had never tasted the company rule. It became in British control directly to the crown. Analysts had pointed out the difference between the company rule and the British Raj in that the crown, to some extent, ensured equal rights and opportunities to its subjects. History tells the story otherwise as the selective rights were awarded to selected segments of the society in the sub-continent. British executive machinery was also selective and different for different regions of the colony.

“The Provincial Governments were already divided into the different categories under the Regulating Act 1773. In the first category, there was the designation of the Governor of province to that of the Governor General. The provinces in the second category remained under a Lieutenant Governor appointed under an Act of Parliament by the Governor General in the council from amongst the servants of the company in India. He had no Executive Council the third form of Provincial Government was in practice in Punjab, which was being

65 J. Wilson. District Gazetteer of Shahpur, (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 1897) 30.

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run by the office of a Chief Commissioner, created by Lord Dalhousie in 1853.”66 Punjab was divided into seven divisions. Each division was further divided into small adistricts with Deputy Commissioners as the executive head of each district. Each district was sub-divided into Tehsils, administered by Tehsildars. British Raj introduced a second phase in the administrative set up of the Punjab from January 1859 with the appointment of a Lieutenant governor to replace the Chief Commissioner. In other parts of the sub-continent under the Indian Council Act of 1861 in Bengal in1863 and United provinces in 1866 respectively.

“In Punjab the Council was not formed until 1897. In these councils, there was no Indian member, Hindu, Muslim or Sikh. Then in 1892 came in effect the Indian Council Act to increase the numbers of members of Legislative Councils from 16 to 20.”67 The 1947 reminds the readers and students of history the concluding episode of colonialism over geopolitical landscape of the Indo-Pak sub-continent. The birth of Pakistan and India was a seal to the culmination of the British Raj in this strategically important region of South Asia. Confining this study to the research objectives, domestic front in Pakistan was more diverse, complicated and difficult as compared to that of India. Punjab was the center of major activity of the social, economic and political stakeholders. It was the home of grain and tool as the larger share of agricultural and industrial production had belonged to this province for long. Either the sultanate of Delhi or the Mughals in past or the British Raj were all focused to harvest the benefits and retain their circles of influence and prestige. Dr. Ishrat Hussain gives a comprehensive review of the situation obtaining just after partition of the sub-continent. He writes:

“Pakistan came into existence as a mouth-ridden country at the time of the partition of India. The British controlled provinces of Punjab and Bengal were each divided into two parts. East Punjab and formed part of modern day India; and East

66. Azhra Ali, Political Development and the Political Parties in Punjab: 1849-1947 (PJSS) Vol 29 No. 1 (June 2009), 65-78. 67. bid., 67.

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Bengal, along with three other provinces, together formed Pakistan.”68 and West Punjab were two distinct arms of the newly independent Pakistan. West Punjab or the Punjab in Pakistan is the area of research to explore the power dynamics and the power of the Biradari here.

“Traditionally, agriculture makes the Punjab the “breadbasket of Pakistan.” This explains in parts why the province is so important for Pakistan’s economy. In Pakistan, with more than 20 per cent GDP, agriculture is the single largest sector of economy.”69 East Punjab or the Punjab in India is a significant contributor of agricultural production to the exchequer. Indian Punjab has been more productive and resourceful than the Pakistani Punjab. The United Punjab was a strategic instrument in domestic as well as external policy planning for the British Raj. Indian governments paid special attention to the development in Punjab, to retain and sustain the productive benefits of the province.

“During the post-independence period, farmers in Punjab also were helped by a large inflow of resources from the national government for both rehabilitation and infrastructural investment. Indian assigned the public sector a crucial role in the development of rural and urban infrastructure. This enabled Punjab to make substantial investments in infrastructure, primarily in irrigation, power, roads, and communications.”70 It was the strategically planned mode of investment in Indian Punjab which produced returns in kind. The land reforms were introduced in Indian Punjab. The infrastructural investments proved helpful to broaden the span of both agricultural and industrial development. Statistics reveal that during thirty years since 1960s to late 1980s, State Domestic Product (SDP) had been 5.3 per cent, compared to 4.3 per cent

68. Ishrat Husain, “Pakistan & : Domestic Pressures and Regional Threats: The Role of Politics in Pakistan's Economy,” Journal of International Affairs 63, no. 1(2009): 2. http://jia.sipa.columbia.edu/role-politics-pakistans-economy-0. Acccessed: June 17, 2013. 69. Reszat Beate, “Economic Prospects of Pakistani Punjab: Historic Heritage, Institutions and the Regional Dimension of Growth,” Journal of Pakistan Vision 9, no. 2(2008): 43. http://pu.edu.pk/images/journal/studies/PDF-FILES/3- Beat%20Reszat%20Preliminary%20Version%20paper.pdf. Acccessed: June 17, 2013. 70. Bhalla G. S., and J. W. Mellor, "Agricultural Growth and Industrial Development in Punjab," Agriculture on the Road to Industrialization (1995): 68. http://www.ifpri.org/sites/default/files/pubs/pubs/books/mellor95/mellor95ch03.pdf. Acccessed June 17, 2013.

34 of Indian the per capital income rose by 3 percent annually in Punjab while 1.97 per cent for the whole India. Same has been the case with other vital statistics.

The land reforms like those in India never took place in the West Punjab that, on the other side, remained a major exploitative tool in the hands of influential elites, bureaucratic adventurers and political figures. Their collaborative and explicit interests kept the cycle of development moving with jerks and jolts.

Farmers in Pakistan faced difficult days. Provincial governments lacked vision and understanding of the problems and prospects in the way of growth and prosperity. The lack of understanding of the real issues farmers in particulars, and rural population in general were facing especially with the distribution of lands and possession of their farms prevailed upon since long. Farmers were treated as a commodity purchasable and saleable by landlords of their territories.

“In the opening chapter of his book the Elusive Quest for Growth, William Easterly gives an account of a visit to rural Punjab where people lead a life in extreme poverty – in malnutrition and poor sanitary conditions, without roads, schools, electricity, running water and telephone. Easterly mentions the example of Punjab several times in his book. He points out not only to its dark sides, but also to the vitality, for instance, of its capital, Lahore.”71 1.11.3 Khushab

Map 1.1: Map of District Khushab

Source: Khushab District Google Map

Khushab is a typical district of Punjab where traditional Biradari power is an established phenomenon. In British Punjab, Khushab was mostly the Shahpur district.

71. Reszat, Economic Prospects of Pakistani Punjab: Historic Heritige, Institutions and the Regional Dimensions of Growth. Pakistan Vision Vol 9 No. 2, 29.

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Khushab’s location is 229 kilometers away from Lahore and 246 kilometers from Islamabad. This district comprises of beautiful plains, green mountains with natural beauty of its valleys, especially the and the desert. Quaid Abad, Jauharabad, Nowshehra and Mitha Tiwana are its populous regions. The lakes of Uchali, Khabbaki and Sodh Joy Wali, are adding flavor of tourism to this region. People of Khushab speak Shahpuri, Pothohari, Balochi, Majhi and Jandai dialects of . Khushab achieved the status of district on 1st July 1982.72

Khushab was a home to 151,627 residents in 1891, 161,885 in 1901 with a population of 11,403 of the headquarter town of Khushab. There were approximately more than 200 villages in this district. British authorities with the support of Tiwana of Shahpur had been collecting 2.4 lakhs as revenue and leases. runs through the North of Khushab and culminates in the peak of Skaser. Its southern plains are salt-impregnated and give place to sand hills of the Thal. There lies fertile lowland along the .73

In Shahpur district, Khushab town was the headquarters. Khushab municipality was created in 1867. It is situated in 32o 18N and 72o 22E, on the right bank of the Jhelum River and on the Sind-Sagar branch of the North Western Railway. Grain is an important food crop in Punjab. Khushab produces 28 percent of total grain production in Punjab. Khushab has the privilege of being second district in grain production both in Punjab and Pakistan. In grain exporting countries, Pakistan is the third largest producer. Its main trading commodities of export quality are cotton, wool, and ghee. Wheat grown in the Salt Range is also of export quality. Punjab enjoys the status of home of wheat in Pakistan. Approximately 77 percent of wheat is being produced here. Wheat crop covers two-third part of cultivated land in Pakistan. Khushab figures low in wheat production. The production of wheat is about 35 to 40 lac maunds in Khushab. Cotton is another big crop, cultivated over 17 thousand Acres. Cotton is only one percent of total cotton yield of Pakistan. Khushab is the second largest rainy district of Pakistan. As the historical pattern was the Khushab farmer dominantly cultivates patches on rental basis. Big farmers, zamindars and landlords hold 91 percent of agricultural land in their possession in the district of

7272 J. Wilson. District Gazeteer of Khushab, (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications 1984), 16-18 73. Hunter, William Wilson, James Sutherland Cotton, Richard Burn, and William Stevenson Meyer, eds. The Imperical Gazetteer of India .http://dsal.uchicago.edu/reference/gazetteer/pager.html?objectid=DS405.1.I34_V22_217.gif. Accessed: March 20, 2013.

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Khushab. Remaining 9 percent agricultural land has an equal share of 50 percent of it by small farmers alone and the rest with bigwigs and peasants jointly.74

In historical context, Shahpur was the area where Sher Shah Suri defeated Mughal emperor Humayun. When Humayun returned from Iran, he was accompanied by Syed Sher Ali Sherazi, a descendent of Hazrat Imam Jafar Sadiq. His two sons Hazrat Shah Shams Sherazi and Hazrat Syed Jalal ud Din became known for their nobility and spirituality. Shah Shams broke away with Mughal rulers when Akbar invented Deen-e-Elahi. He settled in Rampur more than two miles away from the Jhelum River. People of Rampur and adjacent areas embraced Islam on his invitation. He changed the name of Rampur and declared it Shahpur. He is laying buried in Shahpur. British Raj elevated the status of Shahpur to a district. Shahpur played an important role in supporting British Raj politically, economically and militarily. After independence in Ayyub’s regime in 1960, Sargodha was made district and Shahpur its Tehsil. Sargodha is the strategically significant for Pakistan. It is largest air bases located in this district for which it is known as the ‘city of Eagles’ in Pakistan.

Today’s Khushab is mostly rural as 74.80 per cent of its population lives in villages while only 25.20 percent are residing in urban areas. Rural population is 8, 35,192 persons while urban are 2, 81, 375. In this population 47.14 percent are males (526252) while 52.86 percent (590315) are females. Khushab’s 44 percent population (491289) is under 15 years of age. Its 22 percent women are in the 15-49 years age group while the married child bearing age women comprise 16 percent of the population.75

In Khushab, Tehsil wise population distribution is given in the following table:

Table 1: Administrative Divisions and Population of Khushab District

Tehsil Number of UC Population

Khushab 32 7,02,163

Noor Pur Thal 10 2,14,695

Quaid Abad 09 1,99,709

Source: Standard Demographic population groups based on DHIS

74. District Khushab Development and Politics, Lahore: Punjab Lok Sujag, 2013. http://lokpunjab.org/elections/slideshowkhus.html Accessed: March 27, 2014. 75 J. Wilson. District Gazeteer of Khushab, (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications 1984), 16-18

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The literary rate in urban and rural Khushab on gender basis is given below:

Table 2: Literacy and Gender in District Khushab

Literary Rate Male Female

Urban 65.41% 38.32%

Rural 57.67% 17.76%

Overall District 59.8% 21.8%

Source: EDO Literacy and Non-formal education Khushab.

The above statistics show that a rural woman is still kept away from schooling. More than 50 percent of male population is literate and nearly 78 percent women and girls are illiterate. Surprising to note is the literacy rate that is 22 percent in urban Khushab and 58 percent in rural areas. Equally surprisingly is the female literacy that is 26 percent in urban and 53 percent in rural Khushab.

Some excellent educational facilities / schools such as Dar-ul-Islam Trust Institute, Government College, Government and Johar Memorial High School, Government Technical Model High School, Dar-e-Arqam School, , Divisional Public School, and the Educators have branches in the city. Rashid Public High School is one of the major institutes providing quality education to the citizens.

A multiple Indicator cluster survey 2007-2008 places Khushab in comparison to three big cities, Multan, Rawalpindi and Lahore badly away from development standards with respect to rampant poverty, literacy, population per health unit, sewage facilities and provision of clean drinking water. Urban and rural Khushab present alarming situation as 41 percent of rural population is living in astute poverty as compared to 26 percent in urban areas. Following table gives the detail statistics in this regard.

Table 3: Social Sector Indicators – Khushab in Comparison to Three Big Cities (2008)

Urban Punjab Rural Punjab

Multan Rawalpindi Lahore Khushab Multan Rawalpindi Lahore Khushab

Poverty 35 03 07 26 41 39 41 41

Mean 30 09 04 43 02 54 10 45 Income

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Literacy 51 03 02 22 57 25 49 58

Female 29 03 02 26 56 30 46 53 Literacy

Population 32 26 30 14 56 48 52 59 PerHealth Unit

PopulationPe 35 33 41 30 63 68 64 53 r School

Sewage 8 06 03 34 42 41 50 50

Tap Water 38 04 02 06 49 28 34 18

Source: Extracted from Ghaus, et all

There are certain levels of social development in these 94 districts of Pakistan. In top quartile, the best levels are the most developed districts. According to the second level or the 1st Quartile, there are 10 districts in it, the top ones. Then are the 2nd Quartile with 20 districts in the list and the 3rd Quartile with 24 districts in this level of ranking Khushab is in this 3rd Quartile.

The ranking of districts of Pakistan is performed on the basis of WFS (Weighted Factor Score) and Z-Score. The correlation between the two rankings is 0.988. This indicates the robustness of the results which is also highlighted by the fact that except for Gujranwala, the top ten districts in WFS are also in the list of top ten districts indicated by the Z-Score. This ranking also presents that at the lower end of the distribution, seven out of ten districts are the same in both the ranking. According to WFS ranking, Dera Bugti and Jalmagsi are the least developed districts while the Nasirabad and Kohistan emerge as the lowest two districts in Z-Score ranking.

Table 4: Multi-Dimensional Poverty Indices – 2011 (Khushab in Comparison to Big Cities)

Poverty

District Existing poverty Gap Severity rate

Khushab 42.75 6.20 1.65

Gujranwala 15.54 1.77 0.37

Lahore 10.58 1.50 0.37

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Multan 78.33 26.43 12.93

Rawalpindi 15.04 1.73 0.39

Sargodha 45.25 8.86 2.90

Source: Extracted from Haroon, J.

Health facilities in this district are also a major setback for the better quality of living. For every 10,000 population, only less than 4 doctors are available who treat only 0.273 patients. There are far less than 0.5 beds available for this number of patients. Following data reveals the sorry picture of the district in this regard.

Table 5: Khushab-Social Performance Ranking – 2008

Social Indicators `Rate Social Indicators Rate (Health) (Education)

Doctors Population Primary Enrollment

(10000 Pop) 3.613 Rate Boys 0.908

Rate Girls 0.504

Nurse Population 1.694

(10000 Pop)

No. of patients Treated per 0.273 Secondary Enrollment 0.383 population Rate (Boys)

Rate Girls 0.104

Total Hospital Beds Per 0.435 Literacy Rate (Male) 30.040

Population Literacy Rate (Female) 9.300

Source: Extracted from Ghaus, et all.

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Table 6: Household in Khushab – A Survey

Households

Major City Other Urban Rural Total

Punjab 10464 21360 59456 91280

Khushab District 0 360 768 1128

Tehsil

Khushab 0 276 400 676

NoorPur Thal 0 84 368 452

Source: Extracted from Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS), Punjab 2007-08. 1.11.4 Political Landscape of Khushab

Political landscape of Khushab is occupied mainly by the Biradari power politics. The Tiwana, Awan, Baluch, Bandial, Gunjial and Qureshi, etc. are the important Biradaries of the district. Tiwana Biradari is mostly present in most of the plains of Khushab. This Biradari has a history of collaborations and alliances with the British Raj in the sub-continent. Biradari stalwarts had been on the leading fronts of the Unionist Party of India, a political platform of landlords and Biradari elites in close relation to the colonial rulers. Other Biradaries of Khushab are scattered in the mountainous valleys. The politics in the Soon valley is dominated by Kursi Nasheens. Awan are another of the largest Biradaries in Khushab. In post-independence period, Awan held more representation in national, provincial as well as local elected bodies. Baluch, Bandial, Qureshi, Gunjial and other Biradaries are also taking their share in electoral politics, though very far from the share of Tiwana, Awan and Baluch.

Apart from the names mentioned above, the power struggle between Awan and Tiwana can be traced back to the historical context as well. During the colonial era, these two Biradaries had a dominant position and struggled to dominate the region. Within District Khushab in Punjab, the leading clans (Biradaries) have played a dominant role in the power politics. Initially, the British colonial bodies had utilized the presence of various clans for the purpose of gathering support and maintenance of effective coordination with public in the districts Sargodha and Shahpur. As noted by Talbot, Noons and Tiwana have offered considerable amount of support to the British

41 colonial rulers during the conflict between Sikhs and British Raj in 1845-1846 and 1848-1849.76 The support from local Biradaries had facilitated the development of the future colonial administration in the localities. These Biradaries have now become more important in the protection of the personal motivations of the politicians and government officials rather than administrative supporters. Furthermore, the influence of Biradaries in shaping the dynamics of power politics in these districts has become clearly evident. After the partition, the initiatives such as formation of Tanzeem-ul- Awan for strengthening the Awan Biradari are a notable example of the effort to maintain more power.

The researcher believes through analysis and evidence from the pages of history that the Biradari system has been one of the major factors influencing every election which has taken place since 1947. Biradari system is still playing a very important role in the economic and political life of Khushab. The elections held in 1970s sent Tiwana, Awan, Baloch, and Biradaries as representatives in the Punjab Assembly.77In the election held in 1985, the emergence of weaker Biradaries threatened the previous control Awan and Tiwana held over the political positions in Khushab. As a strategy to sustain their dominance, they collaborated with the Biradaries such as Aahir, Baloch, , Khokhar etc. From 1985 onwards, the struggle for dominance, family prestige, control over power and regional resources had paved the way for power politics in district Khushab. This situation has not only affected the dynamics of the local politics, but also had implications for the provincial and national politics till the elections of 2008.

In contemporary Punjab the hierarchal structure of the caste system is plainly breaking down to some extent but in politics, the significance of caste has increased rather than declined.78 The formation of Biradari and the emergence of various Biradari status groups and dynamics of landholding are the historical phenomenon that came into existence at certain stage of social development. Traditionally the castes and Biradaries have been connected with vegetable growing and dairying. Recently, gradually they have been entering into other occupations like large scale

76 Talbot, Khizr Tiwana, the Punjab Unionist Party and the partition of india, London: Rutledge, 2013, 26. 77. “Extracted from Election Commission of Pakistan.” www.ecp.gov.pk. Accessed on 25 July, 2014. 78. Mughees Ahmed, “Relationship between Political Parties and Non-Political Powers: An Analysis with Reference to Pakistan,” Pakistan Journal of Social Sciences (PJSS) 29, no.1 (2009): http://www.bzu.edu.pk/PJSS/vol29no1_2009/PJSSArtical10.pdf : Accessed March 23, 2013.

42 business, semiprofessionals, politics, white-collar jobs, small scale business, skilled jobs and unskilled works etc. Despite shifting towards diversifying occupations they have their active Biradaries.79

This study has explored the role, share and influence of these Biradaries in the Khushab district at length. The Biradari in political landscape has been discussed as well as to ascertain what dynamics of power have been produced and activated by this power politics in Khushab.

79. The main Baradaries of District Khushab are comprised, Syed, Awan, Gunjial, Aaheer, Tiwana, Baghoor, Baluch, Janjauas, Bandials, Joyia, Kalus, and Boranas etc. http://khushab.gop.pk/html/About_District.html#About_District_Tribes : Accessed March 20, 2013.

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Chapter 2 BIRADARI AND POWER:

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

This chapter reveals the history of power politics under influence of Biradari in India, Pakistan and Punjab in the period prior to (1982-2008) which is focused by this study. The Biradari factor in determination of power politics during Mughal rule has been explored. After the Mughals the British continued to rely on elite politics. This historical continuity kept on the power politics in Pakistani Punjab on the basis of the affiliation of kinship and Biradari. This historical course has been reexplored in the following pages of this chapter.

Power politics has two facets; international and domestic. Originally power politics is a term of International Relations where it is achieved by nations after a harsh competition among them. The German word Machtpolitik serves as an origin for the term ‘Power Politics’ that means ‘international diplomacy in which each nation uses or threatens to use military or economic power to further its own interests’.80The nations who get more power are in fact in possession of sources which enable them to harm or benefit other nations. Power thus gained enables them to get their national interests in face of the national interests of other nations.

In domestic sense it is referred to the competition in the elite to gain power. For the target of gaining power they use several tactics like political bargaining, cooperation, pressure, coercion and containment through various social groups like caste, kinship alliances, and Biradaries. Power politics at national level can be of two types in terms of its aims. Public power politics is attached with the betterment of people and it aims at welfare of the people through control over resources and policies for good governance. On the other hand personal power politics is a negative work in which the politicians try to take the destiny of the people in their hands in order to get monetary benefits and personal interests.

80.Knapp, R. D. German English Words: A Popular Dictionary of German Words Used in English (USA: Kessinger Publishing, 2005), quoted in Ibrahim, Role of Biradari System, 1.

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2.1.1: Power Explained by Various Scholars

In modern thinking, power as a theory has been and is being presented in a variety of ways, having different meanings and varying scopes. Theoretical explanations have been offered to justify every concept and theory.

“Machiavelli (1469-1527)81 represents the strategic and decentralized thinking about power and its organization. He sees power as a means, not a resource, and seeks strategic advantages, such as military ones, between his prince and others.”82 Power dictates rulers to expand their borders and annex the occupations. Ruling elites use power to prove their authority over masses. Such authority overrides the liberties of citizens and coerces them through the imposition of laws, rules and regulations.

Hobbes (1588-1679)83 sees power as hegemony to strengthen and expand the sovereignty over an unlimited or unspecified span of time and space. If one compares Machiavelli to Hobbes with respect to the influence in the late nineteenth and the twentieth centuries, the outcome would be a hegemonic and supreme power. Hobbes appears more practical and pragmatic in conceptualizing power and its dynamics.

Last two centuries have witnessed the wars for both hegemony as well as liberty. The Western forces from the seventeenth century through next two centuries set the course of colonization. They invaded overseas nations and territories to exercise their might, harvest various benefits and transfer raw materials to produce value-addition culture. They exerted power in their benefits.

Max Weber (1864-1920)84 was a social scientist who theorized power in his organizational thinking. He developed rational Hobbesian thought and weighed bureaucracy to exercise authority and rule. Whereas Weber discussed power in the

81 He was an Italian Renaissance historian, politician, diplomat, philosopher, humanist and writer. He is called the founder of modern political science. His famous book is the Prince. 82Stewart R. Clegg, Frameworks of Power. (London: SAGE, 1989), quoted in Elisheva Sadan, Empowerment and Community Planning, Theory and Practice of People-Focused Social Solution, Trans. Richard Flantz (Tel Aviv: Hakibbutz, 1997), 34, http://www.mpow.org/elisheva_sadan_empowerment.pdf. Accessed: June 10, 2013. 83 Hobbes was an English philosopher and considered one of the founders of modern political philosophy. His famous book is Leviathan. 84 Max Weber was a German sociologist, philosopher, jurist, political economist and the husband of Marianne Schnitger. His ideas profoundly influence social theory and social research.

45 context of the organization and its structures Robert Dahl (1915-2014)85 connected power to a concrete human factor. Dahl located the discussion of power within the boundaries of an actual community. However, the major importance of Dahl is in the development of the interest in understanding ruling élites, which came to the fore after the Second World War (1939-45).”86

The most common sense of political power derives from Weber's widely used and popular notion of power. Weber suggests that power is

"The probability that one actor within a social relationship will be in a position to carry out his own will despite resistance". In other words, power is the ability of A to bend R to his or her will.87 The ethnographic record suggests the existence of a "political person" whose goal in life is to maximize political power. The gender-sensitive idea of a '"political person"88 complies with the fact that political power is not the exclusive property of men.89

2.1.2 Idea of Power as the Control of Resources

In politics, as opposed to other contexts in which ideas of power may have relevance, the power of any political agent does indeed derive fundamentally from the control of resources.Acquisition and maintenance of these resources endow political agents with power, and political power from this perspective may be fruitfully defined as the control of resources. In general, political agents who control more resources tend to win out against those who control this. However, agents who control less power but use it wisely and skilfully often win out against other agents with more power, but who squander it. The resources that constitute the power of an agent- driven politics can be subsumed succinctly without being reductionist, under material (tangible, human) and ideational (ideological, symbolic, informational) resources.

85 He was a political theorist and a professor of political science at Yale University. 86. Mills, 1956; Hunter, 1953, quoted in Elis Hevan Sadan, Empowerment and Community Planning, (Translated from Hebtrew by Richard Flantz, 1997) Til Aviv, 36. 87 Donald V Kurtz, Political Anthropology Power and Paradigms (Cambridge: Westview Press, 2001), 22 88 Political person: A person who deals with affairs of Govts. 89 Ibid. 23

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Lasswell90 and Kaplan91 suggested eight resources, largely ideational, that are the basis of political power: power itself (an ambiguous redundancy), respect, rectitude, affection, well-being, wealth, skill, and enlightenment. Dahl distinguishes resources that are more material; these include social standing, distributions of cash, wealth, and credit, access to legal means, popularity control over jobs, and information.92

Political power is more highly centralized in specialized institutions of governments than is the case among the stateless formations where political institutions consist of less centralized arrangements of political statuses and roles, and power is more diffuse and uncertain. The totality of resources that provide power that is available to leaders in state polities is quantitatively and, to some extent, qualitatively different from that which is available to leaders in stateless formations.93

James Adams (1723-90) developed idea of power as "a relational quality that exists contingent on controls that can be exercised over elements of the external world [and exists] differentially and independent1y for all men and may be extended to many things.94 In trying to provide a universal model of power that includes politics, Adams obscured the idea of power and the relationship between power and politics.95

Michel Foucault (1926-1984)96 parses power as a noun that he disguises in a variety of contexts. Power is a force, a sphere, moving strata, an instrument, a multiplicity of forces all of which function as "force relations" that affect individuals as mechanisms of control. Power is not a force controlled by agents in Foucault’s scheme. Indeed, agents are not important to him for power is not something held by someone. In effect, his "'Power"' is an anthropomorphized agent that exists in many shapes and forms and comes from many directions as a vector, an instrument, a technology a technique, or a discourse that produces effects, such as knowledge,

90 Harold Lasswell: he was American Political Scientist famious for his book’’Power and Personality’’. 91 Abraham Kaplan: He was American philosopher famious for his work in behavioural sciences ‘’The Conduct of Inquiry’’ is his novel work. 92 Ibid., 22-23 93 Ibid., 24 94 Ibid., 27; 95 Ibid., 27 96 Michel Foucault: He was a Frence philosopher and historian of ideas. His theories addressed relationshio between Power and Knowledge and how they are used as a form of Social Control.

47 reality, and regimes of truth. As bio-power, Power influences matters of life and death.

As a micrcophysics of power, perhaps his most original and best idea, power inserts itself into the actions, attitudes, discourses, knowledge, learning, and prilctices of people in everyday life.

Foucault dazzles with his relentless kaleidoscopic rcsconstitution of ideas of Power's myriad causes and effects. Ultimately, for Foucault, Power is "the overall effect that emerges from all these motilities." Regardless of the complexity of Foucault’s visions of Power, his Power also is Weberian in essence. It relies on Weber’s notion that power provides A the ability to force B to do things.97

The identification of political power with the control of resources can be accommodated in five common resources. Besides human and material resources identified by Nicholas J. Spykman (1893-1943),98 ideology, symbols, and information provide three other critical resources of political power. The five resources that constitute political power may be divided into two domains-the material and the ideational - to help distinguish relationships among them.

The material domain includes human and of as tangible sources, Human resources refer to allies and supporters – people - that any political agent requires to be a leader. Tangible resources provide the culturally defined goods, such as money in the United States, pigs in highland New Guinea, cacao beans among the Aztecs, and the like. Politics is obvious when agents compete for human and tangible re- sources and use them to attain their goals.

The ideational domain of power includes ideology, symbols, and information. The power they provide is more subtle. Ideational, resources, especially symbols, are used largely to impose meaning on political actions. Ideologies and information are used to manipulate that meaning. In concert, ideational resources help leaders to convince others of the legitimacy of their authority and to enhance the leaders' abilities to acquire additional material resources. Political power does not exist apart from agents who forge it creatively out of the resources available in their environments. From the perspective or cultural relativism this is obvious in the

97 Ibid., 29 98 Nicloas J. Spykman: He laid the foundation of classical Realist School in American foreign policy.it is concerned with balance of power. He is regarded god father of Containment.

48 politics of particular societies. Some agents always have more power than others, and agents with less power tend to lose out to those with more.

It is less obvious that these power resources exist and are available in different degrees in different types of societies. The office holders and political aspirants in state governments and chiefly polities have access to more resources than do leaders in nomadic hunting and gathering societies or big man polities. Between the extremes-nomadic hunting and gathering societies and state formations-political power resources vary greatly in abundance, accessibility, and distribution. The variations depend largely on the institutional and environmental complexity of the society in which politics transPires. These differences demonstrate the evolution of political power.99

But whether explored from a relativist or cross-cultural bias, the resources of power are inextricably intertwined in complex equations and can be separated practically only for analysis. It is difficult to say without fear of contradiction which resource of power is most fundamental. But a case can be made that human resources are the most basic.100

There had been various ways and means adopted and exercised by rulers to hold sway over human race in different periods of time and space differently. Hegemony101 has been one of the objectives of the ruling elites, groups, imperial states and others. Economic harvesting would be second objective as domains expanded, resources transferred and utilized to earn economic means to expand and reinforce hegemony. Settler economies were designed to this effect.

2.2 Biradari: A Social Institution

A Biradari is a group of families who have blood relations and who are, generally speaking, living in a community or in neighbouring villages. It is larger than a social group that is composed of many families. The members of a Biradari may not be residing at one place or village. The Biradari is, mostly, endogamous i.e. marriage can only take place within the same Biradari. The informal moves and customs of a Biradari are very rigid and each member is expected to follow them. Conflict,

99 An authority held by a group within a society that allows for the administration of public resources and implements policies for the society. 100 Ibid., 31-32 101 It is political or cultural dominance or authority over others.

49 competition and co-operation, all these processes go hand in hand with a Biradari. ‘Biradari ties have been weaker among the manual castes (kammi) who provided service and they are dependent on the village landlords or even small land owners. Similarly large landlords have tended to be less susceptible to Biradari influence locally than smallholders, but have developed in some cases more geographically extensive Biradari networks, rooted in more widely dispersed marriage patterns and in broader networks of communication.102In rural Punjab, the zamindars103 or landowners usually assume the role of high-ups. They take the fate of fellow villagers and kammi for granted. Power and privileges associated with power invoke sense of their own esteem and honour in the minds of lower Biradari leaders to rise and contest representation for their selves.

The institution of Biradari contrasts the traditional role to modern political institutions like political parties, elections and parliamentary supremacy. The local Biradari chiefs have the numerical strength of voters and electables for playing vital role in the success of any political party in elections.104 These are nonpolitical elements which settled in villages to maintain their political and social status. They have no political fidelity but are loyal to the clan and Biradari. The political parties seem to be divided into local groups and Biradaries instead of ideology. Political parties give tickets to the candidates according to the Biradari influence in the constituencies. Major Biradaries in Punjab are Jatts, Awan, , Araiens, Gujjars, Sayads and Balochs.105 In northern Punjab, Biradari looks dominant. Jatts are leading in central Punjab and also sharing in southern Punjab. Arains are sharing influence in central Punjab while Balochs are dominating in southern Punjab. The politics in Sargodha and Khushab are dominated by Awan, Tiwana, Baloch Bandial, Gunjial, Syed Qureshi, Joyia and other Biradaris. In Punjab, Biradari networks provide an effective source of social and political affinity, which can also be exploited for political purposes.

102. Gilmartin, Biradari and Bureaucracy, 10, quoted in Ibrahim, Role of Biradari System, 161. 103 Land-owing nobility in India holding large tracts of land and control over their peasants. 104. Gilmartin, Biradari and Bureaucracy, 10, quoted in Ibrahim, Role of Biradari System, 161. 105Awan, Baloch, Syed and Arain are the foreign or non-Indian castes while Jatt, Rajput and many Kammi castes are sons of the soil as perceived by the paper presenter. Akhtar Sandhu, “The Voice from the Rural Areas: Muslim-Sikh Relations in the British Punjab, 1940-47,” paper presented in PRG Meeting, Coventry University on 28 June 2008.

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2.3 Biradari and Power

At the point when one studies the character and structure of expansionism in different parts of the world, particularly the Islamic areas, he or she reaches to some irritating normal conclusions. Such conclusions bring to light the formation of nearby elites around area and property, chose force gatherings to advance frontier plan of predominance, end of neighborhood safe components, debilitating the groups through strict and separated enactment and obviously, weakening the impact of religious and political indigenous circles. The instance of Indo-Pak subcontinent is of no special case. Land possessions were made along Biradari lines, families and tribes were dealt with diversely yet to augment results for pilgrim experts.

Professor T. C. Hodson (1871-1953)106 expressed that class and standing stand to one another in the connection of family to species. The general characterization is by classes, the nitty gritty one by ranks. The previous speaks to the outer, the recent the inward perspective of the social association." Class had its one of kind implications as Karl Marx (1818-1883)107 and Friedrich Engels (1820-1895)108 put it. Then again, rank remained for diverse particulars. In spite of the fact that both were expressive of same social or social remaining of some specific faction or gathering in the general public, yet there remained a distinction in that similitude.

David Gilmartin109 notes “Indeed despite clear pre-colonial origins, the term Biradari gained increasingly common political currency in the twentieth century, reflecting the contradictions inherent in the structure of the colonial state….the language of Biradari – suggesting reciprocal relationships forged through political transactions – thus allowed villagers and local village leaders to penetrate into the larger bureaucratic and political arenas outside, whilst maintaining the inner essence of their own struggles for status within the village context.”110

106 He was a professor of social Anthropology at University of Cambridge he has published his work on Indian anthropology. 107 He was a german philosopher, economist, journalist and revolutionary socialist. 108 He was a German philosopher, businessman and social scientist. He founded Marxist theory with Karl Marx. 109 He is a professor of History at North Carolina State University. His famous book is Empire and Islam: Punjab and the making of Pakistan. 110. David Gilmartin, “Biradari and Bureaucracy: The Politics of Muslim Kinship Solidarity in Twentieth Century Punjab,” International Journal of Punjab Studies 1, no. 1 (1994): quoted in Ibrahim, Role of Biradari System, 4.

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“The word Biradari gained gradually more common political exchange in the twentieth century, showing the contradiction inbuilt in the formation of the colonial state the language of Biradari, suggesting give and take relationships forged through political dealings, thus permitting villages and local village influential to enter into the bigger bureaucratic and political arenas outside, while maintaining the central sPirit of their struggles for positions within the village context.”111 How bararadaries can be influential in power politics can be understood by what Kathleen Collins112 has mentioned about clans. Collins observes that “If clans can be seen as “horizontal” by virtue of their capacity to bind members through relations of mutual trust, they can also be seen as “vertical” by dint of their tendency to include both elite and non-elite members from different levels of society and the state. Clans boast powerful and often moneyed elites consisting of members who have risen to prominence through distinguished birth or notable accomplishment. These leaders may be regional governors and chairmen, or simply village elders. Whatever their formal stations, elite members are normatively and rationally bound to foster the well-being of their clan. They provide political, social, and economic opportunities to the members of their respective networks, and in return count on these members’ personal loyalty and respect to maintain their status.”113 2.4 Biradari in Indian History

History of Hinduism and the Hindus in India uncovers the prevalent status of the Brahmin standing. Rather, one finds that the dominant part however in no way, shape or form all, of rulers were Kshytria and infrequently Vashnia. This recommends that in spite of the fact that the Brahmin rank had control in other worldly matters, their energy and control inside the material world was constrained to the measure of impact that they could pick up with individual rulers. Undoubtedly there were cases when this was very impressive yet there is additionally little uncertainty that there were times when Brahman impact was exceptionally feeble and immaterial.

111. David Gilmartin, "Biradari and Bureaucracy: The Politics of Muslim Kinship Solidarity in 20th Century Punjab,” International Journal of Punjab Studies 1, no. 1 (1994): 1-29. Accessed April 20, 2013. 112 She is a Assistant Professor of political science at University of Notredam. She has done her Ph.D thesis from Standford University, America.’’Clan Politics and Regimes Transtion in Central Asiis’’.She has extensively published her work on political role of clans. 113 Kathleen Collins, “Clans, Pacts, and Politics in Central Asia,” Journal of Democracy Volume 13, Number 3 July 2002, 142

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Keeping in view the class and cast distinctions in Hindu society it is not hard to envision a circumstance where, Brahmans, seeing the command of British force, unified themselves to apparent new managing class and endeavored to pick up impact through it. By making themselves as powers on the rank framework they could then tell the British what they accepted the British needed to hear furthermore what would most improve their own position. The British would then take this data got through the channel of the Brahmans, and translate it in view they could call their own experience and their own social ideas.

The Mughal line, before British Raj, was an appearance of domain. There were no political social affairs or the structures of representation even in the court of the Mughal rulers. In such an unfortunate inadequacy, there was most likely of affiliations or the associations based upon reasoning, normal venture or the need of the people. The breakdown of the (1526-1857) was an end of the Muslim lead over Punjab, both Eastern Punjab of India and the Western Punjab in Pakistan. Muslim principle was an endeavor to acquire fairness social terms among all religions of the territory. 2.5 Major Biradaries in the Punjab

In India, each occupation brings with itself a social and monetary chain of importance in an unbendingly characterized manner. The brewers, smiths, hairdressers, bricklayers, performers, woodworkers are the low position individuals on one side while Bhats, Gujjars, Kambohs, , are inferiors on the other side. Despite the fact that such inflexible order did not develop in Muslim Communities in India, yet solid Biradari and family conventions and associations did created among Muslims self importance of positions and a fanatic awareness of class predominance. Social and monetary status was sought after and took after via arrived classes of Awan, Tiwana, Syed, Qureshies, Rajputs, Jatts, Gakhars, Arians and and so forth. Indian society was divided into various Biradaries.

“Jat was the Chief farming tribe. Muslim Jats were mainly confined to western districts; Sikh Jatts were to central and Hindu Jatts to south eastern districts of Punjab (Salamat 1997:350). Arians formed another important Muslim agricultural tribe in Central Punjab. They were recognized as the most skilful and

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industrious farmers, mostly settled in Lyallpur (Faisalabad), Lahore and Jallandhar.”114 Muslims in the Rajput Biradari were the aristocratic face among the landed elites in Punjab province. They were mainly settled in Rawalpindi, Jhelum and Kangra. The rest of the Rajput Biradari was scattered in Jhang, Montgomery (Sahiwal), Bahawalpur, Hissar and Karnal. The Census of India, 1911 confirms this account.Awan were settled in different parts of Punjab with predominantly moved in Salt Range, possessing places in military and including a real piece of the populace. Gujjar had been spotted in Gujrat, Gurdaspur and Hoshiarpur. Gurdaspur and Hoshiarpur were incorporated in the India by the Boundary Commission. Gujjars were cows reproducers and dairy individuals, having almost no enthusiasm for Cultivation. Dera Ghazi Khan, Bahawalpur State, Multan, Jhang and Muzaffargarh were to a great extent possessed by Baloch tribes. Syed and Qureshi Biradaries carried on as the respectable race among Muslims. A few history specialists brought up their unexpected direct in that carried on as Brahmans of the Muslims, the prevalent rank. They were generally individuals of Shrines and holding religious respect in their adherents. Syed held focuses in Lahore, Multan and Rawalpindi locales. They were landowners too.

Tiwana family of Shahpur got extra privilege and benefits for its services to colonial masters. Tiwana presented their land and resources to British Raj. Nephew of Malik Sahib Khan presented his land and constructed private canals over his personal lands. Mubariz Khan was risaldar-major in Indian Army. He left army to serve the British. He further extended his private canal to irrigate 8000 acres of land.115

“Malik Khuda Bakhsh Tiwana provided valuable services to the British Administration in the recruitment and enlistment of soldiers from Jhelum, Gujrat and . For his services he received Sword of Honour in 1917 and fifteen rectangles of land in 1919. Similarly Malik Umar Hayat Tiwana worked as Assistant Recruiting Officer Shahpur and member of Provincial Recruiting Board.”116

114. Ibid., 308. 115.H Hassan, Class, Power and Patronage: Landowners and Politics in the Punjab,PhD thesis 2011, 342-343. 116 H Hassan, Class, Power and Patronage: Landowners and Politics in the Punjab,PhD thesis 2011, 46.

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2.6 Biradari and Power in British India

English Raj117 delayed the Mughal imperial government into their pioneer set up. India turned into a piece of a realm in which the whites were getting a charge out of every last one of apples and oranges of flexibility and freedom under the shadows of industrialist economy. Then again the Indian individuals encountered the inverse with no balanced governance over their rulers, a controlled legal and a brutal official with colossal authoritative independence. The ideas of present-day common society were not relevant. Brokers, landowners and entrepreneur classes were seeking after advantages and benefits from the British elites to change themselves into Indian elites.

The UK ruling elite with the established and practical supremacy of the Queen and the Throne do the business of governance. In British Raj in India, those were the “people of the crown” who held every power and authority, behaving as the ruling elite with other groups as their clients, thus forging a relation of Patron-Client.

A critical review of the policies and practices of the British Raj reveals the patterns of power and the exercise of power in India. British rulers behaved as single ruling elite, deciding the vital issues of state and society with authority and discretion. Local middle classes were given the minimal mandate to decide the petty issues of the masses. Common man was totally deprived of the decision of life and death as the British rule was grossly unjust and inequality was enforced in the distribution of power.

Proponents of the pluralist theory of power believe that:

 Groups compete each other and their competition produces public policy.  Power remains scattered throughout society. This distribution of power causes resources to be enjoyed by the society. No single group can monopolize whole power as an absolute power.  Resources are almost available to everyone in the society.  There emerges a relation between the potential power and the actual power. Potential power wins this equation anytime or sometime during its exercise.

This clearly reveals that power absolution is a phenomenon more theoretical than practical. No ruler or a group of people is an all-powerful in actual. The influence in

117 Raj means rule. This word is used for the period of British rule in India (1858-1947)

55 one realm or situation may be lost in another realm or situation. In this way holding power is not enough to have a relatively unlimited scope and span of influence. There is no single elite personality or a group which can dominate the whole social fabric. Multiple groups or plurality of groups act to exercise power with better and effective organization and the availability of funds. In the same manner, equality is not an actual value to be given or enjoyed. Theorists believe that it is political equality that potentially be sought in the form of political opportunity. Groups in their collective exercise of power may not be equal in their tendency. They contribute and share advantages and benefits to remove their lacking in one manner or the other.

In the discourse of power and power elites,118 Pareto was of the view that it would be or would have to be an unrestricted political mobility in which such elites might consist of the most talented and deserving individuals in a society to govern masses. The experience and history present evidence, as Pareto himself points out as well, in actual social set-ups; the elites are the most adept at using force and persuasion. Pareto points out the significance of wealth and family connections as two important aspects in elite structures. Such two aspects one can find in the local elites, the hereditary wealth of the Zamindars and Landlords, of Biradari Chiefs and bigwigs. Pareto found his political elites more likely on the lines and figures drawn by Machiavelli and termed them lions and foxes.

Michels (1876-1936)119 stresses the efficiency as an operational objective rooted in the need of larger organizations for the leaders and experts to gain control of the funds, information, promotions and other functional necessities of the set-ups. So power becomes centralized and concentrated into few hands. Here Mosca, Pareto and Michels agree in that the democratic and egalitarian aspirations for such a set-up constitute a futile outcome. In critical socio logical term, it is the futility theses. Democrats and social radicals reject this thesis and advocates democracy and egalitarianism as essential ingredients.

Democrats and social radicals believe that the elitism can be defeated by removing and terminating the social and monetary benefits that those elites enjoy. They also stress to abolish the power connections that spur competition among elites. When one

118 Those people in society who have strong influence on public officials. 119 He was a German Sociologist. He is best known for his book “Political Parties”. He has contributed to “elite theory” with Pareto and Mosco.

56 see these points and arguments in the context of the British India, it becomes obvious that the local elite scale was much smaller and regional than larger or national. Those were pseudo elites whose advantages were at the will and mercy of their British masters.

Indian elites, much like to others in other colonies, were belonging to a fundamental and social life with large or influential followings concentrated in certain regions of Punjab in special. They cultivated benefits from the British masters in the absence of some collective and robust common interest. They claimed and acquired status and privilege for their clans and Biradaries, for their kin and friends, and to some extent, for their allies. They were allocated and re-allocated possessions of land and perk and won tasks and statures. They were gathered as clients as they already in possession of large and complex identities and influences. They were cohesive, consPiring as well as self-conscious in the conduct of a local elite group. They had been the product as well, of certain inseparable consequences, emerging out from conflicting interests in political and social circumstances in which their British masters were caught and sought support from amongst the masses.

In colonialism, as in pioneer India, political investment was firstly denied and after that enthusiastically controlled by the British. Data was held far from the colonized. Political restriction smothered and additionally disparaged and the dissemination and activity of force were misused, consumed and controlled through state contraption, customers in local populaces and a strict guideline of law formed to meet the finishes of dominion.

History specialists have contended that British supreme character all through the entire history of abroad development was that there had been unequivocal vested parties behind it. They called such gatherings as "courteous industrialists" of the London and that of the "nations of origin". Those industrialists were residents of London and other prosperous urban communities of the Great Britain. English government in India was backed and advanced by the consolidated investments of landowners, dealers and nearby administration. English Raj in India was no place without military matchless quality over neighborhood warlords and armed forces. The military vicinity was a financial errand met by the incomes removed from the Indians. The extraction helped Britain to keep up solid equipped vicinity in the sub-mainland while returning to claim history of government, Ryon Brown composed that. For two

57 centuries, Britain was the expert of the oceans and pioneer in industry. The impressive preferences permitted this modest, island country to have an unbalanced measure of quality at their charge.

Ryan Brown120 terms this magnificent destination to the battle for survival of Britain and connections it to the past to give a basis for such supreme outlines. He states,

"all through the period of Absolutism, England attempted to make due against the harsh outlines of mainland rulers and rose up out of these contentions with worldwide dominion". Further clarifying the unexpected and captivating character of the EmPire, Ryan guarantees authority in the words that deny the truths to secure something unconvincingly nonsensical when he says that "England did not utilize her amazingness to oppress the world. Rather, she utilized her monetary and political quality to extend standards of opportunity around the globe." Such a feeling of flexibility and recognition for the British Raj was the offer the masses needed and the neighborhood elites delighted in.

"Obviously, there were segments of the populace who were charmed with their prospects under the British decide, a reality that clarifies the energy for the Raj that persevered well into the twentieth century." Tapan Ray Chaudhuri (1926-2013)121 further clarifies this unexpected point of the British and Indian's advantage and brings up how neighborhood elites, and what nearby elites had been constituted from amongst, appreciated the "enjoyments" offered to them by the Raj in the accompanying words as a bare reality:

"The Indian sovereigns and the enormous proprietors, secure in their belonging and benefits, never lost that energy. The new expert classes and the individuals who had the profit of western-style training likewise since quite a while ago held their confidence in the beneficence of the British standard, however they critized numerous gimmicks of that lead from the 1820s onwards."122

120 He is famous for his work The British Empire in India (1913). 121 Famous Indian historian. His writings cover social history. He was awarded Padma Bhoshan for his services for history in India. 122 Ibid

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As one thinks go into the history how East India Company had established the frameworks for the safety of the warlord privileged, he or she figures out that British speculation had been detailing another parcel of the high and high working classes into reliable apparatus to serve its numerous goals incorporating business and social in particular. These classes, absolutely illustrative of new nobility of dealers, landowners and the organization under the British order and control framework, worked well before the takeover of the Bengal. Nobody was permitted to turn into an equivalent to a British in any style or status. They presented tenure society in the farming terrains. The tenure was a multi-layered method. The substantial and persuasive families, positions and Biradaries were given the summon of their particular towns as occupant in-boss. They kept on reaping advantages from the grounds under their impact. They were given security not to be removed, acquired their heritance in tenure and to get rental advantages witho0ut any raise. A progression of position framework was energized and families from low-ranks were never urged to turn into occupant in- boss, rather they were sub-inhabitants to the inhabitant in-boss.

"The average Zamindar bequest toward the end of the British Rule appears to have been altogether different from that toward the end of the eighteenth century. In Bengal the aggregate number of landowners which did not surpass 100 at the outset of Hastings' organization in 1772, rose sometime during century to 154200. In 1872 there were 154,200 domains of which "533 or 0.34 every penny, just are extraordinary properties with a territory of 20,000 sections of land and upwards; 15747 or 10.21 percent, range from 500 to 20,000 sections of land in zone. While the quantity of states which missed the mark regarding 500 in no under 137,920 or 89.44 every penny of the entirety."123 Nehru (1889-1964)124 composed on this wonder too: "In the United Provinces, so far as I can recollect, there are million and a half persons delegated Zamindars. Most likely more than ninety percent of these are pretty much on the same level as the poorest occupants, and an alternate nine percent are just tolerably fortunate. The greatest landowners are not more than five thousand in the entire area, and of this number, around one-tenth may be viewed as the huge zamindars and taluqdars."

123 Ibid 124 He was the first Prime Minister of India.

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 English Raj energized the industrialists in the towns and disheartened jagirdars125 due to their absence of impetus in putting resources into the horticulture. Industrialist behavior of the Government thought that it was ideal to help moneylenders to find wasteful landowners. As Nehru expressed the developing landowners were not sufficiently rich to turn into a piece of the technique to enhance methods of profit. The tip top society was a colossally powerful one in both models of colonization and colonialism. The British model demonstrated trickier after freedom as it has been keeping a huge experience political and financial action. The first class landowners were termed as "feudatory boss" who had gigantic states, military limit and legal and in addition authoritative character. Their territory incomes were overseen through Jotedars, securing inhabitance privileges of the terrains at standard rents.

These circumstances never demonstrated supportive for dynamic cultivating. It was a routine matter to lease the grounds to others. Others further sub-let the patches and the outcome would be a chain of delegates in the middle of Zamindar and the rancher. In Permanent Settlements, the occupants stayed frail and unprotected from rent, different increments and removal.

Thomas Munro (1761-1827)126 Reforms pronounced that Indians ought not be rejected from the upper levels of the legal. "In India, Munro accepted, government must secure the individuals, and his legal suggestions had three fundamental destinations: the utilization of conventional Indian structures that the individuals comprehended, insurance of the cultivator from degenerate authorities and severe social bosses somewhat to guarantee his income framework could work successfully and the business of Indians in legal organization in light of the fact that they comprehended nearby demeanor and would profit, ethically, from partaking openly benefit. In giving judges' forces to income gatherers, utilizing Indian judges and juries for minor criminal acts and common trials, and utilizing Indians to regulate the police, Munro stimulated the hostility of British legal authorities, and it took two years and weight from London to prompt the Madras government to order the obliged enactment." So the gatherer was given a focal part in common locale organization.

125 This feudal System of land ownership was introduced in India during Muslim Rule (1206-1857) which British ruler continued (landed Elites) 126 He served in India under East India Company in various capacity. He is rewarded as the founder of Ryotwari system.

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That Raiyatwari System127 was reinforcing the exclusive classes. The exclusive classes held a generous measure of area. The understanding was not with a definitive cultivator. The framework compensated the Zamindars and landowners as "Inam"128 that was a substantial scale landholding, accused of low expense rates with the distinguishment from the East India Company. Raj approaches were intended to made such stations and elites to overwhelm the nearby political and social scenes to serve the rulers consequently.

“From the 1880s, for example, caste identity became central in the recruitment policy into the army, in line with the “ theory: some castes and “races” were seen as being more martial, more “warlike” and more disciplined than the others, thus making better soldiers.”129 There is other side of the British mentality:

“Along the same lines, the Criminal Tribal Act of 1871 put entire caste groups under the suspicion of being criminal. The Punjab Alienation Land Act, with its implicit view that caste identity is to define one’s occupation, is clearly part of this move towards caste directed legislation. However, contrary to recruitment in the army or suspicion to be a criminal which where of concern for only a minority, it affected deeply the life of vast majority of the inhabitants of the Province of Punjab, and thus created a strong incentive for caste identity manipulation.”130 The Biradari impact was advanced and ensured by the British Raj in Punjab particularly to fortify the political adequacy of the arrived elites. The dispossession of the working class and its overwhelming obligation were effective instruments in the hands of the provincial forces on the grounds that the arrived elites, the Biradaries impact was instrumentally practical in the financial and additionally social abuse of proletariat. The authoritative measures further vested power in the hands of arrived elites. The Punjab Descent of Jabir Law, the Punjab Pre-emption law, the Punjab Tenancy Act 1887 and the Punjab Alienation Act 1900, were the illustrations of how

127 In India this system for revenue collection was introduced by Thomas Munro in 1820. Under it, owernship rights were handed over to peasants.Govt collected Tax directly. 128 Inam means reward in service of colonial rulers. 129. Guilhem Cassan, “British Law and Caste Identity Manipulation in Colonial India: the Punjab Alienation of Land Act,” 2010, 8, http://www.econ.upf.edu/docs/seminars/cassan.pdf Accessed April 20, 2013. 130Ibid, 8.

61 the arrived elites had been getting a charge out of the support of the British Raj. Consequently;

“The landed aristocracy stood aloof from the nationalist and revolutionary movements and continued to work against such political endeavours made by the intelligentsia and masses to mobilize action for the benefit of the community and ambitiously copied British customs and manners. They had their own organization, which met annually and reiterated its pledge of loyalty to the Raj. The organization of chieftains and other influential members of the landed aristocracy were called Association of Landed Aristocracy in the Punjab. Later it was named as the Punjab Chiefs Associations.131 The Biradari in Punjab legislative issues stayed instrumental in administration and applause of the British Raj. The arrived elites framed a political stage when they assembled to make Unionist Party. They did changed their Biradari Associations to a political Party, yet they couldn't express for a solitary minute their own particular feelings and choices. They had been looking towards the Raj to do what they would have been advised by the Raj to do Biradari was a restricted gathering. Such a structure could hold a city or locale for long yet its adequacy was constantly reliant upon their supporters. It might be said that they upheld the provincial and magnificent outlines.

They reaped more and put just their devotion in stuff and status. They permitted their British benefactors to amplify their investments and profits at the expense of their kindred natives. They marked settlement with Muhammad Ali Jinnah yet kept their fidelity to the British Raj in place. It should as pointed out that national developments do think that it hard to cruise easily when gatherings like Biradaries, tribes and tribes seek after their own particular motivation. It might be troublesome yet not unthinkable.

Thinking once more at the social scene of British India, there seem enormous families with aspirations bigger than customary living. They imagined that the credit was there to be picked up as the normal social components had been oblivious of the social and financial open doors display on account of provoking the reason for the rulers. They could listen to and appreciate the music of force consequently. The

131. Khurram Mahmood, Iqbal and Politics of Punjab (1926-38) Lahore: Royal Book Co. 2010, 43.

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Biradari elderly folks, the arrived first class pioneers and influentials were getting to be procuring apparatuses of pressure and restrictions in the hands of rulers to farthest point the flexibilities and to extend the spaces of force. They may have been uninformed of the truth that the unequal appropriation of social power regularly prompted the climax of flexibility in any social set-up. When they embraced ways and intends to amplify their benefits and profits, even their Biradaris, their own energy base, couldn't reap any great however to get misused by their elderly folks. So the Biradari was changed into methods, rather than stage or the reason, to win the greatest from the British rulers and return least to the individuals from the Biradari.

It is self-evident, that arrived elites and their powerbases, the Biradaris, were permitted deliberately by the rulers to play their fortunes without those limitations and pressure their kindred nation people had been encountering. It would be expressed with no trepidation of foreswearing that the elites forced themselves even over their Biradari colleagues to advance the unequal medications. They changed their impacts and relations inside their own particular Biradaris to make them to do what they would not do with their freedom of thought. At the point when increased to the coercive force of the British guideline and its relations to themselves, they set aside the standards of social obligation. They had less apprehension of ability and more insatiability for prizes. Their connection to their kindred nation people was secured to trade or deal engages. Biradari people were crashed into a perpetual risk of hardship of their family advantages.

There were different ramifications of the Biradari impact to gain and pay a traded profit. Biradari older folks won distinction through the control of their positions and the misuse of the circumstances all that much ready for the individuals who could use their behavioral demeanors. Their benefactors connected power in overabundance to make circumstances. They utilized circumstance to pass on the message that anything shy of political savagery may be endured yet with a certain value would need to be paid. The outcome was clear too. Pioneer rulers practiced their energy relations to change neighborhood observation into a feeling of compliance. Nobody could even consider disregarding the principle of law in any capacity. Biradari control over their individuals was additionally fortified in such a situation of intimidation and control. Biradari elderly folks were in full control of chances and dangers for their kindred Biradari individuals in kind and in human relations.

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English Raj was instrumental and reactant in procuring more incomes, gaining political mileage and keeping up social request all the while. The arrived first class was serving the Raj in return of impact, status and monetary profits. Political hobbies were shielded by these elites also.

More stunning gives extremely extensive record of the part of Biradaries as he calls attention to that Biradari was a vital contraption of the pioneer principle. He refers to Land Alienation Act of 1900 as the evidence of centrality of Biradari in the British strategy making, even in drawing and delineating the limits of areas. Such strategies were utilized to "make nearby fortresses for arrived elites and tribal and Biradari pioneers who co-picked to keep up political solidness in their general vicinity of control."132

English received certain approach destinations on vital and strategic premise to keep up, manage and afterward delay the pioneer principle. Such strategy targets were to create and gather incomes to meet the capital needs to run the legislative hardware, take measures to unite regulatory and financial set-ups and to reinforce the political economy of their Indian state. The hegemonic points incorporated a vital powerbase in Asia to assume a world part.

English Raj took measures to segregate assets for the individuals who had been ready to collaborate consequently to livens, benefits and distinction with a specific end goal to hold anything they thought valuable to their end. The locale organization will likewise go under examination to search for the system and strategies of force governmental issues at this level. This will be useful in discovering the linkages and parts of different vested parties as a rule and that of the Biradari and the position frameworks specifically. Similarly vital will be the investigation of the character and the part of the neighborhood persuasive as they had been forced to bear the benefits and profits picked up from organization consequently for income accumulations and political matchless quality for their supporters. The association and administration of area possessions, the advancing periods of station framework in degree to power, the fortifying of the Biradaries, the debilitating of the social fabric in the sub-landmass, and obviously, the combined

132 Ibid

64 political effect created through these and different means are all indispensable portions and elements history unfolds before a sharp eyewitness.

The courses of action and structures received by the British standard to support and draw out their Raj in the sub landmass are crucial in understanding the system of the British to make and solidify relations with indigenous elites and force circles. English principle used these relations to debilitate the local safety. As a consequence of such measures they empowered Biradari structures in financial and political areas. Biradari assumed the huge part in accomplishing their hobbies. Biradari likewise turned into a device in supporting the British guideline to accomplish frontier targets in the sub landmass.

The British utilized their earnest attempts and assets to change the social and social characters of their Indian settlement. In spite of the fact that they couldn't do what they had been seeking after on these fronts, yet they were fruitful to such a degree as to set up a class of individuals who introduced themselves as valuable chumps and sidekicks. They would not like to teach the masses in India in the genuine feeling of that Endeavor. They essentially embraced ways and intends to make cluster of Faithfull. Hindus progressed quickly and grasped new chances to instruct themselves and their future eras. Muslims kept themselves away and standoffish in suspecting the terrible signs and squandering of their prospects. Macaulay (1800-1859)133 place it in basic however in effective words as

"It is outlandish for us, with our constrained intends to endeavor to instruct the collection of the individuals. We should at present try our hardest to structure a class who may be translators in the middle of us and the millions whom we represent; a class of persons, Indian in blood and shading, however English in taste, in assessment, in ethics, and in mind."

Strategists in the sub-landmass supported the rise and improvement of the associations with neighborhood persuasive's deliberately. They created fellowships with local people. Such creating of the companionship was not enthusiastic. It was clearly instrumental with the destination to respond neighborhood and local administrations with prizes and grants that was really the improvement of clientage on pretty much a compensation premise. The clientage was obliged to respond with a

133 He is famous for his educational reforms in India.

65 quick support. The fundamental normal for such supporter customer relationship was that it was an intentional employment. The summon was in the hands of the "benefactors" who were British. The progressive system was basically held by the leaders of the time. This relationship was administered by force, however willful. This force made controls. Lukes explains such powers as:

“…is it not the supreme and most insidious exercise of power to prevent people, to whatever degree, from having grievances by shaping their perceptions, cognitions and preferences in such a way that they accept their role in the existing order of things, either because they can see or imagine no alternative to it, or because they see it as natural and unchangeable, or because they value it as divinely ordained and beneficial?.134 Patron-Client135 relationships, either seen as natural, or divinely ordained thus not changeable, they were beneficial. The Management of land according to the local realization of colonial objectives, clients was wealthy, influential and politically established entities, either individually or as a group in the form of clan, caste or Biradari. They earned funds and peace for their patrons and were reciprocated in securing vast patches of land, winning awards and titles and finding place in “Durbar136”. Clients were not completely handicapped or paralyzed in such relationships. “…those clients have ‘power’ over their patrons and they have “weapons” to ensure that patrons not only satisfy their obligations, but restrict their demands. Patrons have public power mechanisms, which are easily equated to the powers that the state tries to monopolise, clients must rely on other power mechanisms which may go unacknowledged but which nevertheless may have considerable influence on behaviours”.137

Each powerful was not received as a customer by the British Raj. A customer was one who could further the goals of the supporter. The Biradari older folks were picked particularly on the grounds that they had their following in their Biradari and in zones in impact notwithstanding serve the monetary and managerial investments of the British Raj.

134. Steven Lukes, Power: A Radical View (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 1974), quoted in Stephen, Power and Patronage in Pakistan PhD thesis, 2002, University of Kent. UK 19. 135 A person seeking the protectionor influence of some one ownership. 136 This term is used for a court in Urdu from the Persian. 137. Ibid., 26.

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British employed tactics to create their clients. They disposed of old nobility and big zamindars especially in Southern India. They encouraged dominant groups to share the burden of revenue collection and other administrative tasks. “Most of those who acquired land titles belonged to the traditionally dominant castes in villages. Lower- caste cultivators became their tenants.”138 These dominant castes and Biradaries got capital and influence as “Over time, two forces raised the income of landowners. One of these was the increasing scarcity of land as population expanded. This raised land values and rents. The second was the decline in the incidence of land tax.”139 Everyone of any Biradari was not privileged as a client, as mentioned earlier. British Raj kept reshuffling the power basis of her clients. Rules and Regulations were introduced off and on with respect to local power needs to upset the established landlords and jagirdars. Any jagirdar could lose his holdings and someone else would be signaled to replace the loser. Colonial rulers “removed the class of jagirdars who had no incentive to invest in agriculture, and gave land rights to rural capitalists who could buy and sell land fairly freely and enjoy an increasing portion of the product.”140

The organization and the British Crown advanced Zamindar as its customer right from the earliest starting point. One can see that the Zamindar was the customer of the rulers and the customer really taking shape too. There were other secured customers also. Zamindar was getting a charge out of legal powers in his regions, however not on a congruous character all over India. Such powers changed them into masters of their region. Their court was Zamindar Adalat. They required fines, got blessings and advantages and now and again, some offer in the administration of common and criminal equity.141

Under changeless settlement strategy, the landholders of all aforementioned classes were announced proprietors of area. Zamindars needed to pay a settled assessment and could exchange or home loan their property possessions; the property

138. Angus Maddison, Class Structure and economic growth: India and Pakistan, Routledge, (2005) 8. 139. Ibid, 9. See particularly R.C. Dutt, op. cit. Dutt was a spokesman of landlord interests who argued strongly against ‘excessive’ land taxation. He was one of the early leaders of the nationalist movement whose spurious arguments still unfortunately carry some weight. 140. Ibid., 10. See D. Thorner, The Agrarian Prospect in India, Delhi School of Economics, 1956, p. 12: “The primary aim of all classes in the agrarian structure has been not to increase their income by adopting more efficient methods, but the rise in social prestige by abstaining insofar as possible from physical labour.” 141 Ibid

67 was then inheritable among the successors of the zamindars. They needed to come back to the pioneer control the income consistently else they would be stripped of their territories as the possessions would be sold. In spite of reservations and open apprehensions, zamindars had no choice yet to comply. The customer had nothing to revolt. Lasting settlement had the real effect in the responsibility for area. People profited from that plan of possession as the families did. Landholders were given the property rights in the involved area.

English clients were using the hardship of the workers and workers to pay to their supporters by snare or by law breakers. The anguish was that the same Biradari or area had truly diverse fortunes for two individuals. The Biradari boss were fortunate to such a degree as to collect every profit either through working class and Biradari individuals or through the advantages and benefits from their British benefactors. This was the distinction in the fortune of individuals that had been putting intolerable weights towards the end of the nineteenth century.

English utilized strategies as diverse overseeing plans of the area possessions in distinctive parts of the state. They urged nearby families to a certain breaking point through recompenses and prizes. In the meantime, the litmus test was to be passed in restricted or the other to show and demonstrate steady devotion to the Raj. Support was given to Biradaries and clientage was to be practiced in the give and take hit and trial and separation and principle governmental issues.

In compatibility of the arrangement, British continued disposing of and devastating the secured classes and making new sharks with flurry and waste of local impacts. New arrived elites were likewise made from amongst the common bureaucracy, shipper classes and other capital diversions. The investigation of European pilgrim history clarifies that the concentrate in doing as such was to attain to land-work degree to expand the income gathering at the expense and remnants of the local populaces. English did this with the assistance of the arrived elites. They made private area holders, honored titles and unfathomable patches of grounds to win loyalties of the Biradari Chiefs. The private property rights were pertinent in restrictive domains. Such rights were honors or blessings for substantial families, Biradaries and gatherings having endogamous relations. Property rights fortified the blood ties and made theocracy of landowning elites. The hardships were for the individuals who were not proprietors. They were compelled to go into shoddy work

68 power different artisans were left with no alternative to serve the arrived world class. The inhabitant was left on the kindness of the Biradari senior citizens, the landowner as a Kammi, doing begaar, a work without profit. Land proprietorship constituted a town chain of importance. That progression was special to call Panchayats142, choose insignificant debate, remove or urge approximately occupants from the agrArian or residential area. That pecking order was additionally engaged to distance area, experience the agrArian produce, rights to watered or not to inundate area to their rebellious occupants, and so forth. In Sargodha, Shahpur and different ranges contiguous the region, the occupants, artisans, workers and individuals from the poor classes couldn't have their creatures touching, having, and so forth. They were completely depended and entirely handy-caped.

143 2.7 Biradari Elite in Punjab

“At one level, the British reliance upon Punjab’s rural elites was not entirely unexpected. When the Sikhs established their rule over Punjab in 1799, following decades of instability, war, and peasant rebellion directed against the Mughals, the potential had existed for a complete transformation of the political order. Instead, while the upper echelons of the political formations were reshaped, the hereditary landowning elites who had formed the core of the Mughal administrative system at the local level were incorporated within the new regime.”144 Biradari society was particularly solid in the Punjab. At the point when British attacked Punjab in 1849, Biradari came to reinforce the British lead in Punjab. English secured private property in area. Another area arrangement was actualized; cultivators were the managers of their properties until and unless challenged in an unexpected way, inhabitants until and unless challenged in an unexpected way, occupants were announced as inhabitance inhabitants or the occupants to exchange freely.

British held both economic and military backing, yet they required the assistance of the landed elites to make sure the collection of revenues, recruiting

142 A village council in India consist of 5 influential older men acknowledged by the community as its governing body. 143 A selected group that is superior in term of ability or qualities to rest of a group of society i.e. intelligence, social standings etc. 144. Hassan Javid, “Class, Power, and Patronage: The Landed Elite and Politics in Pakistani Punjab,” PhD Thesis, Department of Sociology, London School of Economics, London, 2012, 338.

69 soldiers for defense and maintaining order in Punjab. They were clearly mindful of the influence and tendency to serve the local elites, consisted of the rich landowners and traditional aristocracy of their localities, also instrumental to the effective exercise of power and authority. They held monopoly in the politics of the province and bolstered their political positions relatively more efficiently than other groups and classes in the society. They were well equipped to serve the interests of the colonial rule. They proved themselves instrumental in transforming the political environment in Punjab.

As a result or reward, British Raj reshaped the political hierarchy by incorporating the landed aristocracy within the regime’s machinery. Although British were well aware of the opportunism, yet they accommodated those elite groups to a significant degree of continuity. Punjab’s landed aristocracy and Biradaries politics remained in the central core of the system of governance. These elites entrenched themselves in the political, economic and social structure of Punjab. They developed their young generations to hold position in the bureaucracy as well by educating them on western patterns.145

Those measures fortify British hang ashore administration. Arrived nobility was recompensed new Jagirs and authoritative powers too. Arrived elites were showered profits through the approach of cooption. That approach fortified Legharis, Mazaris, Mamdoots, Noons, , Khattars, and Daultanas and so on. They had in their positions Zaildars, Sufedposh, Honourany Magistrates and Durbaris also.

Such regulatory and financial measures were made effective through reason situated companionships with neighborhood elites as an instrument of administration and control. Such nearby elites were enormous proprietors, devoted and rank based influentials. Those companions were individuals from a club with British rulers and authorities their benefactors. So a persuasive and workable clientage was developed and creates from amongst those British companions. In Shahpur, for case, Tiwana family was furnished with colossal influence to increase capital and area assets and improve enrolled troopers for the British armed force and gathered income. Tiwana family broadened their territories for the development of private channels. Mubraiz

145 Ibid

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Khan was Risaldar-Major in the eighteenth Bengal lancers, finished his vocation. His private channel watered 8,000 sections of land.

English system was backed for empowering present day settled farming especially in West Punjab. Sargodha and Shahpur were likewise included all the while. The technique was to expand rural create and keep up political control over the locale. One manifestation of open was to put resources into watering system. Second part was lucrative. It was area stipend program. That program was gone for settling towns on waste grounds. Around then, there were towns in little numbers neighboring the Jhelum and Chenab streams. In Sargodha and Shahpur, Biradaries were utilized to evacuate the imperatives in the best approach to advance agribusiness. The area allows and leases were reached out to Tiwana Biradari to build rural populace. It extraordinarily served to increment both populace and agrArian area. The region under development was multiplied in 20 years.

An alternate strategy used to disposses' proletariat from the area. Workers were left helpless before enormous landowners, accordingly abuse a political prize for the rulers and the elites and a direct discipline for the regular laborer. That joint effort was commensurate to structure political tip top. The innate landowning elites of the Mughal period were the indispensable piece of the British Raj also and freely. Another social chain of importance was produced to practice a squeezing social disparity. The approach of dispossession left the proletariat in vigorously obliged circumstances and helpless before cash banks for the most part Hindus and Sikhs. Few Muslims positions like Khawjas, Parachas, Khokers, Sheikhs and Pathans were little scale dealers. Jats, Arians, Rajputs and so on were Muslim throws. They were the area nobility of the Punjab Awan, Gujjars, Syed, Qureshi were additionally enormous Muslim Biradaries scattered in different urban areas of Punjab.

The micro-management in governance was an outcome of the power. The infrastructure had given to the British rulers. The other benefit was the military independence. The combining effect of the infrastructural power and the military independence was that the need to rely upon the local elites, landowners and others was reduced to a little with the passage of time and enhancement in power dynamics in the hands of the rulers.

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Anil Seal146 and Christopher Bayly147 have strong argument that indigenous elites never lost their role and character and these classes remained instrumental in the colonial governance. Both agree that those elites were the local power brokers and holders to whom British Raj could not ignore for long. They were part and parcel to the colonial hegemony. The revenue system was much more dependent upon them as they were the practical access to the land and agriculture and deeply rooted in the traditional framework of kinship and followings in the peasantry.

English Raj embraced administrative and managerial measures to develop the country urban clash in Punjab. A trio of measures was particular to this impact. The authorization of property rights, new land administration and presentation of another legal set-up to guarantee peace. The accomplishment of these measures and a strict managerial effect upon masses was the way to achievement. English authorities were sharp in provincial urban or rural and non-horticultural part in Punjab. That part was embraced to make spaces and adequately actualize land income strategies. The mind dominant part of Punjab populace was country with substantial reliance upon horticultural.

When someone goes through the policies and practices of the British Raj in Punjab through 1860s, it becomes apparently fundamental to the governance strategy that a coherent policy framework was chalked out by the rulers to accommodate the landed elites. Measures were taken to protect the interests of those landed elites. The enactment of the Land Alienation Act of 1900 was an example in that direction. That was the Act to align the interests of the elites. That measure was a part of strategy to get greater amounts of revenue, recruit more and more for the military, influencing Punjab’s social life and supporting the castes, clans148 and Biradaries in Punjab. The outcomes were encouraging for the Raj as it emerged enough confident in allowing a limited representative system with local governance in the early years of the 20th century. The electoral process invested power into the hands of the landed elites, helping the Raj to have local neUtralizers to the political challenges the political powers had been posing. British introduced legislative assembly and district board set-ups. It was all favourable to strengthen the Unionist Party, the political platform of

146. Anil Seal was an Indian author. He wrote The Emergence of Indian Nationalism: Competition and Collaboration in the Later Nineteenth Century. 147. C. A. Bayly is Professor of Imperial and Navel history at the University of Cambridge. 148 It is an informal Social institution in which actual Kinship based on blood or marriages. Clans are identity networks consisting of an extensive web of horizontal and vertical Kin based relations.

72 the landed elites and their respective Biradaries in Punjab. That was the institutional patronage in practice to further the interests of the Raj through providing political opportunism to Biradaries.

“British agrarian policy in the Punjab was geared to maximize revenue collection, through high, fixed and rigid land revenue. Extension and commercialization to further colonial interest, led to large scale indebtedness met by half-hearted remedial measures and ‘legitimization’ of moneylenders and a series of serious problems in the region. It was certainly not bene4ficial to the farmer who was burdened by debt. In 1865, only 6 percent cultivators were in serious debt, by 1879, 80 percent were indebted, which increased up to 87 percent in 1923 as a direct consequent of British agrarian policy.”149 The divisions of individuals along the Biradari lines was changed into divisions of warriors and workers to serve the British principle both in the field of war and the field of wheat and cotton.

“One of the first measures taken by the British after annexation was to establish private property in land. For this purpose all the land was carefully surveyed and individual rights were defined and recorded. The basis for determining individual rights was generally as follows: First, cultivators were entered as owners of land in their possession, unless ownership was contested by other members of the village to the satisfaction of the settlement officer, in which case the cultivator was entered as a tenant, second, tenants were divided into two categories (occupancy ten ant and transfer at will).”150 British were preparing the ground for their political and economic objectives in Punjab to gain maximum benefits from the land and people of Punjab.

“So as to strengthen and consolidate their rule, the British made the landed aristocracy more powerful than ever before. Jagirs151 were bestowed upon them and even magisterial powers were given to them in their

149. Kewal Krishan Amrohi, “Land Revenue Policy in the South-Eastern Punjab under Colonial Rule,” International Journal of Management and Social Sciences Research (IJMSSR) 2, no. 5(2013):18. Accessed April 20, 2013. 150. Naved Hamid, “Dispossession and Differentiation of the Peasantry in the Punjab During Colonial Rule,” The Journal of Peasant Studie 10, no. 1 (1982): 53. http://www.creb.org.pk/images/drnaved/publish%20paper/6- Dispossession%20and%20Differentiation%20.%20.%20.%202.pdf. Accessed: April 20, 2013. 151 Estates

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areas. In Western Punjab, the British co-opted the rural elites into their administrative system. Following the policy of cooption, chieftains like the Legharis, Mazaris, Mamdots, Khans of Kasur, Noons, Maliks, Khattars, Daultanas, Syeds, Qureshi, Gilanis, Gardezis, Qizilbashis, Chatthas, Sials, Gaurmanis, Cheemas and Tiwana were all tempted to offer their allegiances to the Raj. They were incorporated into the administrative system by offering them the semi official posts of Zaildars,152 Sufedposh,153 Honourary Magistrates and the members of the Durbar.”154 On the other hand the common farmer or the peasant was deprived of its land and other belongings through a systemic dispossession policy of the British rule in collaboration of the landed elites and capitalist elements.

“At the beginning of the British rule it was calculated that of the cultivated area, nine-tenth is held by cultivating proprietors and only one-tenth by landlords (great and small) who do not themselves cultivate the land. Thus we may assume that the tenant-cultivated area in 1855 was around 1.5 million acres. In 1890-91 the tenant-cultivated area in Punjab was 46 per cent of the total area, i.e., about 12 million acres. In other words, the tenant-cultivated area increased by about 10.5 million acres, which is greater than our estimate of village common land, brought under cultivation during this period. Thus we may conclude that not only was the peasantry dispossessed from a large part of its share of the village common land but it also lost some of the cultivated land in its possession.”155 The dispossession of the worker from area was an entrepreneur pattern that created the laborer to leave the area and to acknowledge obligation. The presentation of an assemblage of enactment in Punjab brought about putting the property and credit in the hands of the cash banks. The configuration was obtained from the Great Britain and the formulae were nearby in their application. Laws identifying with the area issues were the duplicate of the laws being utilized as a part of Britain with their strategies and examples were unfathomable for the nearby rancher. That industrialist group of the enactment took the area tariff framework into its overlap too.

152 It was a feudal title, and a grand Jagirdar of the area, incharge of a zail under colonial ruler administration. Each zail was consist of forty to hundred villages. 153 Colonial ruler in India created an honorary post for the special people in response to their services for the British. 154. Mahmood Khurram, “Iqbal and Provincial Politics of Punjab 1926-1938,” PhD Thesis, Quaid-i- Azam University, 2005, 42. eprints.hec.gov.pk/2449/1/2315.htm. Accessed: April 20, 2013. 155. Hamid, Dispossession 56.

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A settled area duty was entirely upheld that expense was obligatory to pay without impact of the nature of the harvest and changes in the business sector costs in spite of the profit of the worker. Settled area assessment wiped out the little worker into the ocean of obligation.

The entrepreneur, the moneylender and the official of the pioneer apparatus were associates to one another in indebting the worker, denying him of his territory, making him to pay usurious premiums and rendering him completely powerless through controlled records to making the moneylender's grasp both excruciating and decimating the law made the deal and exchange of private property a round of the huge landowners, the moneylenders and the state bureaucratic device. So another area business sector created and the dispossession of working class was made simple.

Dispossession was an instrument of syndication and controls over the harvest and in addition the area proprietorship. In precolonial time, the offer in the town land for the laborer or his family was unmistakably characterized. That impart was perceived and would never be grabbed from the worker or the crew. English Raj acquainted laws and strategies with change the course and an area business was produced. Area overviews were completely done and a method was embraced in determination of individual rights cultivator was pronounced the holder of the area. In the event that he was not tested or challenged for that possession, he would be an occupant. Inhabitant may be an inhabitance occupant on the off chance that he had been developing the area for most recent 12 years on the off chance that he was an inhabitant. The length of time would be 20 years for a non-inhabitant cultivator, inhabitance occupant had the privilege to acquire, exchange or be a perpetual holder subject to paying the settled rent or Malikana to the state. The other inhabitant was an occupant voluntarily.

English or British colonization through its promotion of capitalism embraced approaches of cooption, dispossession, and joint efforts for promoting their operations via land governmental issues and Biradari controls. The prosperous Punjab was utilized to boost the goal of income gathering by the British and Biradari. It was the position and Biradari with their various leveled nature and practice of force strategies that had been gravely hampering the political safety of the prevalent patriot outskirts. Biradari boss attempted to backing the Raj and to gather various prizes, Jagirs and political status. They bought impact to seek after their elitist plans

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British authorities introduced a Zamindar land taxation system in Northern India. In these areas the land tax was fixed 20 to 30 years. The land tax was to be paid by each owner. The system defined “the share of the produce of an estate ordinarily receivable by the landlord either in money or in kind”156

“soon after the establishment of the British rule two basic conditions for the development of the land market had been created. Land lord not only been converted into private property and thus could be freely sold or mortgaged, but it also yielded an increasing rent to its owner. As a result the ownership of the land became the object of struggle in rural society, which gave rise to a process of dispossession of the peasantry.”157 So the dispossession was made a business sector capacity. Laborer was compelled to deal the area to pay obligation of the moneylender. The Zamindars seized the greater part of the town basic area. That diagram helped the pilgrim powers to make new customers in provincial society. They were fat cats of their provincial imparts and they were adjusted to the bigger landowners. They were belittled and made lumbardar158 of their ranges of impact. They were area charge gatherers for the state hardware and recipients in town land up to 75 sections of land of the waste area. The lumbardars made another club of syndication and got to be instruments of the state mechanical assembly against their own particular kinsmen, relatives and town colleagues. They misused the nearby conditions, supplanted the Punchayati framework and interceded the contentions between the pilgrim powers and the villagers. They were obviously playing the round of the pilgrim experts.159

The land Revenue Act of 1900 was promulgated to reshape the politics of the land. That Act forced the landed elites of all three major religions, Islam, Sikhism and Hinduism to secure their prestige and power at the cost of their fellow castes, tribes and Biradaries. The landlords were compelled, or to say encouraged becoming part of a new political platform. The new political platform was actually a club of the elites. They named it as the Unionist Party of India. It was formed in 1923. Sir Fazl-i-Husain

156Sir James M. Douie, Punjab Settlement Mannual, -India: Controller of Printing Department, Govt. of East Punjab 1974, 27 157. N. Hamid, Dispossession and Differenciation of the Peasantary in the Punjab during colonial rule, Journal of Peasants Study, 1982 Issue I pp 52-72. 158 Village headmen. 159 Ibid

76 was the representative of the interests of Muslim landlords, Biradari chiefs while Sir Chhotu Ram was leading the Hindu interests.

The Hindus were mostly Jatt agriculturalists. They stood for the interests of the rural agriculturalist classes. They were in practice a direct challenge and obstacle at the same time for the nationalist political aspirations led by All India Congress and All India Muslim League. So they were not simply representing the rural folks but dividing the political process on the urban-rural patterns. Their most prominent feature was their hold on the respective caste and Biradari systems in their religious denominations. The rural population was a direct target to be kept away from the popular anti-British sentiment or the quest for a national aspiration.

They state in their writings that the urban was mostly or predominantly a centre of Hindu interests. They claim this on the basis that Indian National Congress was the single and sole representative of the urban voices in the sub-continent. Even in the unionist party, Hindu landlords felt the need to hit an alliance both with the Muslim as well as Sikh counter parts to yield to the interest in status and power. Castes, Biradaries and alike groups in the Unionist party managed to keep the people of their regions away from the national sentiment for three long decades they were custodians of regionalism, caste system and Biradari culture in their own and that of the colonial support. They were self-proclaimed vanguards of the interests of landed elites and peasant proprietary. Their claim was also that they had the symbolic significance of a cross-communal alliance in times when two nations theory was at it full swing.

The Muslim Biradari elders joined hands in hands with the Hindu caste leaders. Their alliance is declared a plague for the rest of the sub-continent by historians. Their politics helped the colonial authorities to benefit from the ineffectiveness of both the Indian National Congress and All India Muslim League in meaningfully mobilizing the rural communities in their programmes of national character. Unionist Party managed this separation in Punjab. That alliance was broken by the Hindu elements in it exactly when they thought that their time to harvest benefits with the Unionist Party was no more fruitful. So the cross-communal alliance of the unionists was challenged by the Hindu Jatts.

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The fortifying of Biradaries and getting power by the arrived elites had the political drop out on the basic reason for the Muslims in the sub-landmass. Biradaries legislative issues was mainstream in nature, internal practically speaking and antagonistic to the national assumption that was the means by which and why the Unionist Party of India, the political stage of major Biradaries won decisions in 1923, 1926 and 1930 with 33, 31 and 37 seats individually for the Punjab Legislative Council Party won 1937 decision with overwhelming larger part and left just two seats for the Muslim League. In these races, Noon, Syed and Qureshi Biradaries won 1 seat every while the Tiwana Biradari won 3 seats. These outcomes were for the Sargodha area for the participation in PLC. Biradaries got decent footing in the neighborhood and in addition common legislative issues of Sargodha. The Biradari Party or the Unionist Party rose fruitful with 88 seats out of an aggregate of 175. Khizar Hayat Tiwana succeeded too.

In 1946, Biradaries confronted political reality shockingly. From Sargodha, Shahpur and Khushab, 4 seats were open for the challenge. Tiwana Biradari won 2 seats while Piraccha and Nagiana won 1 seat every fro PLC. Tiwana applicants were part among political gatherings. Unionist Tiwana won 1 seat, Muslim League Tiwana additionally won an alternate seat. Unionist party lost from Khushab one Tiwana and one Nagiana seats. Sir Siukandar Hayat Khan shaped the Punjab Government when felt potential risk from Centeral Government, he got organization together to advance Jinnah's reason. The 1946 races were challenged for this reason with the personality of 'Pakistan Vote'. Muslim League won 73 out of 86 Muslims seats. Unionist Party was lessened to 13 seats. So the Biradari legislative issues was a configuration to annihilation the more noteworthy reason. Thus, it might be inferred that: i) The expansion in the role of Biradari underminded the greater and collective role of the Muslim community in the subcontinent, thus promoting the British objectives at the cost of political standing; ii) Common man and the peasantry were deprived of the belongings and force to share the burden transferred by the British Raj to the elite classes; iii) The policies of cooption and dispossession immensely hindered the balanced development for the prosperity of the Muslim population on economic, educational as well as social fronts.

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Keeping in mind the end goal to win the loyalties of the nearby boss the British Raj did strategy of belittling the Biradaries by favoring and regarding their boss with prizes and honors. The persons who were given the legislature employments were for the most part the persuasive individuals of their particular Biradaries. In every decision particularly from 1920 to 1946, Biradaries were given most extreme significance. While drawing constituent bodies electorate, British deliberately endeavored to join country zones with a piece of urban terrains so that the nearby landowners could control the urban focuses. They minimized the urban voting demographics, and deliberately expanded the quantity of rustic electorates to exceed the developing white collar class in the urban areas.

The individuals who challenged from urban focuses were not permitted to challenge from a country supporters. Such arrangements of British rulers fortified the part of Biradaries in the force governmental issues of pilgrim South Asia in which rustic first class were favored over the urban elites. In the races of 1946, the British authorities made it a strategy to consider the Biradaries and property of the competitors while deciding qualification of the hopefuls. So the hopefuls of persuasive families were favored.

It might be expressed that the home human advancement, the fruitful Punjab, turned into the powerhouse involved by the trespassers that had never been completely possessed by them. The intrusion was monetary, social, political and regulatory. Nearby persuasive's carried on and double-crossed the famous supposition of the larger part of the people groups, religions and societies of indigenous character in working together with the British Raj to stack and harvest diversions and prizes. It might be seen too through the dynamic part of the Biradari controllers. Biradari was scattered and spread in Punjab with unfathomable assets accessible to them to win political and monetary space for the activity of force and power by the British Raj.

Two-countries hypothesis of Muslim patriotism and Hindu patriotism got responded by a third strand of common patriotism. The legislative issues of the nearby tip top gatherings grasped third strand in spite of the way that they were completely without any kind of hypothesis. Their sole destination was to win the status of the customer from their benefactor who was the British. In the Sub-Continent, Muslim populace was walking towards solidarity guided by the conclusion of a different country from that of the Hindu country.

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Interestingly the defenders of two country's hypothesis were not religious pioneers. They were advanced in their training, dynamic in their social character and dynamic in their political aspirations and national feeling their correspondence from the Muslim group was the Biradari legislative issues, common in nature, internal by and by and unfriendly to the national assessment. English disparaged that kind of governmental issues to stance test to the legislative issues of the different nationhood and country, or the legislative issues of patriotism.

The arrived elites composed a political stage to defend their hobbies in the changing environment of the sub-landmass. The tip top gatherings were watching the result of the British measures nearly. Three Biradari Chiefs, in particular Sir (1892-1942)160, Sir Fazl-i-Husain and Sir Chhotu Ram established the political front with the target of advancing their diversions by supporting and serving the British Raj.

A new political chapter expended in Punjab in the early twentieth century and was dominated by leaders like Sir Muhammad Iqbal (1875-1938), Lala Lajpat Rai (1865- 1928), Sir Muhammad Shafi (1869-1932), and Sir Fazl- i-Husain (1877-1936). It was a new phase in agitation politics, and it began to impact the people at large These political stirrings resulted in the creation of political organizations, such as Majlis-i-Ahrar-i-Islam (MAI), Khaksars, Mahasabha, Unionist Party and Akali Dal.161 Individuals, particularly authorities of the Muslim urban intellectuals in the Punjab were feeling denied of any political representation. The Indian National Congress (INC) couldn't fulfill the politically irritated Muslims because of its inclination and preference for the prevalence of Hindu attitude. A religion situated character was crawling under the aspirations and goals of the Congress administration. The MAI union with the All India Muslim League (AIML) couldn't get by for long, overall the course of Muslim legislative issues would have changed emphatically. The missing connection was that the Muslim authority barely perceived the hugeness of the Muslim vote in Punjab. The Unionists had their energy base in the ranges of their control. Their Jagirs were their supporters. They challenged for the

160 He was the premier of the united Punjab from 1937 to 1942. 161. Awan Samina, “Nationalist Politics in the British Punjab: An Alliance between Muslim League Parliamentary Board and Majlis-i-Ahrar-i-Islam,” Pakistan Journal of History & Culture (December 2009), 68. http://www.nihcr.edu.pk/Latest_English_Journal/3.%20Nationalist%20Politics,%20Samina%20Awan. pdf Accessed May 3, 2013.

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Punjab Legislative Council (PLC) and Central Legislative Council (CLC) when the fundamental patriot gatherings, AIML and INC, were on appointive blacklist. That blacklist coupled their prosperity with the British backing ruled the PLC.

“It may not be outlandish to suggest that the Unionist pressure also played a critical role in making MAI to reserve its alignment (with AIML). Another unresolved point of conflict was the Ahrar insistence that there should be a clause in the Oath of the Punjab Muslim League candidate that he would struggle for the expulsion of Ahmadis from the Muslim Community. Interestingly, the Unionists were not willing to accept that as well. Still another point of conflict was that in some cases, the candidates of both the parties wanted to contest the same constituencies in urban areas.”162 Unionists were united in a gathering to get chose to secure position and status in the force passages. The union was comprised at first of 24 Muslim proprietors and 6 Hindu Jats. Rao Bahadur Lal was the pioneer of the Unionists with Nawab Muzaffar Ali Qazilbash, Nawab Shah Nawaz Mamdot, Malik Khizr Hayat Khan Tiwana,163 Malik Atta Muhammad Khan Nawab of Kalabagh and Mian Ahmed Yar Khan Daultana were the proprietors in the Unionist Party. Sir Fazl-i-Husain and Sir were Unionist pioneers too. They kept their bodies electorate in place in decisions from 1921 to forward.

Here is the detail of the performance of each winner group in elections of 1921, 1926 and 1930 in Punjab Legislative Assembly (PLC).

Table 7 Punjab Legislative Council (PLC) Results

Year Winning Party Total Parties in Seats Won the election

1921 Unionist Party 4 33

1926 -do- 6 31

1930 -do- 3 37

162. Ibid., 77. 163 He was the Premier of the united Punjab from 1942 to 1947.

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“The strength of the Punjab Legislative Council was increased to 94 members out of which 23 members were to be nominated and 71 elected. These reforms also enlarged the functions of the Legislature…. Though the franchise was direct but was limited under a strict criterion of qualifications and disqualifications for voters, eventually a little over 3 percent population was enfranchised in Punjab at the time.”164 English Raj about quiet and fulfilled on the event of 1921 Punjab Legislative Council (PLC) races. There was no political danger as the political gatherings or the gatherings alike failed to possess any far reaching motivation for individuals on both sides of the contention. Races in 1921 were an individual fighting for the challengers in the region. The outcomes were likewise not undermining deliberately or on the strategic justification for the Raj. In races, 35 Muslims, 21 Hindus and 15 Sikhs were risen as PLC individuals. In a place of 71 chose individuals, Unionists were effective in the races as the larger part party with most extreme seats won. Independents were second in number of seats while Swaraj Party won 12 seats in 1923 as a second vast gathering, Hindu Mahasabha with 12 seats in 1926 and National Progressive Party with 20 seats in 1930. In PLA decisions the story continued as before in 1937 when Unionist Party won 98 seats out of 175, with Indian National Congress 18 and Muslim League just 2 seats.

The 1937 decisions were unique in relation to the races of 1921 in that the political fronts had been dynamic as the years progressed. Sikhs were spoken to by Shiromani Akali Dal, the Chief Khalsa Diwan. It was the Khalsa National Party that was a piece of the 1937 decisions as a stage for the Sikhs of Punjab. In 1946 decisions the discretionary situation changed for AIML as it won 75 seats, Congress 51 and the Unionists were fruitful on 19 seats in the place of 175 individuals. In 1937 elections, Unionist Party was led by Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan.

“The only party present in all the five elections was the Unionist Party. It could be possible for the central parties of the Muslim League and the Congress to develop their vote bank in Punjab only after the introduction of 1935 Act, that too with the support of local bodies. Entrance of these central political parties

164. Ali Azra Asghar, Awan Sajid Mahmood, “Political Development and the Political Parties in Punjab: 1849-1947,”Pakistan Journal of Social Sciences (PJSS) 29, no. 1 (June 2009), 68. http://www.bzu.edu.pk/PJSS/vol29no1_2009/PJSSArtical06.pdf. Accessed: April 13, 2013.

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in Punjab resulted into the communal divide of the politics and of the political parties of Punjab.165 Congress Party (1885)166 had been demanding that the Central Government would be solid. Party pioneers realized that they had been preparing for a Hindu larger part focal government. Party plan couldn't meet the goals of the zones ruled by Muslim lion's share. In Central and Southern India, Hindu held the numeric dominant part while the Muslims were in minority. Congress and different gatherings were proliferating that the Muslim League had been working for the foundation of a country or a Muslim country state at the expense of Muslims of the Hindu larger part regions.

“In the 1937 elections the Unionist Party was able to win a heavy mandate of the Muslims of the Punjab. On the other hand the Punjab Muslim League was able to win only two seats in the Punjab Assembly. One of the winning candidates, Raja Ghazanfar Ali Khan deserted the AIML as soon as the results were officially announced. Raja Sahib was offered a position of parliamentary secretary ship of the ruling Unionist Party. Sir Fazl-i-Husain died in 1936, leaving the way clear for Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan to become the Chief Minister of the Punjab….”167 Congress pioneers were in force in the Central Government their most extreme exertion was to topple Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan's (1892-1942) Punjab Government to introduce a congress service. Nehru's talk was coordinated towards defaming Hayat service by terming it the durbar of the British Raj. It was genuine that the Unionists were most extreme faithful to the British yet Hindu themselves were different durbaries. Nehru's political mottos were telling very much an alternate story. Nehru was asserting over and again that there were just two powers in India and those were the Congress and the British Government. Muhammad Ali Jinnah (1876-1948)168 answered to Nehru.

“I refuse to line up with the Congress, Jinnah insisted, when he heard Nehru’s simplistic analysis in Calcutta

165. Ibid., 73. 166 It was established by A. O. Hume in 1885. 167. Q. Abid / M. Abid, “Unionist Muslim League Relations and the Punjab Administration,” http://pu.edu.pk/images/journal/history/Current%20Issues/Q.%20Abid%20%20M.%20Abid.pdf Accessed: May 3, 2013. 168 Founder of Pakistan.

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early in January. There is a third party in this country and that is the Muslims.”169 Nehru’s campaign fired back. Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan felt the threats. Nehru opened the doors on the Muslim League and the Unionists to get allied to promote the Jinnah’s model. A Sikandar Jinnah pact was signed in October 1937 during the Lucknow session of the Muslim League.

“It may be pointed out that Sikandar – Jinnah agreement was more in favour of the Muslim League but the Unionist leaders like Sikandar Hayat and Khizr Hayat Tiwana misinterpret the agreement to suit their own definition. “By early 1946, the Muslim League had been able to secure the support of many leading families of Punjab and also eminent Pirs170 and Sajjadanasheens171. Quaid-i-Azam MA Jinnah issued statements criticizing what he called “shameless interference” in the election by Unionist Party and criticized Governor’s bias in favour of the ruling Unionist Party.172 Punjab Legislative Council had a quality improved from 94 to 175 under the Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms in the Act of 1935. The 1937 decisions were a race among Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs through their tip top identities. From the Muslim side were the Ahrar, Ittihad-i-Milat from the arrived world class front the Unionist Party was in the run, having landowners and Biradari elites in its crease. It was rightly called the Zamindara gathering of the Punjab. Congress was likewise there.

In Unionists, the biggest inlet was evident in the middle of Tiwana and Noon Biradaries. Both were generally hailing from Shahpur. They were the Jagirdars, medieval masters and the fat cats of arrived privileged there. The Tiwana of the Unionist Party had restricted the arrangement of Nawab Muzaffar Khan as Revenue Member. Tiwana and Noons delighted in backing in distinctive regions. Nawab Muhammad Hayat Qureshi was a nearby companion of Sikandar Hayat Tiwana. Tiwana gathering had arrangements to thrashing this companion in races for the race of top opening in Punjab. There were different clashes and divisions in the Unionist

169Ibid., 89. 170 It is a title for a Sufi master or spiritual guide. 171 A hereditary administrator of the shrine. 172 Q. Abid / M. Abid, “Unionist Muslim League Relations and the Punjab Administration,” http://pu.edu.pk/images/journal/history/Current%20Issues/Q.%20Abid%20%20M.%20Abid.pdf Accessed: May 3, 2013. 106.

84 positions. The Unionist proclamation was less huge that the pioneers in the battle for the Legislative Council Membership.

The 1937 decisions were limited as in just the landowners of particular positions, moms or the dowagers of military officers or general society hirelings could get to be possibility for decision. The Biradari seniors of the Unionist Party had no belief system aside from decision the masses. Congress and Akali Dal were in seat conformity in different parts to thrashing the Unionists whom the two considered a Muslim-commanded front. The decision results were as given here:

Table8 Party Position in 1937 Elections for PLC

Party Seats Punjab Unionist Party 98

Khalsa National Party 13

Indian National Congress 18

Hindu Mahasabha 12

Shiromani Akali Dal 11

Ahrar 02

Muslim League 02

Congress Nationalist Party 01

Source: KC Yadav, Election, P133, 134 Following table gives a picture of Biradari position in Sargodha in 1937 elections for the Punjab Legislative Council. Tiwana won 3, Noon, Syed and Qureshi Biradaries won 1 seat each. All the 6 successful were Unionists – the strong hold of the Biradaries.

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Table 9 (Khushab) Biradari Position in 1937 (PLC) Elections

Election Elected Body Biradari Winners Biradari Runner-ups Year

1937 Punjab Noon 1 - - Legislative Tiwana 3 - - Council Syed 1 - - Qureshi 1 - -

All 6 winners belonged to Unionist Party Region: Sargodha Unionists = 6 out of 6

The 1937 decisions sent Biradari possibility to the agent organization. The Unionists, really the proprietors and Biradari candidates succeeded immensely and they caught 88 seats from a sum of 175. The figured out how to secure loyalties of 8 more chose individuals and got 96. It is barren to note that such a win was exceptional as the Unionists crushed both All India National Congress and All India Muslim League competitors. Biradari had demonstrated that it held the force both in Punjab and Shahpur, Khizr Hayat Tiwana developed successful because of the impact of his Tiwana Biradari in the zone. His gathering sacked 77 every penny votes in Shahpur.

Lord Wavell (1883-1950),173 the Viceroy of British India (1943-47), announced on 19 September 1945 the schedule for elections, known as 1946 elections. Those elections were fought by All India Muslim League as “Pakistan vote”. The results produced the following outcomes:

 Congress won 923 while Muslim League 425 seats, with a percentage of 58.23 and 26.81 respectively, out of a total of 1585 seats;

 In Assam, Bihar, Bombay, Central Provinces, Madras, NWFP, Orissa and United Provinces, Congress formed the governments;

 The Muslim League formed governments in Bengal and ; while,

 The Congress, the Unionist Party and the Akali Dal constituted government in Punjab.

173 Penultimate Viceroy of India.

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 The Unionists were confined to the Punjab politics only

Table 10 Biradari Position in 1946 Elections (Khushab)

Election Elected Body Biradari Winners Biradari Runner-ups Year 1946 Punjab Tiwana 2 Tiwana 1 Legislative Pracha 1 Syed 1 Council Nagiana 1 Qureshi 1 Winners: Tiwana, Piracha from Muslim League Tiwana from Unionist Party Runner – ups: Tiwana, Nagiana from Unionist Party Syed, Qureshi from Muslim League Unionist Winners- 2 PM Winners -2

On 4 seats from Sargodha, Shahpur and Khushab, Tiwana Biradari won 2 seats while Piracha and Nagiana Biradaries won 1 seat each. The vital peculiarity was that the Tiwana Biradari changed faithfulness from the Unionists on one seat. The other Tiwana seat was unquestionably won by the Unionist Party. Muslim League won 2 seats as Piracha Biradari was supporting the Muslim League. It was the defining moment for the Unionist Party as it lost 5 seats as a gathering and one seat as a Biradari of Tiwana lost one and agreed with Muslim League on the other.

The 1946 races were won by the Muslim League on the 'Pakistan Vote'. Party got 73 seats from a sum of 86. Unionists succeeded on 13 seats. On the subject of Pakistan six of the victor Unionists changed their gathering after triumph and joined Muslim League with respect to interest for Pakistan. Muslim League measured the Biradari applicants in Sargodha and honored tickets to three noteworthy Biradaries e.g. Tiwana, Noons and Pirachas. The accomplishment of Muslim League was likewise because of the Biradari vote.

2.8 Biradari and Politics in Pakistan

Pakistan is a mixed feudal and capitalist society. By the powerful we mean, of course, those who are able to realize their will, even if others resist it. No one, accordingly, can be truly powerful unless he has access to the command of major institutions, for it is over these institutional means of power that the truly powerful are, in the first instance, powerful. Higher politicians and key officials of government

87 command such institutional power; so do admirals and generals, and so do the major owners and executives of the larger corporations. Not all power, it is true, is anchored in and exercised by means of such institutions, but only within and through them can power be more or less continuous and important.174

Biradari has its congruity in force progress after autonomy of Pakistan to some degree in the comparable example with the change of watchmen in the Patron- Client connections. It has created and is delivering impacts that gravely undermine the smooth working of the political organizations including chose bodies, political gatherings and the fair culture overall.

The establishment of Biradari is basic peculiarity of Pakistani society. It differentiates the conventional part to current political foundations like political gatherings, races and parliamentary matchless quality. The nearby Biradari boss have the numerical quality of voters and electables for assuming indispensable part in the achievement of any political gathering in races. These are nonpolitical components which settled in towns to keep up their political and economic wellbeing. They have no political devotion yet are faithful to the group and Biradari. The political gatherings appear to be separated into nearby gatherings and Biradaries rather than philosophy. Political gatherings offer tickets to the hopefuls as per the impact of Biradari in the electorates.

Rustic life is particularly tolerating the impact both of theBiradari and the Sufi request. A Sufi might either be Chishti,175 Qadri,176 Suharawardi177 or Naqshbandi,178 different in methodology and activity of the convictions. The Biradari requests in Punjab likewise change from each other in appearance, otherworldly standing, considerations on socialization and their political affiliations. An alternate normal peculiarity in Biradari elites and Sufi elites is their proceeded with ownership of ripe terrains, denying indigenous agriculturists of their produce and in addition patches of

174 C. Wright Mills. The Power Elite, New Yark: Oxford University Press, 1956, 9. 175 This Sufi order was found by Abu Ishaq shami in village Chist near Herat Afghanistan. In India Moinuddin chisti introduced it Suffi of this order kept them from worldly power. Famous practice is Sama and Qawali. 176 This Sufi order derives its name from Abdul Qadir Gilani (1077-1166). 177 This Sufi order was founded by Diya-al-din(1097-1168) in Balkh area of Kurdistan.They fellow Imam Shafi.This order was spread by founder nephew Abu Hafs al-Suhrawardi(1145-1234).In india, Baha-ud-Din Zakaria of Multan spread it. 178 This Sufi order was founded by Bahaudin Naqashband Bukhari (1318-89).

88 area. Castillejo sees it through the viewpoint of rejection of the individuals from the rights, benefits and necessities of life. She contends.

“Pakistan has a feudal land system in which 2% of the population owns 45% of the land. These big landowners form the country’s main political power. Meanwhile, half of the rural households are landless and experience profound economic, social and political exclusion. This population is entirely dependent upon the landlords for whom its members work as tenant farmers and labourers in exploitative conditions.”179 This medieval area framework appreciates the nexus created among administration, military foundation, representatives of force, sanctum elites and arrived elites. With the progression of time the separating of the medieval elites from the mechanical elites has diminished and a collusion of the elites has risen. This cooperation incorporates entrepreneur strengths, patrilineal linkages and Sufi hallowed places, hence barring the center, lower center and the denied classes of the general public. The imposing business model and matchless quality of such collusions generally and broadly owe to their proficient and also bureaucratic support by the strengths of foundations, Biradari solid footings in common society and other association too.

The development of such unions and classes drove the country through poor execution and control of force and resulting politicizing of the strategy making. The power of the state vanished consistently and quickly. These nexuses and systems turned the tables on the normal man. Their load was an aggregate work of amazing nepotism, standing based strategies and waywardness of the destinations and execution of improvement projects. The normal man was viewed as a piece of steady the less wealthy. The administration framework declined as well as the way of life and society was crumbled so seriously that the will to improve would have been extremely tested.

The debilitating of the average workers in urban focuses, the wickedness of the lower class and country society moved ahead on parallel lines as the dictator administrations got stronger and quicker witted. That two sides decrease in good, monetary and political spaces vanquished the will of the basic man. Furthermore, safe

179. Castillejo Clare, “Exclusion: A Hidden Driver of Pakistan’s Fragility,” NOREF Policy Brief, 2012. http://www.peacebuilding.no/Regions/Asia/Pakistan/Publications/Exclusion-a-hidden-driver-of- Pakistan-s-fragility. Acccessed: June 17, 2013.

89 houses, enclaves and supports were offered to stall the democratization even in times of constituent legislative issues. A study investigates the flow of the shortcomings of the individuals and getting power in close to outright terms in different urban communities and provincial ranges in Pakistan. Watching distinctive neediness lists (Po, P1, P2), with Po as the Poverty Incidence, it peruses:

“Overall results ascertain that poverty is absolutely a rural phenomenon in the Punjab province. Overall Po declined in Divisions across all levels, except DG Khan at its overall urban levels and rural Lahore. Corresponding P1 and P2 also declined across all levels, except urban areas of DG Khan Division… Maximum decline in overall Po was observed in Rawalpindi, followed by Faisalabad and Sargodha Divisions, while maximum decline in corresponding P2 was observed in Faisalabad, followed by Sargodha and Rawalpindi Divisions.”180 Castillejo in her finishing up comments on the examples of prohibition holds the perspective as the provincial poor get to be urban poor they may be less compelled by primitive Patron-Client relations and better ready to assemble and make requests for consideration. Kaplan is not as hopeful as Castijello in view of the developing disparity in urban rustic separation and in both locales too. Kaplan states:

“Such dynamics are hard to change, given the relative dearth of strong independent intermediate institutions, such as media, Independent Monitoring Organizations (IMOs) and Civil Society Organizations (CSO) that are able to hold government accountable. More often than not, existing ones are either too small to make a difference or as elitist as the rest of society. As a result they either lack resources to confront the elites or are beholden to more powerful interests, as in the case of the media, or the government itself in terms of funding.”181 The force, power and the benefits are those fixings in the hands of such world class structures that control even the procurement of bread and margarine to regular individuals, regularly named or called as "Kammies". These elitist structures make

180. Ikram Ali, A. Saboor, S. Ahmad, and Mustafa, "A Profile of Regional Contribution of Rural Poverty in Punjab: Some Hidden Dynamics," Pakistan Journal of Life and Social Sciences 8, no. 1(2010): 37. http://www.pjlss.edu.pk/sites/default/files/8.%20Ikram%20%2835-41%29.pdf. Acccessed: June 17, 2013. 181. Kaplan Seth, “Power and Politics in Pakistan” NOREF Expert Analysis, 2013.http://www.peacebuilding.no/var/ezflow_site/storage/original/application/07f02d6b2e01427f1ece edc9cf4f4e14.pdf.Acccessed: June 17, 2013.

90 circumstances or reason degeneration in circumstances of need. They enable their instruments or apparatuses to improve or diminishing the probability of a family reliant upon them. It so happens too that a world class gathering looses control in a certain interim of time. In the meantime, the living principles of the individuals and families relying on that aggregate's support face serious circumstances including evil and craving.

“This effect does not appear to be long lasting, as households who are eligible for assistance may be the target of this clan effect.”182 Diverse examinations and studies uncover that 33% of the family units accepting any help, in kind or overall, from such first class structures, particularly Biradari, have a place with the same gathering of patrilineal linkages. The elites or the supporters in such circumstances, control the voting conduct to such an extent that they consider heads every family their voters. Any deviation by same individual from such families may bring him or her to earnest results and disciplines.

In post pioneer period, Pakistan was a home of about two dozen world class families at the time of autonomy. Those families were really the players in force legislative issues prior and then afterward autonomy, reinforcing and growing the part and offer of neighborhood Biradaries, particularly in the Punjab area. Pakistan kept on securing honest to goodness foundations in the entire nation while, prevailing Biradaries crushed this move roughly to keep up their power and control framework.

The presence and sustenance of these Biradaries are further fortified because of the vicinity of casual correspondence designs that attest the force held by these tribes over the administrative organizations. With the progression of time, the level of inclusion of different Biradaries inside Punjab has upgraded essentially. Biradari legislative issues has brought on various hardships even to the individuals from those Biradaries that have been holding power in their districts. Underdevelopment, absence of training and wellbeing offices and supported destitution are the yields of such Biradari structures. Unlimited trusts and improvement ventures couldn't change the urban and additionally social living.

182. Vybomy Kate, Chaudhary Azam, “Patronage and the Poor: Evidence from Rural Punjab, Pakistan,” Working Paper Presented in Oxford, 2013, 8. http://dial2013.dauphine.fr/fileadmin/mediatheque/dial2013/documents/Papers/69_UK_Vyborny_Chau dry.pdf. Acccessed June 17, 2013.

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The primary component that has prodded this pattern is that the nearby decisions were challenged on the premise of the Biradari framework as opposed to the political partisanship. General Zia's neighborhood bodies framework further united the strength of Biradaries thus the character and control of political gatherings over force legislative issues was minimized an excessive amount of more noteworthy degree. It was in 1985 when the non part races occurred in Pakistan. These decisions were turned out to be a noteworthy help for the Biradari framework at the grass root levels. In 1985 Punjab Assembly was contained 240 individuals while 124 were Biradari based individuals.183

That procedure acted as it had worked for the frontier bosses who were supplanted by military administrations in Pakistan. Biradaries served the both in both periods. National plans were traded off and present day political and social foundations were debilitated. That technique additionally attempted to kill religious force and verbosity to leave mosque as a position of simple ceremonies. An all the more socially subordinate society of Thana184 and Kachary185 was elevated to aid Biradaries and groups to practice their impact over masses for the determination of their trivial issues. Individuals have been rendered debilitated so they look for salvation. This salvation gets to be as a separate gift from Biradari delegates.

Same has been the situation of nearby economy. Nearby bodies were instrumental being developed approaches, projects and tasks, again equipping the Biradaries, groups and neighborhood influentials to augment their control over neighborhood improvement reserves and different assets. That was the structure of legislative issues to battle the political establishments, parties and the group too. The outcome was an increased political and social segregation for non-political on-screen characters, Biradari was the most compelling portion of such supported performing artists.

Punjab is the breadbasket of Pakistan and Biradari is the force administrator in Punjab. The populace is overwhelmingly country and agrArian. There are huge landholdings in Southern locale of Punjab. In focal Punjab, landholdings are littler. The social structure rotates around family for personality, insurance and socialization.

183. Extracted from Election Commission of Pakistan data.http://ecp.gov.pk/GE/MNAs7297.aspx. Accessed March 20, 2013. 184 Police Station. 185 Courts

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The voting conduct is additionally represented and decided on the Biradari or faction premise Biradari linkages are participial basically.

Punjabi population is predominantly rural and agricultural in background. Broadly speaking the main characteristics of the southern districts of the Punjab is big landholdings and feudal social structures. The central districts are characterized by relatively smaller landholdings of peasant proprietors.186

Social life in Punjab is organized and circles around a certain kinship and family structure. Family, in its extended forms, is very much significant. The identity, protection and socialization depend upon family and its culture.

“Descent is reckoned patrilineally,187 those related through male ancestors are considered relatives. The Biradari or group of male kin (the patrilineage) plays a significant role in social relations. Its members neither hold movable property in common nor do share earnings, but the honour or shame of individual members affect general standing of the Biradari within the community.”188 Andrew R. Wilder189 writes:

“It is commonly argued that ‘primordial’190 group identities as family, kinship and caste, or membership in a village faction, play a more significant role in determining voting behavior in the sub-continent, than individual political preferences.”…191 “In theory, members of a Biradari are co residents of a single village. In some areas, however, land fragmentation and generation of out-migration have led to the dispersal of many members of the Biradari among various villages, regions and cities. Patrilineal kin continue to maintain ties with their natal village

186. Muhammad Azam Choudhary, “Religious Practices at Sufi Shrines in the Punjab,” Pakistan Journal of History and Culture 31, no. 1(2010): 1-30, 3. http://www.nihcr.edu.pk/Latest_English_Journal/1.%20Religious%20Practices%20at%20Sufi%20Shri nes,%20Azam%20Ch.pdf. Acccessed: June 17, 2013. 187 Tracing Kinship and descent through the male line. 188. Pakistan Traditional Kinship Patterns, http://www.photius.com/countries/pakistan/society/pakistan_society_traditional_kinship_~10381.html. Acccessed: June 17, 2013. 189 He is a famous author of the book “The Pakistan Voter: Electoral Politics and Voting behavior in the Punjab (1999) OUP Pakistan. 190 Giving origin to something derived or developed. 191. Andrew Wilder, The Pakistani Voter: Electoral Politics and Voting Behavior in the Punjab (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1999), 177.

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and enjoy the legal rights of first refusal in any Biradari land sale.”192 In Punjab, biradri systems give a powerful wellspring of social and political liking, which can likewise be abused for political purposes. Major Biradaries in Punjab are Jatts, Awan, Rajputs, Araiens, Gujjars, Sayads and Balochs. In northern Punjab, Rajput Biradari looks predominant. Jatts are driving in focal Punjab furthermore offering in southern Punjab. Arains are imparting impact in focal Punjab while Balochs are ruling in southern Punjab.

An importance of the Biradari in Punjab is that it is the center of a nexus of organization, military foundations, intermediaries of local and also nearby power, sanctums and arrived elites with characterized political diversions. Feudal lords lead such nexuses and organizations together. This may be termed tip top that spins around the Biradari culture and force. Such collusions and linkages control territorial divisional and locale legislative issues. These structures control land, capital assets, state choices and arrangement making procedures and systems, to such an extent that the non-Biradari substances think that it troublesome and regularly close to difficult to breakaway with their hold and control. That is the motivation behind why change plans wilt away and assets assigned for those changes go waste or can't be used whatsoever.

192. Traditional Kinship Patterns,

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CHAPTER 3 INFILTRATION OF BIRADARI

IN STATE INSTITUTIONS

In this chapter we will address the questions how the Biradari affiliation helped the scions of some biradaeris getting power through the institutions of the state of Pakistan. In Pakistan generally power has been converged in the institutions of the state other than parliament. Especially the army and bureaucracy have been stronger than other institutions of the state. During the period under our study also the army either was enjoying power directly or was controlling the country from back ground. This chapter will highlight the fact that the affiliation of Biradari gave to many people of major Biradaries in Khushab district the chances to enter and progress in the institutions of state which had power in their control. We examine how far Biradari plays important role in army and civil bureaucracy which are major power centres in Pakistan.

Another Point to explain is the role of army in Pakistan. This chapter will address the question how army is powerful in Pakistan and how Biradari is associated with the army and bureaucracy? The chapter will maintain that most period under study remained under military rule. Even during democracy the role of military cannot be denied. The major Biradaries of the district succeeded to get positions in the army and thus power could be got by them easily. Thus the major Biradaries automatically were able to get power. 3.1 Biradari in Army and Bureaucracy193

Army bureaucracy is informal keystone of power politics in Pakistan. Major policy issues and the government’s overall strategy are supposed to be decided through consultations or directions from the army. Of course the Prime Minister or President has a pre-eminent place as the chief executive of the county but army general has such power that exactly forces the chief executive to make decisions in the light of his directions. Thus chief and generals of Pakistan army are very powerful figures in Pakistani political context. They are not required to share power with any

193 It is a way of administratively organizing large number of people who need to work together (an administrative policy making group).

95 other political entity of the country. They command and are the members of controlled centralised bureaucracy whose principle is the defence and loyalty of the state of Pakistan.

Power in Pakistan, as Khushab has been selected as a case district of Pakistan for this study, has been mostly in the control of major institutions of Pakistan namely army, bureaucracy and judiciary. Within the machinery of state of Pakistan, the army and the bureaucracy as opposed to the political elites in Pakistani civil society have often been combined ‘as co-sharers of the piece of the power cake’. 194

Stephen P. Cohen mentions in his work The Idea of Pakistan that Pakistan is controlled by a small but “culturally and socially intertwined elite” comprising about five hundred people who form part of the establishment. Belonging to different subgroups, these people are known for their loyalty to the “core principles” of a central state. The elite to which Cohen has pointed out is not formed of politician altogether. The subgroups which form these elite are, along with land lords, retired or in service army officers, former or present bureaucrats, and judges in various courts.

In the modern democracies the military is one of many organizations of government that is assigned with the goal of defence and security of country and it struggles to fulfil its targets. However in Pakistan it is the most powerful institution. In 1988 major newspapers were calling it ‘the backbone of the nation’.195 Ayesha Siddiqa terms military as the most powerful institution of Pakistan. It is so larger in number of members (700000 personnel) that there appears no single democratic institution in country may claim to have this number of members. In comparison of its strength the democratic system and other institutions of the state are weaker.196

The institution of Pakistan army has ruled over Pakistan directly through military governments for more than half of Pakistan’s existence since its birth in 1947. For the remainder, army has ruled indirectly by undermining and manipulating other civilian institutions and political parties and by pro-actively manipulating the

194 Mushahid Hussain and Akmal Hussain, Pakistan Problem of Governance (New Delhi: Vanguard Books, 1993), 195The News, Lahore, 15 January 1988 196 Ayesha Siddiqa, Pakistan’s Arms Procurement and Military Buildup, 1979–99 (New York: Palgrave, 2001), 55-56

96 domestic political developments.197 In Pakistan the office of the Chief of the Army Staff has emerged as the focal point of power. The bearer of this office calls the tune in military as well as political matters of country. This particular position holder has always been instrumental in imposing military rule.198

During the period under consideration i.e. 1982 to 2008 the Army enjoyed an ultimate power position in Pakistan’s power politics owing to martial law government from 1977 to 1985 and military’s take over from 1999 to 2008. This had a long- lasting effect on the political environment and, as a result, successive political governments, despite the restoration of democracy in 1985, have existed under the psychological and political domination199 of the Army.200 In some cases the army chief himself plays the role of the head of the state. More than half of the period under our discussion (1982-2008) witnessed chief of army staff as the chief executive of Pakistan.

The structure of the state of Pakistan evolved in such a way that politicians and political parties were weakened due to interplay of international, regional and domestic factors and the institutional balance was tipped in support of the army as well as the civil bureaucracy.201 During the period under study army in Pakistan took prominence for gaining power due to some major factors. Firstly during this period army had been busy with international conflict in Afghanistan. During eighties it was helping USA to divert Soviet advance in Afghanistan. Then In nineties army was significant in dealing with Mujahideen and Taliban in post-USSR Afghanistan. In the first decade of twenty-first century army had prominence due to the war on terrorism waged in Afghanistan by US led international forces. Secondly in Pakistan army is also powerful due to its role in defence of country from its traditional and larger rival India.

Along with the assumption of responsibilities of guarding the frontiers of Pakistan, during eighties Army also got the responsibility of defending the Islamic ideological identity of Pakistan. The policy makers in Pakistan have always been

197 C. Christine Fair and Shuja Nawaz, “The Changing Pakistan Army Officer Corps,” Journal of Strategic Studies vol. 34, No. 1, pp 63-94 (February 2011) : 63 198 Ayesha Jalal, The State of Martial Rule (Lahore: Vanguard, 1991)

200 Ayesha Siddiqa, Pakistan’s Arms Procurement and Military Buildup, 1979–99 (New York: Palgrave, 2001), 61 201 Ayesha Jalal, “Pakistan: a dialogue between history and politics,” Fifth Manzur Qadir Memorial Lecture, Lahore Pakistan, December 1989

97 under sheer fear of Indian hegemony in region. Actually on some occasions the very existence of the country was on stake under the military threat of India. This threat from stronger neighbouring state has forces Pakistani policy makers to build a strong military.

The anxiety from Indian threat has oriented obvious ideological grounds. are bound to have an idea that India with its predominantly Hindu population and religious extremism cannot accept the existence of an Islamic state of Pakistan. Therefore Pakistan needs a defence establishment that may be able to provide external security to this ideological state. Even internal insecurity in Pakistan is viewed by the policy makers as the continuity of external threats. 202

Moreover during US led war on terror in Pakistan’s adjacent areas of Afghanistan and infiltration of combatant militants from Afghanistan to Pakistan and vise versa Pakistan had to face a threat for internal security from military organisations which were rival to USA as well as Pakistan. It was only army of Pakistan more than other institutions of state that was able to ward off this threat to internal security of country because no formal institution had the capacity of fighting militants within the borders of country. Army, therefore, became the focus of attention and ultimately it was prominent power holder in Pakistan.

The path dependent nature of military intervention has made the persistence of military power in Pakistan possible.203 In fact the military had involved itself in the government and activities of government in the earlier years of Pakistan. This involvement made the military able to form not only its own political orientation204 but also the institutional framework of politics so that repeated rounds of entry of army in to the political system might become easier. Every coup of the military increased its capacity to embed itself in power. It thus has been able to impose restrictions on unmanageable political rivals and it could also provide patronage to its political allies. This process and political work of army endured the de facto army power even when there were civilian rule. Thus military continued its control not only over issues related to the internal security, foreign policy and defence but also over

202 Ayesha Siddiqa, Pakistan’s Arms Procurement and Military Buildup, 1979–99 (New York: Palgrave, 2001), 56 203M. Aziz, Military Control in Pakistan: The Parallel State (London: Routledge,2008)

98 the issues of economy through threat of intervention.205 Army’s power also has been ensured through legal and legislative cover with the assistance of flexible courts and puppet assemblies. This cover ensured legitimacy of army’s power that was required to fulfil its political agenda.206

Writing in the context of Pakistan’s military in power Ayesha Siddiqa has divided the period from 1977 to 2005 in three phases. She establishes that during first decade i.e. 1977 to 1987 the military engaged in coercion. From then onwards it negotiated the partnership with select members of the dominant classes through the use of subtle coercion and bribery. The last seven years are more noticable for the consolidation of military’s power.207

Though Pakistan has been under direct control of military from 1977 to 1985 and from 1999 to 2008 the remaining period from 1985 to 1999 did not see army less powerful in Pakistan. When in 1985 Gen. Zia-ul-Haq lifted martial law he had got himself accepted himself as in democratic setup also. After eighth amendment in the revived 1973 president had been centre of power and army chief Gen. Zia remained on this powerful position till his sudden accidental death along with a number of other generals in 1988. After his demise notwithstanding democracy in country military, in order to sustain its own power base, kept on replacing one set of allegedly corrupt politicians with another.208

Benazir Bhutto was elected prime minister of Pakistan after the demise of Gen. Zia. Though she was a democratic leader yet she had to make adjustments with the army leadership at that time. The differences between army and Benazir marred within two years of her rule to such an extent that on 6th August 1990209 Pakistan army supported then president Ishaq Khan to depose Benazir. The army had such influence on president that Lawrence Ziring termed that it was Pakistan army who in

205 Samad, Y 1994 ‘The Military and Democracy in Pakistan’, in Contemporary South Asia, Vol. 3, No. 3 206 Newburg, P 2002 Judging the State: Courts and Constitutional Politics in Pakistan, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 207 Ayesha Siddiqa, Military Inc. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 82 208 Ayesha Siddiqa, Military Inc. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 95

99 collaboration with president deposed Benazir just after four days of American invasion in Iraq.210

New elected Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif also retained leverage with Pakistan army.211 In 1993 Nawaz Sharif saw his influence with the army diminished. However his target was President Ishaq who then dissolved the assembly as well as the government of Nawaz Sahrif. The army command came forward unified in support of presidential action, and it joined ranks against the Prime Minister.212 The judiciary gave verdict against the dissolution of assembly but the resolved prime minister was not accepted by the president. The tussle between the prime minister and president prevailed. The power of army chief as arbiter of power manifested itself when its chief General Waheed Kakar213 intervened and called upon both the President and Prime Minister to resign their positions. Under pressure from the army both leaders tendered their resignations on 18th July 1993.

Again Benazir was elected as Prime Minister and she assumed this office on 17 October 1993. Before starting her tenure she had decided to co-exist with the army and would not challenge the authority of Army in certain sectors. Her entire focus was to eliminate potential threats to her continuity in office.214 Thus during the government of Benazir Bhutto army was quite free to exercise its control over all of the matters which military considered its area of prestige.The power of army in no way weakened.

In 1997 Nawaz Sharif again returned to power. During his tenure though Nawaz Sharif dismissed two army chiefs yet the power and status of army did not fall before democratic leaders. The army was kept engaged in the vital activity of census taking and operation against corruption in WAPDA.215 The army’s influence on the government was also reflected in the decision of government for nuclear tests on the direction of army. The army’s strength in the country was evident on the removal of Nawaz Sharif who lost power in 1999 due to his open confrontation with the Chief of

210 Lawrence Ziring, Pakistan: At the Crosscurrent of History (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2003), 216 211 Ibid, 218. 212 Ibid, 226. 213 Ibid, 227. 214 , Between Dreams and Realities (Oxford: OUP, 2009), 147. 215 Ibid, 342

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Army Staff General Musharraf, whom he had removed from office. Dismissal of Nawaz Sharif brought the military directly back into the seat of power.216

3.2 Biradaries in Pakistan Army

Having come to know that the institution of Pakistan army is major centre of power in Pakistan the induction as officer in army means the assumption of power. Now it is discussed how Biradari mattered in getting important positions and to what extent major Biradaries in district Khushab got significant positions in the most powerful institution of the country namely Pakistan army.

Historically the leadership of Pakistan army is constituted with the aristocrats. Guided by their quest for greater revenue, as well as their increasing dependence on Punjab as a recruiting ground for the Indian army and informed by their perception of Biradari in Punjabi society, the British actively cultivated the support of agriculturalist Biradaries and local chiefs, making them a focal policy concern. Thus, when the British established the canal colonies in central Punjab at the end of the 19th Century, bringing into cultivation millions of acres of hitherto barren land, or when they began to include Punjabis within the formal administrative apparatuses of the state, priority was given to the inclusion of landholders within these schemes 217 of canal colonies as well as induction in army.

The policies of British were to prefer aristocratic Biradaries in army. The major Biradaries of this district like Awan and Tiwana got the chances to enter into army. During and after the war of independence in 1857 Tiwana got recruited one thousand cavalry men in the British Army.218 This area has been major source of recruitment in British army and police.219

Direct military rule in Pakistan is often accompanied by attaching of military officers in top positions in the civilian administration, semi-government organisations and autonomous institutions of state. The first step of military rule, thus, is to locate

216 Ayesha Siddiqa, Military Inc. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 96 217 Hassan Javid, “Class, Power, and Patronage: The Landed Elite and Politics in Pakistani Punjab,” PhD Thesis, Department of Sociology, London School of Economics, London, 2012,10 218 J. Wilson, Shahpur/Sargodha Gazetteer 1897, translated by Naeem Ullah Malik (Sargodha: University of Sargodha, 2014), 55. 219 Ibid, 88.

101 proven loyalists to military institution in upper places of the economy of country.220 The landed families have already proved loyalties with army institution. Therefore it is very easy for landed Biradaries with retired army and civil officers in there fold to get higher positions in the country again.

Many officers of Pakistan army had come from the land owning families or they have been landowners, notwithstanding dispute on the size or extent. Analysing this situation in 1950s Janowitz reported that Pakistan army was one of only two armies from the sample of fifty three where a significant number of officers had been recruited from aristocrats or land-gentry groups at the time of national independence.221

Despite the admission to the Pakistan Military Academy (PMA) (the training centre for officers in Pakistan army) is very competitive officer222 candidates generally are selected for the PMA based upon on merit223 but it is a fact that the leading Biradaries had opportunities to get commission in the army more than other population. The accumulation of many officers in one family where son of the commissioned officer also got the commission and his son was also a general shows that the kinship was preferred in the process of recruitment. Moreover it is unwritten convention that the candidate whose near kin has already served the army is preferred to other candidates by the selectors especially in the interview. In Bio Data form, the very first form that the candidates have to fill for the commission, there is one full page that asks the candidate about his relations in army. Answers to such questions help the selectors prefer such candidates whose near relation is already in army. One question is related to the caste and sub caste of the candidate. This also shows preference as candidates from lower Biradaries are not selected. If someone from lower Biradari wants to join army as commissioned officer, he has to forge his Biradari otherwise he is rejected during the process. This notion is supported with the argument that army has special traditions and the person from the family that already knows these traditions is most suited for the army.

220 Ayesha Jalal, “Pakistan: a dialogue between history and politics,” Fifth Manzur Qadir Memorial Lecture, Lahore Pakistan, December 1989. 221 Raymond A. Moore, “The Army as a Vehicle for Social Change in Pakistan,” The Journal of Developing Areas 2 (October 1967-July 1968) : 59 (57-74) 222 C. Christine Fair and Shuja Nawaz, “The Changing Pakistan Army Officer Corps,” Journal of Strategic Studies vol. 34, No. 1, pp 63-94 (February 2011) : 68. 223 Ibid, 70.

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The kinship with the army officer supports the candidate in the interview in this respect also that he can easily get guidance from one or many who always have gone through this process. Another convention in the recruitment process that prefers the kinship in the army is the reward to the martyr. One of the rewards to the martyr that army gives is the provision of same or superior job to his near kin in the army. Ten of his near relatives are passed through the recruitment process and one of them is selected for the job.

At the time of independence the recruitment base of Pakistan was centred on the Potohar Plateau of northern Pujab. After the separation of army has tried to broaden its recruitment base. Since the 1990s, the Army followed an explicit policy of broadening its recruitment base.224 According to the Pakistan Army’s ten- year recruitment plan launched in 2001, by 2011 the Army hopes to increase Pashtuns from 13.5 percent to 14.5 percent; Sindhis from 15 to 17 percent, and the Baluchis from nearly nil to 4 percent. In addition, the Army hopes to increase the numbers of persons from and Northern Areas from nearly zero to 9 percent of the force. Punjabis would make up the balance of 55.5 percent. Minority recruitment would be increased marginally.225 However major Biradaries from district Khushab were able to get induction as army officers during the period under discussion.

Christine Fair and Shuja Nawaz observe that from 1982 to 2005, an average of 1000 officers annually were inducted in Pakistan Army.226 From 1984 to 1994 1 to 3 percent were commissioned from district Khushab. It means estimated average of 2 percent of total officers (i.e. 20 every year) in army was commissioned from Khushab annually. Figures 3, 4 and 5 in the work of Fair and Nawaz depict that this percentage was less than 1 for next decade (1995-2005) which means that less than 10 army officers annually were taken from Khushab district.227

This rough estimate shows that almost 300 officers were inducted in Pakistan army during 1984 to 2005. We have found the names of more than 75 officers only from leading Biradaries. Almost 125 others whose names could not be collected have

224 C. Christine Fair and Shuja Nawaz, “The Changing Pakistan Army Officer Corps,” Journal of Strategic Studies vol. 34, No. 1, pp 63-94 (February 2011) : 79 225 Sher Baz Khan, ‘Punjab’s dominance in army being reduced: ISPR’, The Dawn, 14 Sept. 2007, www.dawn.com/2007/09/14/top13.htm4. C. Christine Fair and Shuja Nawaz, “The Changing Pakistan Army Officer Corps,” Journal of Strategic Studies vol. 34, No. 1, pp 63-94 (February 2011) : 79 226 Ibid, 80. 227 Ibid, 82-84.

103 been commissioned from the leading Biradaries. Thus two third of the number of officers from very few Biradaries and one third from all other population points out the convergence of the army power positions with some powerful Biradaries.

Lt. Gen Muhammad Saleem belongs to Padrahr Awan family of Soon Valley. He was retired in 1998 as Major General. He is son of Brig. Rtd. Malik Sanwal Khan who was first officer commissioned in British Army from Khushab has played major role in unification of Awan tribes under the slogan of Awan kari (Awan Brotherhood). He was one of those leading personalities who made Awan united and motivated them to enter into struggle for power. Lt. Gen. Saleem is the real brother of Malik Naeem Khan Awan who was elected as an MNA in 1985, 1988 and 1993 consecutively. Malik Naeem was also Federal Miniter for Communication, science and technology during premiership of Mian Nawaz Shareef. In 1985 elections Malik Naeem Khan Awan appeared as a new dynamic politician from Awan tribe of family and defeated Tiwana supported candidates in consecutive elections from joint constituency of Khushb/Sargodha.228

Muhammad Ali Sanwal, son of Lt. Gen. Saleem, later on entered in political arena and he submitted his nomination papers for election of National Assembly from constituency NA 69. He failed to get support of Awan Biradari and found no other way except to withdraw his candidature against Umar Aslam Awan, his maternal cousin and former MNA. Another contestant of elections in the same constituency was Sumera Malik Awan who was wife of Tahir Sarfraz Awan, serving Deputy Commissioner at the time of elections and cousin of Umar Aslam Awan and maternal nephew of Lt. Gen. Saleem Awan and former Federal Minister Malik Naeem Awan. Heads of Biradari including Lt. Gen. Saleem supported Sumera Malik and she won the elections. 229

Lt. Gen. Saleem and Malik Naeem, two sons of Brig. Sanwal Awan, differed with each other on the division of huge mine business in salt range set up by their father during military rule of . Malik Naeem did not marry and he nominated his nephew Malik Umar Aslam as his heir in politics when he left politics due to falling health in 1997 instead of Muhammad Ali Sanwal, son of Lt. Gen.

228 Prof.(R) Mureed Hussain Alvi former principal Govt.Ambala Muslim College Sargodha, Interview by the researcher at village Padhrar (Distt: Khushab) October 5, 2014. 229 Ibid.99

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Saleem. Second cause of the difference between two brothers was that Malik Naeem handed over all of his assets, mines and business to Umar Aslam, shifted his residence in Lahore with Umar Asalm and neglected his brother. Traditionally in Awan Biradari it is disliked that someone should reside in his sister’s house and Umar Aslam was son of the sister of two brother. So Malik Naeem and Umar Aslam not only lost the support of Lt. Gen. Saleem but also lost the support of other Biradari elders. Though Umar Aslam won one election of 1997 cashing overwhelming popularity and performance based politics of Malik Naeem yet in the long run he could not remain in power due to Awan Kari and consecutively lost elections against Sumera Malik who got support of Lt. Gen Saleem along with other elders of Awan family.230

Brigadier Malik Hayat Khan, maternal uncle of Malik Naeem Awan and Lt. Gen. Saleem Awan, served as Director General Military Intelligence in 1956. He was elected senator of Pakistan on 21st March 1991 and retired on 20th March 1997.231 He is only senator elected from the area of district Khushab till now.232

Brigadier Malik Muhammad Akbar Awan, brother of Brigadier Malik Hayat Awan, maternal uncle of Lt. Gen. Saleem Awan and Malik Naeem Awan, served as Director General Pakistan Rangers Punjab from August 1975 to March 1980.233 After retirement he contested elections from NA 69 with pitcher as election symbol. He lost elections but he remained influential due to wide range of kinship and ownership of mines that he had established during his tenure. He also was influential in power politics to weaken Malik Naeem’s political influence because he had personal and family grudges and grievances with Malik Naeem. Though he lost elections yet he was successful in gaining his political goal of weakening and strengthening the political position of Karam Bux family, another important branch of politicians from Awan Biradari of Padrhar.234

230 Muhamamd Aslam Awan, Advocate, village Padhrar (Distt: Khushab) interview by the researcher, District Bar Office, JauharabadJauharabad, January 27, 2015.

231 Senate Secretariat, Senate of Pakistan, LIST OF SENATORS RETIRED ON 20-3-1997 SHOWING THEIR PERMANENT ADDRESSES, 232 Muhamamd Aslam Awan, Advocate, village Padhrar (Distt: Khushab) interview by the researcher, District Bar Office, JauharabadJauharabad, January 27, 2015. 233 www.pakistanrangerspunjab.com, on 03 February 2015 234 Malik Shakir Bashir Awan, fomebr Naib Zilla Nazim Distt: Khushab, MNA-NA 70 (Memebr of National Assembley) interview by the researcher, Karamabad (Soon Valley) Distt: Khushab, 10 February 2015.

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Malik Arif Hayat Awan, son of senator brigadier (Rtd.) Muhammad Hayat, brother of Malik Asif Hayat Chairman FPSC, maternal cousin of Lt. Gen. Saleem Awan and Federal Minister Malik Naeem Awan, maternal uncle of MNA Umar Aslam and Tahir Sarfraz, Secretary social welfare Punjab was Lt. General in Pakistan Army. He remained CEO and Managing Director of Fauji Fertilizer Company March 2009 to March 2012. This post marks his position and status in Pakistan Army that is hub of power in Pakistan. Not to mention of this position he remained Director General at the General Headquarters of Pakistan army during Musharraf regime and he was on the key position making important decisions for the .235 His power easily could strengthen his Biradari fellows and kins as he himself was able to get such powerful positions as well as entry into army with the help of his senator and brigadier father. The head of Fauji Fertilizer Company becomes instrumental in the arena of power as it supplies and gives economic benefits to the farmers through supply and availability of fertilizers, benefits to the businessmen though allotment of fertilizer agencies and advantages to the common man by providing them jobs throughout the country. This is what power defines and does.236

Muhammad Mumtaz Awan from Noshehra Soon Valley was commissioned in army and he was excelled t o the rank of Brigadier. His brother Muhammad Aziz Awan was commissioned in Pakistan army and he was excelled to the rank of Brigadier. Brig (R) Malik Aziz also served as the Director General Pakistan Agriculture Storage and Service Corporation (PASSCO), an institution that ensures the affordability, accessibility, and availability of food grains, especially wheat all over Pakistan and for the institution of army as well.237 Thus both brothers became influential in power circles of Pakistan and they were able to make relationships with other power players in the country.

The sister of Malik Naeem (Federal Minister) and Malik Saleem (Lt. Gen.) was married with Brigadier Aziz Awan. His son Faisal Aziz Awan, later on, was commissioned and excelled to the rank of Major in Pakistan army. Then he moved to Pakistan Rangers as GSO II training. Faisal Aziz Awan got married with daughter of Senator (2003-06 and re-elected in 2012) Farhatullah Babur, another influential and

235 Dawn, 11 January 2007, Dawn, 9 October 2006. 236 Prof.(R) Malik Muhammad Zarar former principal Govt. Post Graduate College Jauharabad (Khushab) interview by the researcher at Civil Lines, Jauharabad, October 10, 2014. 237 http://www.passco.gov.pk/introduction, Accessed 5 February 2015.

106 powerful figure in Pakistan. Senator Farhatullah Babur had served as president of Pakistan Engineering Council for more than ten years. During Zardari regime he was very close to President Zardari and worked as press secretary and spokesman to President . Formerly he had been very close friend to Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission Chairman Munir Ahmad Khan and played vital political role in formulation of Pakistan’s policy for nuclear safety.238

These positions in the Army, Rangers, and power circles enabled Faisal Aziz Malik to popularize in the area by giving benefits to his favourites and linkages especially Biradari fellows. The psyche of the people of Pakistan in general and people of Punjab in specific is attracted automatically to a person who is son of a military officer, son-in-law of very close friend of the president and himself is also army official. This haunts the minds of the people and they become prepared to accept the power of such a man. Due to supporting his family fellows he was called Awan Prast (the sponsor of Awan). His cousin opponents, who were affected by his positions, filed enquiry against him and he resigned and opted to enter in electoral politics at provincial level. 239

A power grasping family of Awan through institutions of the state is notable in the respect that five members of the family were key officers in army and civil bureaucracy. Four brothers Lt. Gen. Qazi Shafique Awan, Col. Muhammad Iqbal Awan, Muhammad Safdar Superintendent Police and Col. Muhammad Jameel and son of Col. Jameel, Brigadier Aftab belong to Noshehra sub tehsil of District Khushab and head quarter of Soon valley. All four brothers got married within their Biradari and close kinship. In this way they continued the link within the Biradari and did not detach themselves from their relations.240 Lt. Gen. Qazi Shafique remained the Chairman Overseas Employment Corporation Pakistan. They were caring for their Biradari and helping to the fellows of their Biradari. They were also source of insPiration for other people of the area. Notwithstanding their impartiality they were the members of the Biradari and remained in the institution of Army that is the most powerful institution of Pakistan. One can easily understand that five members of a

238 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Farhatullah_Babar, Accessed 5 February 2015. 239 Umar Daraz Awan alias Mittho Awan (Manager Awan Bus Service, Sub Office Khushab) interview by the researcher, Awan Hotel & Resturent Khushab Chakwal Road, Union Council, Kattah Saghral Distt: Khushab 240 Malik Mazhar Awan (R) clerk, Pakistan Army, interview by the researcher, village , Distt: Khushab, January 15, 2015.

107 family are able to get senior posts in army and bureaucracy and they can influence on the power game.241

Maj. Gen. Mahboob Alam Awan belongs to village very adjacent to Noshehra. He was military secretary in GHQ for posting and transferring of officers during 1993-94. He supported his Biradari fellows to such an extent that he did not care for his post. He was committed to his Biradari and worked for his fellow men on the basis of Biradari. The employment to the people was major need of time. His son also got commission in Pakistan army and is major presently.242

Maj. Gen Tariq Saleem Malik belongs to Awan family of Noshehra commanded 12 Div of Pakistan Army as GOC. He also served as military attaché in Saudi Arabia. His brother Brig. Badar Awan also served as central commandant Armerd Corps Nowshehra (KPK) and Military Intelligence.243

Major Muhammad Latif Awan was commissioned in British Army. The name of mohalla Latifal, one of four major parts of city Noshehra sub tehsil headquarter was coined on the name of Maj. Latif. This aspect shows the importance and prestige of Maj. Latif in the city. His son Col. Muhammad Iqbal Awan served and was retired from Remount Veterinary & Farms Corps (RV&FC). The power continued in the third generation as the son of Col. Iqbal, Muhammad Hayat also was commissioned in army and was retired as brigadier. He also got the position of Director General Fauji Fertilizer Company.244

Muhammad Sarfraz Khan Awan, from village Khaliq Abad, got commission in army and promoted till the rank of brigadier before his retirement. He also served as 2-Commando Colonel at Mangla. He was teacher of President Pervez Musharaf when he got commando training. He was well wisher of Biradari and a social person. Though his student became president of the country yet he did not accept any post in reward to his teaching in prestige. This man, however, was influential in power

241 Malik Khudadad Khan Awan, former chairman Baitul Mall Khushab, former vice chairman Zilla Council Khushab, interview by the researcher at village Khaliq abad, union council , Distt: Khushab, February 3, 2015. 242 Muhammad Mumtaz Qureshi, Primary School Teacher, Village Dhaka (Soon Valley) Khushab, interview by the researcher, February 10, 2015. 243 Ghulam Shabbir Awan (R) Subay Dar, Pakistan Army, Muhalla Jurrwal, Noushehra (Soon Valley) Khushab, March 02, 2015. 244 Ghulam Shabbir Awan (R) Subay Dar, Pakistan Army, Muhalla Jurrwal, Noushehra (Soon Valley) Khushab, March 02, 2015.

108 corridors and people of the area converged around him whenever he visited his home village residence.245

Malik Meer Baz Khan from a small village Pindi was a captain in British Army and he purchased one hundred and twenty five acres of fertile agricultural land in the area. His grandson Brigadier Ghulam Hussain Awan was promoted as the commandant Baloch Regment Recruitment Centre Abottobad. He became instrumental in recruitment of the people of whole district Khushab and was famous as Brigadier Khushabian. He also served in Fauji Fertilizer Company. He was also granted with fifty acres of agricultural land near Head Sulemanki as a reward to his services in the army. His brother Meer Baz Khan Awan also got commission in army and excelled to the rank of major.246 He became chief security officer of Fauji Cement Factory Nizam Pur Taxila. Another brother Muhammad Ali Awan supervised agricultural land of the family in village Pindi Union Council No. 17 Waheer. He takes part in the local politics and won elections of Nazim Union Council. Colonel Khuda Dad, son of Brig. Ghulam Hussain, is serving in Baloch Regiment.247

Ahmad Nawaz Zafar Awan got commission in army and was promoted to the rank of Brigadier in Air Defence. He also served as incharge army recruitment artillery centre Attock. He is from village Dhokari where his real brother Malik Haq Nawaz Awan is active in local politics and he wins the elections at the Union Council level. He has been elected as the chairman Union Council Choha. Muhammad Amir, the maternal nephew of Brig. Ahmad Nawaz, is serving as Lt. Col. in Pakistan army.248

Muhammad Aziz Sagu was retired Lt. Colonel from Artillery in 2006. He belonged to Sagu (Khokhar) tribe scattered in about seven villages in tehsil Nurpur Thal. He married in Awan Biradari of Khaliqabad. During service he qualified MBA and after retirement he was appointed as registrar Vutural University Islamabad and later on he taught in National University of Science and Technology Islamabad. His

245 Malik Moula Dad Khan, former Nazim Union Council Kund, interview by researcher, village Khaliqabad (Distt: Khsuhab) February 03, 2015. 246 Muhammad Ishaq Awan, Headmaster Govt. High School Shahpur Distt: Sargodha, interview by researcher village Waheer (Distt: Khushab) February 04, 2015. 247 Malik Mazhar Awan (R) clerk, Pakistan Army, interview by the researcher, village Waheer, Distt: Khushab, January 15, 2015. 248 Malik Haq Nawaz Awan, former chairman union council (Distt: Khushab) interview by the researcher at village Dhokri, Distt: Khushab, December 10, 2014.

109 father in law was XEN in irrigation department. One of his brothers in law is the son in law of Lt. Gen Ata Muhammad Utra (Khokhar) of village Utra. Colonel Ghulam Muhammad Utra, from village Utra, was cousin of Malik Muhammad Hayat Utra, former MPA from PP 34 in 1997. Hayat Utra remained active in electoral politics for more than a decade and he contested continuously three elections, 1993, 1997 and 2002. Hayat Utra won the presidency of district Bar Khushab in 1978 and in 1981.249

Muhammat Hayat Sagu joined education core of Pakistan Army and was retired as Lt. Colonel in 2008. He had passed the degree of MSc Mathematics that helped him after retirement get job in administration branch of National University of Science and Technology. He assisted many of his Biradari fellows in joining Army Medical Corps (AMC) and other corpses of army. He is regarded a very valuable personality in his Biradari due to this service to the Biradari. He is often respected in settling disputes in the Biradari as well as in the community.250

Zuhar Khan of Gunjial Biradari got commission in Pakistan Army and was promoted to director General Directorate of Federal Government Institutions Islamabad that operates the schools and colleges run under auspices of Pakistan Army throughout Pakistan. He is relative of Saleh Muhammad Gunjial who was elected MPA for two times in 1993 from PP34 and in 2002 from PP 40.251

Captain retired Abd-ur-Rehman Tiwana belonged to village Hamoka (Hasan pur Tiwana). He was the younger brother of Malik Khuda Bux Tiwana who became the provincial minister in various governments. Malik Khuda Bux was also first elected Chairman District Council in 1982. He is head of Tiwan group in Khushab. Another brother is Malik Saifullah Tiwana who was also an MNA and District Nazim Khushab. Another brother named Malik Ghulam Muhammad Tiwana was elected as MNA. Another brother Malik Ehsanullah Tiwan was elected as district Nazim. Thus all brothers enjoyed power in one or other way. 252

249 Prof. (R) Muhammad Saeed Saggu, former Director Budget & Planning, DPI Office, Higher Education Department, Govt. Of Punjab, Anar Kali Bazar, Lahore, interverview by researcher, village Katti Mar, Tehsil Noor Pur, Distt: Khushab, April 10, 2015. 250 Ibid.87 251 Prof. Alam Sher Khan Niazi, former chairman Department of Political Science, University of Sargodha, interview by researcher, village Golly Wali, Tehsil Quaiabad Distt: Khushab, April 12, 2015. 252 Malik Ehsan Ullah Tiwana, former MNA and Zilla Nazim Distt: Khushab, interview by researcher, village Hamoka (Hassan Pur Tiwana) Distt: Khushab, April 15, 2015.

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Ata Muhammad Malik Awan from village Soddi Jay wali joined Pakistan Army and promoted up to the rank of brigadier. He was appointed first centre commander of air defence wing in Pakistan Army.253

Brigadier Sher Jang Awan of village is serving in GHQ. Two of his brothers are also officers in Pakistan Army. One is Lt. Col. Naeem Awan and second is Major Shahid Awan. They are not directly linked with politics but obviously they have got power in institution of army and they are member of Awan Biradari.254

Brigadier retired Muhammad Akram Awan belongs to village Soon Vally. He served in Special Services Group of Pakistan Army. His maternal nephew Brig. Umar Awan is serving in Pakistan Army as incharge Mujahid Centre. He is also people friendly and Biradari supporter. The cousins of Akram Awan take part in local politics.255

Group Captain retired Saeed Malik belongs to village Mardwal. He was influential in recruitment of his Biradari fellows in Air Force. Another of his brothers Lt. Col. Saifullah Awan is serving in DSG. They are the sons of Malik Ameer Abdullah Awan who was retired in 2000 as deputy controller Pakistan Broadcasting Corporation Peshawar Centre. Another member of their family is Colonel Ahmad Yar Awan from village Mardwal. He serves in Missile force Attock.256

Major Nadeem and Major Asad are brothers belonging to village Mardwal. Major Nadeem joined politics after retirement. He came very close to MPA Asif Bha. This boosted his power as well as the political power of the group of Tahir Sarfraz Awan that he joined after association with Asif Bha.Lt. Colonel Sadeeq of Kufri runs SOS village in the Sargodha. He has three daughters who are doctors. He has strong bent to the social welfare. Notwithstanding he did not take part in politics he could assert power in the area if power is defined as the influence.257

253 Muhammad Pervez Awan (R) Instructor, Cadet College Hassan Abdal, interview by researcher village Ochala (Soon Valley) Distt: Khushab, April 23, 2015. 254 Malik Maqsood Ahmad Awan, Dhok Shamsheria, Mardwal (Soon Valley) Distt: Khushab, interview by researcher, April 27, 2015. 255 Malik Asif Awan, former General Councilor, Union Council Mardwal (Soon Valley) Khushab, interview by the researcher, February 11, 2015. 256 Muhammad Farooq Awan, (R) JCO Pakistan Airforce, village Mardwal, interview by researcher , Awan Marble Near Qanchi Mor, Sargodha, March 19, 2015. 257 Malik Asif Awan, former General Councilor, Union Council Mardwal (Soon Valley) Khushab, interview by the researcher, February 11, 2015.

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Wing Commander Rizwan Ahmad Awan is a medical specialist PAF Hospital Sargodha belongs to village Jabba Khushab. He family members are active in the politics of union council. As a doctor he is respected in the area to much extent. Lt. Col. Tipu Sultan belongs to village Nowshehra is serving in ISI. Major Babur belongs to village Dhaka is serving at Lahore. He is son of ex Major General Mahboob Alam Awan. Lt. Col. Nasrullah Awan from village Mardwal bears many relatives who are officers in Pakistan army. Major Qasim Ali also belongs to this family settled in Wah cant. Lt. Col Imran and Major Muhamamd Iqbal are brothers from Mardwal. They are from Awan Biradari and assert much influence in power circles of the district.258

Baloch Biradari also has one officer in the high ranks of army. That officer is Maj. Gen. Chiragh Haider who belongs to village Khushab. Air Comodore Amjad Malik from Khushab city served in PAF Peshawar. Lt. Gen. Maqsood Ahmad belongs to Khushab city from Jatt Biradari. Col. Tauqeer Qazi belongs to Jauharabad. Col. Arshad Malik belongs to village Maardwal. His father Ata Muhammad Awan was a retired subedar. He was awarded land in Badin Sindh during Ayub’s reign. Col. Qasim from village Anga is a nephew of famous writer Ahmad Nadeem Qaasmi. Lt. Col. Ghulam Shabeer from village Bola Shareef also is from Baloch tribe. He is close friend to Jahangir Badr, General Secretary of Pakistan Peoples’ Party.259 He has acquired land in district Sajjadanasheenan. Lt. Col. Muhammad Iqbal belongs to Sodhi served in artillery recruitment centre. Brig. Ghulam Muhammad of Awan Biradari belongs to village Sodhi. He served in Air Defence Centre Karachi. Lt. Col. Moazzam Iqbal Tiwana belongs to village Mitha Tiwana, Captain Muhammad Rafique was retired from Pakistan Navy. He belongs to Awan Biradari. Maj. Gen. Muhammad Tariq Awan from village Nowshehra. He served in ministery of Defence Islamabad.260

Col. Mahmood ul Hasan Awan son of Qazi Mureed Ahmad Awan, a member elected for Punjab Assembly in 1946 and 1951 on the ticket of Punjab Provincial Muslim League, is influential in the power corridors. Nasrullah Awan is another scion

258 Prof.(R) Malik Muhammad Aslam Hayat Awan former chairman Department of History and Pakistan Studies, University of Sargodha, interview by the researcher, village Jabba (Distt: Khushab) November, 15,2014. 259 Syed Abid Hussain Shah, (R) JCO Pak Army, village Bola Distt: Khushab, interview by researcher, General Bus Stand Juharabad, April 22, 2015. 260 Ghulam Shabbir Awan (R) Subay Dar, Pakistan Army, Muhalla Jurrwal, Noushehra (Soon Valley) Khushab, March 02, 2015.

112 of Awan Biradari from Mardwal who progressed to the rank of colonel. He married in a family of Awan of village Lava who were active in local politics.261

Tiwana Biradari relies much on farming and less on the buearucratic positions. Even then there are important bureaucratic positons in control of Tiwana Biradari. Brig. Azam of Tiwana Biradari (village Hidali) was excelled as the Director General of Airport Security Force (ASF) that is part of the Ministry of Defence and is responsible for protecting the airports, air facilities and the aeroplanes. It safeguards the civil aviation industry against unlawful interferences, adopting counter terrorism measures, preventing crime and maintaining law and order within the limits of Airports in Pakistan.262 Sher Ahmad Tiwana, the brother of Brig. Azam Tiwana, is serving as Deputy Superintendent in Sargodha Police range. The influence of police in the government and society is, thus, evident of the power of Tiwana.263

Malik Ahsan Tiwana (village ) also reached the rank of Brigadier. After his retirement he also served on important positions of Punjab government serving as head of vigilance Cell of Punjab Irrigation Department formulated by Punjab Irrigation Minister Ch. Amir Sultan Cheema to facilitate the complaints of farmers all over Punjab against water theft,264 Managing Director of Cholistan Development Authority,265 and Chairman of Punjab Information Technology Board.266 Though he was considered an honest officer yet his affiliation with Tiwana Biradari cannot be ignored to show the power in the hands of his Biradari in Khushab district.267

The General Manager Admin and Security of Mari Petroleum Company that is one of Pakistan’s largest Energy and Patroleum companies operating Pakistan’s second largest gas reservoir at Mari Field at Ghotki Sindh was the scion of Tiwana Biradari Malik Nazar Tiwana who was retired as Brigadier from Pakistan Army before joining this company. He belongs to village Mitha Tiwana. Lt. Gen.

261 Malik Maqsood Ahmad Awan, Dhok Shamsheria, Mardwal (Soon Valley) Distt: Khushab, interview by researcher, April 27, 2015. 262 http://asfpakistan.weebly.com/join-asf.html 263 Malik Zian-ur-Rehman Tiwana, S/o Malik Abdur Rehman Tiwana (Landlord) village Mittha Tiwana, interview by researcher, March 25, 2015. 264 Dawn, 01 November 2003 265 The News, 31 March 2008 266 World Times, 01 May 2008 267 Malik Zian-ur-Rehman Tiwana, S/o Malik Abdur Rehman Tiwana (Landlord) village Mittha Tiwana, interview by researcher, March 25, 2015.

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Muhammad Arshad who belongs to village Jabbi is serving in GHQ of Pakistan Army. He is member of Awan Biradari.268

Brig. Retrired Muhmmad Saleem belongs to Araen family. His brother is elected as Nazim of UC 22 Khushab. One of his sons is major in Pakistan Army. Maj. Gen. Maqsood son of Ch. Aish Muahammad Arain belongs to village 47 MB. One of his counsin Muhammad Sarwar has been chairman of State Life Insurance Compony.269 Maj. Retired Shahadat Tiwana belongs to village Mitha Tiwana. His brother Muhammad Deen Ayub Tiwana contested elections for MPA from PP40 and got considerable votes. He also became one of the factors for the defeat of his rival Umar Aslam Awan in elections 2013.270

Besides the Lt. Generals in Pakistan army from major families, 9 Lt. Colonels from Khushab District belonged to Awan Biradari only. Likewise Awan Biradari took a major share from the officers of the rank of major. 21 officers of Pakistan Army from Awan Biradari rose to the rank of majors. When we compare these numbers with the officers of other Biradaries Awan statnd at the top and many Biradaries even do not have any officer in the Pakistan army. Only two officers, one Lieutenant Colonel and one major, was found from Tiwana Biradari. Two majors were from Utra family while 2 majors from Baloch family. Only seven officers could be found out from other biarderis.271

Maj. Rtd. Ubaidullah Anwar belongs to village Chanki Shareef. Two of his brothers, Lt. Col. Muhammad Ayub Awan and Maj. Muhammad Yaqoob Awan, were granted commission in army. He was son in law of Malik Gulbaz Khan Awan, retired district attorney Sargodha and Colonel Rtd. Shah Muhammad Awan village Mardwal. Lt. Col. Muhammad Ayub got married in village Khoora with the daughter of Malik Akmal Deen Awan (Retired DIG Police). Malik Akhtar Hayat Awan is elder brother of Ubaidullah. He got married with the daughter of Malik Karam Bux Awan of village

268 Prof. (R) Dost Muhammad Awan, MA (Political Science) village Jabbi Sharif (Distt: Khushab) interview by researcher, January 29, 2015. 269 Syed Ghulam Rasool Shah, former Advocate District Bar Council Jauharabad, recently serving as Lecturer (History) Govt. P.G College Jauharabad, interview by researcher, village Satt Shahani, Distt: Khushab, February 12, 2015. 270 Malik Zian-ur-Rehman Tiwana, S/o Malik Abdur Rehman Tiwana (Landlord) village Mittha Tiwana, interview by researcher, March 25, 2015. 271 Prof. Alam Sher Khan Niazi, former chairman Department of Political Science, University of Sargodha, interview by researcher , village Golly Wali, Tehsil Quaiabad Distt: Khushab, April 12, 2015.

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Padrhar, former MNA and member of Shoora formed during period of Zia ul Haq. Another member of this family Munawar Awan was elevated to the rank of Colonel. He is younger brother of Malik Karam Bux Awan of Padrhar. Daughter of Col. Munawar is cousin of Malik Shakir Basheer Awan MNA as well as Malik Javed Awan MPA, Amna Malik was active worker of PML-N in Khushab. She was appointed as media coordinator for election campaign of Mian Nawaz Sharif (Prime Minister of Pakistan) in elections 2013. Two sons of Malik Karam Bux, Malik Basheer Awan (Late) and Malik Javed Awan and brothers in law of Malik Akhtar Hayat Awan were MPA in Punjab Assembly. Son of Malik Basheer Awan is Malik Shakir Basheer Awan has been former District Naib Nazim and is MNA now. Major Muhammad Yaqoob also served as head of Pakistan Chapter of World Bank in Islamabad.272

Major Retired Malik Ikram Awan from village Chanki has been nazim of UC city Jauharabad, Khushab. His brother Muhamamd Ehsan Awan is a dealer of currency on international level.273

There is another major family of Awan Biradari from the villages Jabbi and Dhokari which has accumulated military and political power in their family as many members of this family elevated to high ranks of army and others were active in electoral as well as local politics. Mehr Muhammad from village Jabbi was commissioned in Pakistan army and rose to the rank of major. He was married with the sister of the wife of Brig. Ahmad Nawaz Zafar of village Dhokari. The son of another sister of their wives, Amir Nawaz reached to the rank of Lt. Colonel.274 The brother of Brig. Ahmad Nawaz Awan, Malik Haq Nawaz played active role in local politics of Union Council Warhcha and was elected as chairman unopposed. The unopposed election means that he had such links which could influence other interested candidates of the area to withdraw in his favour. He was able to achieve such links definitely with the help of power that his Biradari fellows had assumed in army.

272 Malik Yar Muhammad, Nambardar (village Headman) Dhokri, Distt: Khushab, interview by the researcher, January 7, 2015. 273 Malik Yar Muhammad, Nambardar (village Headman) Dhokri, Distt: Khushab, interview by the researcher, January 7, 2015. 274 Malik Haq Nawaz Awan, former chairman union council Warcha (Distt: Khushab) interview by the researcher at village Dhokri, Distt: Khushab, December 10, 2014.

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Gunjial Biradari also shared power in the officers of Pakistan army. Interestingly the officers in Pakistan army from Gujial family were also associated with the prominent political family of the area. Col. Alam Sher Gunjial and Major retired Nawaz Gunjial are the brothers of Saleh Muhammad Gunjial who had been elected as member of the provincial assembly from his constituency PP 34 later on PP40. The son of Muhammad Nawaz Gunjial, Malik Hasan Nawaz Gunjial contested elections in 2008 from PP 40 and got 24190 votes while winning candidate Malik Karam Elahi Bandia bagged 26494 votes. Malik Hasan, thus, lost the election by a very narrow margin.

The clusters of major political figures as well as civil and military officers in one family of major Biradaries highlighted the path dependence of political figures with the officers of army. Army officers and bureaucrats belonging to the families who took part in electoral politics mark the fact that power was converged in the elite of major Biradaries. The major Biradaries were in politics and they managed their kins to be inducted in officer cadre of army and civil bureaucracy or the civil or military officers made the figures of their Biradari to be successful in the politics. Thus power in one type also helped the assumption of power from other type of power.

A junk of officers and politicians can also be traced in other Biradaries which were comparatively smaller than Awan, Tiwana and other major Biradaries. Syed Biradari’s scion Muhammad Iqbal from village Sat Shahani Union Council Khai Khurd No. 47 rose to the rank of Lt. Colonel. The first maternal cousin of this army officer was elected as Nazim Union Council named Nusrat Ali Shah in elections of 2002. He also served as chairman public safety committee district Khushab. Another first cousin of these personalities, Ali Ameer Shah became the deputy superintendent Jail Raheem Yar Khan. Syed Enayat Ali Shah, the uncle of Col. Muhammad Iqbal, was elected as chairman Union Council in local bodies’ election in 1984. 275

Malik Munawar Ahmad Majoka was a CSP officer who rose to the position of secretary revenue Punjab. The son of his maternal uncle, Ibraheem Majoka, remained the chairman Union Council and a cousin of Munawar Majoka was elected as nazim

275 Syed Ghulam Rasool Shah, former Advocate District Bar Council Jauharabad, recently serving as Lecturer (History) Govt. P.G College Jauharabad, interview by researcher, village Satt Shahani, Distt: Khushab, February 12, 2015.

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Union Council Sat Shahani in opposition to the Syed Family. Another brother of Malik Munawar Majoka, Ameen Majoka reached the rank of Lt. Colonel. Ameen Majoka’s son also reached the rank of major in Pakistan Army. 276

There are some instances of the social alliance of powerful Biradaries with each other through matrimonial relations. Major Ahmad Nawaz Bandial belonging to village Bandial is the son of Malik Alam Sher Bandial famous founder of Bandial Bus transport. Ghulam Muhammad Bandial, another son of Malik Alam Sher was PCS officer. In order to establish relationship with other powerful Biradari Ghulam Muhammad Bandial was married with the daughter of Malik Karam Bux Awan of Padhrar. Another family member Malik Pervaiz Bandial elevated to the position of Additional Director Local Government. They are close relative of Fateh Khan Bandial and Malik Ata Muhammad Bandial former PCS officer in British period. They are also cousins of members of Provincial Assembly Malik Khaliq Dad Bandial and Karam Elahi Bandial. Other cousins of this group of powerful personalities are Malik Farooq Bandial and Malik Muzaffar Bandial who is the executive of the Biggest Transport Company of Sargodha Division namely Bandial Bus Service. Malik Muzaffar Bandial also had been elected as vice chairman of District Council Khushab. Another son of this family Shairi Bandial established links with the royal family of Bronai Darussalam and married a princess of royal family. He resides in Bronai and supports his kins economically as well as politically.277

Uncle of Brigadier retired Malik Kabeer Ahmad Joiya, Ata Muhammad Joiya was retired Honourary Captain in British Army. His cousin Lt. Col. Ahmad Khan Joyia and Maj. Retired Muhammad Azam Joiya served in Pakistan Army.

Every major Biradari that had control over the electoral politics had some type of officers in Pakistan. It can be observed that number of officers in the army was changed according to the political position of the respective Biradari.278

Table 11: Officers in Pakistan Army from MajorBiradaris

276 Muhammad Ibrahim Majoka, former Chairman Union Council Khai Khurd, Tehsil Noorpur Distt: Khushab, interview by researcher, December 14, 2014. 277 Malik Khalid Bandial, MA (History) LLB, (Landlord) village Bandial, interview by researcher, February 19, 2015. 278 Prof. Alam Sher Khan Niazi, former chairman Department of Political Science, University of Sargodha, interview by researcher , village Golly Wali, Tehsil Quaiabad Distt: Khushab, April 12, 2015.

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No. Name Position Biradari Village

1 Muhammad Taj Colonels (retired) Awan Kufri

2 Muhammad Munawar Colonels (retired) Awan Padrhar

3 Ata Rasool Colonels (retired) Awan Kabeki

4 Muhammad Aslam Colonels (retired) Awan Kufri

5 Sarfraz Malik Colonels (retired) Awan Padrhar

6 Sher Muhammad Colonels (retired) Awan

7 Fakhar Husain Colonels (retired) Awan Jabba

8 Jamshed Akhtar Khan Colonels (retired) Awan Anga

9 Muhammad Iqbal Colonels (retired) Awan Soddi Jay Wali

10 Alah Bux Awan Colonels (retired) Awan Pindi Waheer

11 Dost Muhammad Major (r) Awan Jabbi

12 Ameer Afzal Khan Major (r) Awan Bhukki

13 Mansabdar Khan Major (r) Awan Khabeki

14 Basheer Ahmad Malik Major (r) Awan Khabeki

15 Muhammad Zafar Major (r) Awan Kufri Saeed

16 Muhammad Qasim Major (r) Awan Jauharbad City

17 Shahnawaz Malik Major (r) Awan Jauharbad City

18 Shahjahan Major (r) Awan Khurra

19 Nizamuddin Malik Major (r) Awan Kufri

20 Muhammad Zafar Major (r) Awan Uchala Alam

21 Qazi Mukhtar Ahmad Major (r) Awan Jauharabad City

22 Muhammad Aziz-ur- Major (r) Awan Hadali Rehman

23 Abd-ur-Rasheed Malik Major (r) Awan Noshehra

24 Fateh Khan Major (r) Awan Jabbi

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25 Zia-ud-Din Major (r) Awan Jauharabad

26 Abd-ul-Ghaffar Major (r) Awan Noshehra

27 Muhammad Aftab Major (r) Awan Kufri Alam

28 Muhammad Khalid Major (r) Awan Jauharabad

29 Ahmad Sher Major (r) Awan Kufri

30 Gul Nawaz Major (r) Awan Bhanaka

31 Major Ahmad Khan Major (r) Awan Khushab city Malik

32 Ahmad Nawaz Awan Major (r) Awan Pindi Waheer

33 Mehr Muhammad Major (r) Awan Jabbi Awan

34 Altaf Hussain Lt. Colonel Tiwana Hadali

35 Mureed Sultan Major Tiwana Mitha Tiwana

36 Ahmad Yar Major Utra Qaidabad

37 Alamgir Khan Major Utra Utra

38 Gul Haider Khan Major Baloch Jamali Balochan Thal

39 Nazar Hussain Major Baloch Jamali Balochan Thal

40 Shafeeq Ahmad Lt. Colonel Qureshi Tiba Qaim Deen

41 Noor Muhammad Major Araeen B

42 Muhammad Shafeeq Major Gunjial Gunjial

43 Muhammad Ramzan Major Burana Nurpur Thal

44 Fida Muhammad Major Wattoo Watwan

45 Muhammad Khan Major Bandial Bandial

46 Muhammad Qasim Major Khokhar Rang Pur Bhagoor Thal

Sources: District Soldier Board opposite Fawara Chowk, Khushab City

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Graph 1: Army Officers from Baradaris Tiwana Others 4% 15% Utra Baloch 4% 5% Awan 72%

Table 12: Army Officers from Biradaris

Ranks Awan Tiwana Utra Baloch Other Total

Lt. Colonels 10 1 0 0 1 12

Majors 23 1 2 2 6 34

Total 33 2 2 2 7 46

This data shows that out of 12 Lt. Colonels from District Khushab 10 belonged to Awan Biradari only. Two belonged to other Biradaries out of which one was also a Tiwana, that was one of the major Biradaries of the district. As the ranks go downwards the share of other Biradaries rise. This can be seen on the rank of majors. Total 34 majors were retired from district Khushab. Out of those 23 were also Awan and 11 were from biaraderis other than Awan. Again 6 were from major powerful Biradaries (2 each from Tiwana, Utra and Baloch Biradaries). In the total 70 percent of officers of Lt. Colonel and major ranks were from Awan Biradaries. Share of all Biradaries other than major ones was 16 percent and major Biradaries including Awan, Utra, Baloch and Tiwana was 84 percent.

Table 13: Biradari Affiliation of Officers of Pakistan Air Force Name Rank Biradari Village 1 Nazir Malik Wing Commander Awan Soddi Jay Wali 2 Haider Khan Wing Commander Awan Soddi Jay Wali 3 Zia-ud-Din Squadren Leader Awan Jauharabad city 4 Gul Nawaz Squadren Leader Janjua Katha Sagral 5 Javed Akhtar Squadren Leader Baloch Jamali 6 Rasheed Akhtar Squadren Leader Baloch Jamali 7 Tariq Javed Squadren Leader Tiwana Hadali

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8 Sultan Ali Squadren Leader Tiwana Mitha Tiwana 9 Arshad Majeed Group Captain Majhoka Jauharabad city 10 Muhammad Shafeeq Group Captain Baloch Khushab City 11 Saeed Akhtar Group Captain Baloch Khushab City 12 Tahira Shah Jahan Group Captain Awan Jauharabad city 13 Muhammad Haneef Group Captain Awan Anga

The inclusion of officers from major powerful Biradaries on officer ranks is not special with Pakistan army. The major Biradaries were able to get officer rank positions in Air Force and Navy as well. One can see the Awan, Tiwana, Baloch from district Khushab as officers in Pakistan Air Force and Pakistan Navy. There is very small share of other Biradaries in these armed forces as well. Awan are forward in this respect also. Thus Awan are leading in this aspect of power in the district.

Table 14: Biradari Affiliation of Officers of Pakistan Navy Name Rank Biradari Village 1 Mian Muhammad Lt. Commandar Awan Jauharabad city 2 Naveed Masood Malik Lt. Commandar Awan Noshehra 3 Altaf Hussain Shah Lt. Commandar Syed/Qureshi Pail 4 Muhammad Ashraf Lieutenant Tiwana Mitha Tiwana 5 Noor-ul-Haq Shaukat Lieutenant Syed/Qureshi Jauharabad city 6 Muhammad Afzal Lieutenant Bhatti Mitha Tiwana 7 Muhammad Javed Akhtar Lt. Commandar Awan Khoora 8 Khursheed Ahmad Malik Lt. Commandar Awan Khushab city 9 Muhammad Taj Lt. Commandar Baloch Khushab city 10 Muhammad Munawar Lt. Commandar Baloch Jamali 11 Fakhar Hussain Lt. Commandar Baloch Boonga

The discussion in this section highlights that major ranks and positions in the institution of army were got by the members of major Biradaries in the area. These ranks were achieved often under the influence of kinship. The ranks afterwards helped the biaraderies in getting the hold in the power politics and the major ranks in the army made the person who was holding them as the powerful in the politics as well. 3.3 Civil Bureaucracy and Power with Biradaries

Like army though less than it the higher bureaucracy in Pakistan had been holding enormous power.279 So long as the army had been controlling the process of policy-making, the privileged bureaucracy got assured of its status in power circle. The presence of army in the corridors of power remained a guarantee for the share of

279 Lawrence Ziring and Robert LaPorte, Jr., “The Pakistan Bureaucracy: Two Views,” Asian Survey, Vol. 14, No. 12 (Dec., 1974), 1086-1103, 1087.

121 power for the bureaucracy. Lawrence Ziring opines that whenever the direct or indirect and conscious or subconscious support of army got removed, the higher bureaucracy became unable to protect itself from the combined opposition of politicians, intellectuals and common citizens.280 Thus the share of power for bureaucracy during the support of army has not been denied by any one. However the powerful position of bureaucrats in Pakistan even without the support of army cannot be altogether ruled out.

It was in the words of Mohammad Waseem “bureaucratic paternalism” that was central to the British imperial project in the Sub-Continent.281 At the time of creation of Pakistan the power transferred to the bureaucracy was not as result of any ‘overt coup’ but quite imperceptibly. In view of the enormous difficulties the state of Pakistan had to grapple with some institutional changes were made, enabling the bureaucracy to operate independently of the political leadership. The most significant of the all such changes was the subordination of the entire bureaucracy under newly created post of the Secretary General.282 Resultantly in the fifties bureaucrats were preponderant with Army acting in a subsidiary role.

The authoritarian rule of Ayub Khan inverted the relationship between army and civil bureaucracy and army assumed greater significance. Nevertheless the Army- bureaucracy nexus sustained and politicians were given a rough shod.283 Bhutto also tried hard to clip the wings of bureaucracy whom its many critics called the ‘Sultans of Pakistan’ and ‘the best organized political party in Pakistan’. While announcing the civil service reforms, Bhutto emphatically said “No institution in the country has so lowered the quality of our national life as what is called “Naukarshahi”.284 Subsequently Bhutto was left with no other option but to rely on bureaucracy particularly during the latter part of his rule.285

Instead of dominant position of the past, in the eighties bureaucracy emerged as junior partner in its alliance with army over control of state power. Civil Service Reforms of Z. A. Bhutto in 1973 that mixed the CSP cadre into a mobile and

280 Ibid, 1086-1103, 1087-88. 281 Tahir Kamran, Democracy and Governance in Pakistan (Lahore: South Asia Partnership Pakistan, 2008), 15 282 Ibid, 34 283 Ibid, 11 284 Ibid, 90 285 Ibid, 92

122 hierarchical framework of twenty-two scales weakening elite status of CSPs had reduced the power of bureaucracy. Gen. Zia-ul-Haq, during his regime, strengthened this status quo and let the power of bureaucracy remain diminished. Although during this period the reliance of the military over bureaucracy stopped the declining of the status of bureaucracy yet some steps like the induction of army officers into civil service, movement of officers across cadre and rise in the number of government servants due to free hand in their recruitment weakened the bureaucratic power more.

After sudden death of President General Zia-ul-Haq on 17th August 1988, it was Pakistan’s bureaucracy that assumed the power. Power was not altogether unknown to the bureaucracy but now accidentally bureaucrats had to manage the country by filling the breach that had emerged due to sudden crisis. An old bureaucrat, Ghulam Ishaq Khan assumed the power as President of Pakistan. Ishaq had personal record of long service in Pakistan and he was aware of almost all matters relating to finance and defence, therefore, he was most suitable person at that time to take the control of country.286 His friends, colleagues and juniors in the civil services were nonetheless relieved from the falling status of bureaucracy. Again the bureaucracy shared the cake of power during his presidency.

Control over local government has been one feather in the cap of bureaucracy. Notwithstanding loosening of de jure control of bureaucracy over local government during Zia period, the deputy commissioner of the district kept de facto control over local government. Musharraf’s devolution process abolished the office of deputy commissioner and reassigned large proportion of its functions to elected local government. The process also made District Coordinating Officer that replaced Deputy Commissioner accountable to elected nazim that apparently weakened the provincial bureaucracy. This, for a small period, showed the weakness of bureaucracy with respect of local government but de facto control of bureaucrats remained intact. Moreover the weakening of the provincial bureaucracy was limited because the provincial secretariats still retained considerable administrative authority over district bureaucrats.

286 Lawrence Ziring, Pakistan: At the Crosscurrent of History (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2003), 207.

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Apparently it looked that devolution process during Musharraf period deprived the bureaucracy of the absolute powers it had been enjoying previously.287 However while the bureaucratic control over power before Musharraf is obvious, after devolution too the wings of bureaucracy could not be clipped altogether. The bureaucrat remained a powerful person as he had links with army and ruling elite as well as more awareness about the affairs of the state. The bureaucracy itself did not let it subdued for a long period as local government institutions were demolished in the democratic setup following Musharraf. The bureaucrats had very tight clutches over the state machinery and rising to the high positions as bureaucrat is definitely not only a sign of power but is actual assumption of power.

Though there is no preference for the kinship in the selection of bureaucrats as a very competitive examination is held for induction of officers in bureaucracy. Federal Public Service Commission and Provincial Public Commissions arrange for those examinations annually for the selection of gazetted officers (high officers of above grade 17). Unlike army there is no apparent preference for the candidates who have already kinship in bureaucracy. The officers are selected apparently on the basis of their personal capacities. The preference takes place on the highers stages where choice is very few. However corruption and approaches to the members of service commissions as well as the personal bent of the member of commission towards his Biradari fellows cannot be completely ruled out.

Members of political Biradaries either occupy important positions in Pakistan’s federal or Punjab’s provincial bureaucracy or have close relations through marriages with families of bureaucrats and police officers. Thus these civil and military officers have a prominent role in electoral success of the members of their Biradaries. The honesty and impartiality of a number of senior bureaucrats, police and army officers is above board, therefore such officers of political families have been performing their duties creditably, no matter who held the reins of power. Nonetheless the way of their public dealing and contacts with the people have definitely, even though indirectly, benefited the political personalities of their families.288

287 Tahir Kamran, Democracy and Governance in Pakistan, 191. 288 Maqsood Awan, “Scions of Political Families Occupy Important Positions in Federation, Punjab,” The News, 19 November 2012.

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In district Khusab a large number of civil servants who remained on high positions belonged to major Biradaries of the district. Kinship becomes a source of alliance between the bureaucracy and politics. Strong Biradari affiliation gives chance for easy alliance of bureaucrat, army officer and politician who mutually grasp, hold and continue power in their control. A very prominent example of such alliance can be found with Captain (R) Tahir Sarfaraz Awan who rose to the position of Secretary Social Welfare Department Punjab. He was the husband of PML-Q MNA and former woman minister Sumera Malik. He is also the nephew of former minister Malik Naeem Awan, brother of Farhana Afzal, MPA from Punjab, and also the brother-in-law of former MNA Aaila Malik.289

Another instance of the alliance between bureaucrats and politicians due to Biradari affiliation and on the basis of kinship is that of Mohammad Ali Nekokara, Senior Superintendent Police (SSP). He is the son-in-law of Lt Gen (R) Saleem Malik, brother of Malik Naeem Awan, former MNA from Sargodha. Again one can give example of Retired IG Police Punjab and currently Secretary to President of Pakistan Malik Asif Hayat who was the son of the late senator Mohammad Hayat Khan, who is uncle of Malik Naeem Awan.290

Malik Asif Hayat Awan, son of Brig (R) Mohammad Hayat Kahn Awan, Senator, was one of leading personalities of Awan Biradari who got bureaucratic, military and political power as he was commissioned in army, transferred to civil bureaucracy and his father became a senator. His father was close friend of President Ayub Khan. Likewise he was close to to Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. Brig. Hayat Khan remained chief of Military Intelligence Karachi. On that position he helped Ayub Khan to be saved from a plan of sacking made by Iskander . Due to this help he got confidence of Ayub Khan and was able to get post of advisor to the President. Later on he got the pleasure of Bhutto to be nominated for the seat of Senator. His son Asif Hayat was commissioned in Pakistan Army in 1968 but took early retirement when he was major in 1975. Then he joined Civil Service of Pakistan and was inducted in Police Service where he rose to the highest office in police and became IG in 2002. Prior to that, he had served as Director General of Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) from 1999-2002, Deputy Inspector General (DIG) Crimes for Govt of

289 She is grand daughter of Lagharis of DG Khan and daughter of Nawab Muzzafar Awan of Kalabagh estate. 290 Ibid

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Punjab, Deputy Inspector General (DIG) of Pakistan Railways Police in Lahore, Deputy Inspector General (DIG) for NWFP Police, Deputy Director and Joint Director of Intelligence Bureau (IB) Islamabad. During his tenure in Pakistan Police, he was also sent as Counsellor at the Pakistan Embassy in Abu Dhabi, UAE. During his appointment as the first SSP of Islamabad, he was able to create the police force for Islamabad. He was promoted to position of Additional Secretary Prime Minister's Secretariat and then as Federal Secretary of the Railways Division. He was retired from the civil service as Federal Secretary for Labour and Manpower Division. After superannuation, he remained re-employed on contract as Secretary to the President of Pakistan Mr. Asif Ali Zardari at the President's Secretariat (Public). On 26 December 2012, he was appointed the Chairman Federal Public Service Commission of Pakistan.291

Malik Muhammad Ashraf Awan belongs to village Nara was promoted to the post of DIG and was murdered by his gunman in 1997. His son was commissioned in Pakistan army and was serving Pakistan army as captain. The brother of Malik Ashraf is Muhammad Sher Awan, DSP. One of his sons, Khalid Mahmood Awan is inspector in . They have considerable influence and political worth in the area where they reside.292

Malik Asim Tiwana was another member of Tiwana Biradari who was inducted on the powerful positions of bureaucratic institutions of Pakistan. He remained Director Trade Development Authority Pakistan and Deputy Secretary Punjab Public Prosecution Department.293

Haq Nawaz Tiwana,belonging from village Hadali, DIG Punjab Police, a founding DG of FSF with Masood Mahmood during Bhutto era. He also established Pakistan Rangers. This bureaucrat of Tiwana family remained too powerful in Pakistan’s bureaucracy. He gave benefits to his biaraderi and got their support as well.294

291 http://www.petaro.org/cadets%201957-69/605-MalikAsifHayat.htm, Accessed 03 February 2015. 292 Malik Muhammad Sher Awan, Advocate District Bar Council Jauharabad, former DSP (Deputy Superintendent Police) Legal Branch, Khushab, interview by researcher September 10, 2014. 293 Muhammad Hafeez Tiwana, MA (History) Auditor District Accounts Officer Sargodha, interview by researcher, on December 17, 2014. 294 Malik Ahmad Iqbal Tiwana, Deputy Director Colleges, Khushab, interview by researcher, Tiwana House village Hadali, Distt: Khushab, October 13, 2014.

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Tiwana Biradari got bureaucratic power through many officers of this Biradari. Rab Nawaz Tiwana had been Senior Superintendent Police. Malik Afaq Tiwana was Director General Excise Punjab and Malik Shafaat Ahmad Tiwana, was appointed as Director Excise and Taxation. He was married with sister of Captain retired Abd-ur-Rehman Tiwana, Malik Khuda Bux Tiwana, provincial minister in different governments, Malik Saifullah Tiwana MNA as well as District Nazim Khushab, Malik Ghulam Muhammad Tiwana, MNA and Malik Ehsanullah Tiwana district Nazim. Shafaat Tiwana was inducted in the civil services after special age relaxation was managed for him by Malik Khuda Bux Tiwana who was minister of prison department at that time.295

Malik Saifullah Tiwana, (Hadali village) Senior Superintendent Police was retired in 1979. Though he was retired before the period under study yet his influence after retirement continued and he was able to get his works done by the links he had established during his service. Malik Muhammad Afaaq Tiwana from Mitha Tiwana had been Director Excise & Taxation. This officer enjoyed bureaucratic power as his family members and Biradari fellows were enjoying political power. Malik Amjad Zubair Tiwana (Village Hamoka now Hasan Pur Tiwana) served in grade 20 FBR. He is close relative of Tiwana elders of village Hamoka. These Tiwana were politically powerful as well. They combined the political and bureaucratic power in one Biradari.296

Malik Khair Muhammad Tiwana, retired deputy commissioner, village Ghous Pur Tiwana. He owns agricultural land in Sargodha and Khushab districts. He belonged to powerful Tiwana Biradari and being land owner economic as well as bureaucratic power was combined in his personality. Abdul Majeed Khan Tiwana, (Hadali) started his career as judge of lower courts and was retired as justice Punjab High Court, Rawalpindi Bench.297

295 Malik Zian-ur-Rehman Tiwana, S/o Malik Abdur Rehman Tiwana (Landlord) village Mittha Tiwana, interview by researcher, March 25, 2015. 296 Malik Ahmad Iqbal Tiwana, Deputy Director Colleges, Khushab, interview by researcher, Tiwana House village Hadali, Distt: Khushab, October 13, 2014. 297 Malik Muhammad Ansar Tiwana, MA (History) Nutritional Supervisor Punjab Health Department, Rural Health Center, Chak 58-NB, Sargodha. (It is important to mention here that Malik Kher Muhammad Tiwana has a vast agriculture land in village 58-NB and Malik Abdul Majeed Khan Tiwana, Justice (R) has also agriculture land in village 34-NB about 6 Km east from village 58-NB) interview by researcher, December 09, 2014.

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Awan were not behind in getting bureaucratic power. Maula Bux Awan, CSP belongs to village Dhamak Thal Awan tribe’s headquarter in Thal. He is advocate having degree of LLB. He was class fellow and close friend of Malik Muhammad Waris Kallo (Joyia) MPA and Muhammad Saeed Sagu (Retired Director Planning in the office of DPI Colleges Punjab Lahore). He was dismissed from service due to his political affiliation with PPP. He started practice and contested election for provincial Assembly and lost the election because he was unable to get support of Biradari. He registered case in Federal Tribunal and was reinstated and became the Registrar of Unversity of Sargodha. Now a days he is serving as Director General of Federal Government Housing Employment Society Islamabad. During his whole career he got his Biradari fellows recruited in various departments.

The political and social figures of Padhrar have their repute in the politics and social welfare of the District Khushab. Many of the political and social figures of Padhrar are well known at the district as well country level. Many of them have their role in the politics of Pakistan. Some of the political figures of Padhrar are: Malik Karam Baksh Awan (Ex-MNA, Ex-President Tanzeem-ul-Awan, Pakistan), Malik Naeem Khan Awan (Ex- Federal Minister), Malik M. Bashir Khan Awan (Ex-Avisor to Chief Minister, Punjab, Ex. President Tanzeem-ul-Awan, Pakistan), Brig. Malik Hayat Awan (Ex. senator and ambassador), Malik Umer Aslam Awan EX. MNA, Sumera Malik (MNA NA-69, Ex Federal Minister), Malik Shakir Bashir Awan (MNA NA-70, President Tanzeem-ul-Awan Pakistan, Ex-Dist Naib Nazim Khushab), Malik Javed Iqbal Awan (MPA PP-39), Malik Asif Hayat (Secretary President Secretariat Pakistan, Ex. IG punjab, bureaucrat), Malik Saleem Awan (Ex. Maj. General Pak Army), Malik Arif Hayat Awan (Ex. Lt. General Pak. Army), Malik Riaz Awan (Ex- Nazim Jauharabad) Malik Tahir Sarfraz Awan (bureaucrat, , Malik Shah Muhammad Awan (Ex. Nazim Padhrar), Malik Muhammad Nazir (Nazim Padhrar), Malik Saifullah Khan Awan (Member Youth Parliament of Pakistan), Malik Imran Bashir Awan (PhD Scholar & caretaker youth wing PML(N)Khushab).Sub.Ghulam Hussain (Welfare Officer of Padhrar). Malik Sikendar Khan (Ex.Ps to President of Pakistan) and now a day Chairman Zakat & Usher Committee of khushab.298 Malik Muhammad Shafi Awan, collector income tax Quetta region and his son served in Pakistan army as captain.

298 https://m.facebook.com/Padhrar?v=info&expand=1&nearb , Accessed 03 February 2015

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Awan Biradari assumed power through many civil officers from this Biradari. Some of them can be mentioned here. Malik Khuda Bux Awan belongs to village Uchali, Soon Valley. He is also CSP officer. He started his career as ASP, served on various posts in Punjab and KPK. He also served as Director Anti Corruption Peshawar. He served as IG Azad Kashmir. Malik Nasir Awan, former Medical Superintendent DHQ Khushab, was elder brother of Malik Khuda Bux. Malik Sikandar Hayat Awan, CSP joined police service as ASP in Sindh Province. He belonged to village Uchali. He served as SP Rawalpindi now.299

Malik Akbar Hayat Awan, MSc psychology, cousin of Malik Khuda Bux Awan and Malik Nasir Awan. He joined education department and started his career as lecturer on adhoc basis. His service was terminated and he started politics at district level. He was elected as member district council Khushab. Later he was reinstated on the orders of court and again continued his service in education department and presently serves as Assistant Professor at Govt. Post Graduate College Jauharabad. He is good and famous horse rider.300

Malik Fateh Khan Bandial, former Chief Secretary Punjab, Federal Secretary, belongs to village Bandial. His Biradari is Khokhar Bandial. He is cousin of Malik Khaliq Dad Bandial who was elected as MPA. He is also very close relative of Malik Muzaffar Khan Bandial, owner Bandial Bus Transport Service and former member District Coucil Khushab.301

Malik Amjad Ali Noon, former district Nazim Sargodha, and Chairman Pakistan State Cement, member Prime Minister Inspection Team. He is son in law of Fateh Khan Bandial. Umar Ata Bandial, rose to the post of Chief Justice . He is son of Fateh Khan Bandial. Malik Kamran Awan, CSP income tax department, former PA to Speaker National Assembly, Fahmida Mirza. Malik Habib Nawaz Awan, belongs to village Jabbi, was a CSP in Trade and Commerce Department. Malik Zafar Iqbal Awan, belongs to village Jabbi, serving as DPO.

299 Malik Muhammad Akbar Hayat Awan, former Member District Council Khushab, now serving as Assistant Professor Psychology in P.G College Jauharabad, interview by researcher, October 19, 2014. 300 Dr. Badar Munir Awan, Department of Urdu, Govt. P.G College Jauharabad, telephonic interview by researcher, December 2014. 301 Malik Khalid Bandial, MA (History) LLB, (Landlord) village Bandial, interview by researcher, February 19, 2015.

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Adbdul Jabbar Shaheen, village 22 MB, Secretary Schools education Lahore is from Araen family.302

There are also such cases where a family became a web. Different members of the elite family of a particular Biradari got positions in various power centers i.e. bureaucracy, army, judiciary, bar council, local government and lagislatures. Their mutual collaboration heightens the power of the family as well as Biradari. Kazim Ali Gujjar, Advocate, started his practice as lawyer in Khushab district courts place at Jauharabad. He contested elections of president Bar Coucil during 1970s. He is famous for his honesty. He joined judiciary as additional session judge in the period of Justice Falak Sher, Chief Justice Lahore High Court. He was appointed as incharge monitoring cell to check the performance of judges in courts of Punjab. Later on he was appointed as judge of of High Court at Rawalpindi bench. He also served as Director General Anti Corruption Punjab in 1997. He served as judge of Punjab election tribunal. He belonged to Nurpur Thal city. His brother Nazim Ali Gujjar rose to the position of manager of United Bank Limited. His uncle Mahboob Ali Gujjar is active in local politics. Mostly as the leaders of Gujjar Biradari they support Sardar Shuja Muhammad Khan Baloch, former MNA, MPA and head of Baloch Biradari in district Khushab.

Baloch Biradari also shared the power in the institutions as the Awan got it proportionally more than the Baloch Biradari. Two major instances of Baloch Biradari are Brig. Muhammad Javed Iqbal and Muhammad Ikhlaq Khan. Brigadier Muhammad Javed Iqbal belonged to village Jamali Balochan. He belonged to Baloch tribe. He was able to get powerful postion of Director General in NADRA Punjab. He is very popular in the area for his public service and helping people in getting jobs to his hins. Again Muhammad Ikhlaq Khan who was retired as DSP in 2007 was a Baloch.

A large number of civil bureaucrats belonged to the Awan Biradari. The proportion of the population can be one factor but one is surprised to see that majority of the bureaucrats belonged to those few villages which could be called the power centre of the Awan Biradari.Mardwal, Padhrar, Jabbi, Anga and Suraki were major

302 Prof. (R) Muhammad Saeed Saggu, former Director Budget & Planning, DPI Office, Higher Education Department, Govt. Of Punjab, Anar Kali Bazar, Lahore, interverview by researcher, village Katti Mar, Tehsil Noor Pur, Distt: Khushab, April 10, 2015.

130 villages where major elite families of Awan Biradari reside. Malik Sher Afzal Awan from village Mardwal, served as deputy secretary civil secretariat Islamabad. Ata Muhammad Malik, Awan belongs to village Panja, retired as DSP Legal on 13th December 2011. Malik Muhammad Iqbal Awan SP Punjab Patroling Police belongs to village Jabbi. Malik Farooq Ahmad Awan, belongs to Suraki Soon valley presently serving SP Karachi. Likewise Ghulam Ali, DSP Headquarters, Jauharabad was Awan and belonged to Jabbi.303

Abdul Malik Jasra belongs to village Peelon Wans. He became CSP Income Tax Thal. Jasras and Kaloos are dominating Biradaries of this village. Literacy rate of this village is 100 percent that is the highest in district Khushab. It is called the village of judges as about thirteen judges of different courts come from this village. Jasras and Kalloos are opponent to each other in union and tehsil politics. Abdul Basit Jasra is serving as Deputy Accountant General Punjab who belongs to this village. Israr Ahmad Jasra, former member Punjab Bar Council also remained UC nazim of Peelon Wans. His younger brother Muhammad Safdar Jasra is serving as additional session judge. Malik Muhammad Hayat Jasra, CSP, retired Additional Accountant General of Pakistan also belongs to this village after retirement he served on deputation and commerce department Government of Pakistan.304

The institutional power in the grip of a family through powerful positions helped the families to get political power and sometimes the powerful positions in the institutions became the destiny of the same family due to the political power that the family enjoyed. Malik Mian Muhammad Awan served as commissioner Income Tax Lahore. He was from village Mardwal. His brother Malik Rab Nawaz Awan was a famous contractor who later on was elected as the member of district council Khushab. Rab Nawaz was popular in the area and people would regard him as patron. Malik Gulbaz Awan served as district attorney Sargodha. He was from village Mardwal. His son was elected as Nazim Union Council Mardwal. He has strong Biradari hold and was active in politics. Again there is another instance of Malik Ahsan Akhtar Awan from village Khabeki. He was raised to the position of federal secretary to Federal Government. He was son in law of Qazi Mureed Ahmad Awan,

303 Prof. (R) Dost Muhammad Awan, MA (Political Science) village Jabbi Sharif (Distt: Khushab) interview by researcher, January 29, 2015. 304 Muhammad Waris Jasra, Advocate, Former President District Bar Jauharabad, interview by researcher November, 2014.

131 former MPA in 1951. One of his brother in law was colonel in the Pakistan Army. Khuda Dad Joiya retired Magestrate belongs to village Aano. His father Muhammad Bux remained a chairman of union council. Joiya Biradari is fourth number in population after Baloch, Tiwana and Sagu Biradaries in tehsil Nurpur Thal.305

The powerful position holder in one institution also helped his family kin to get another powerful position in another institution. Thus a family remained in the power through continuity of getting powerful positions in the institutions. In this regard the family of Sher Muhammad Awan from village Hadali can be mentioned. He was retired from police as Dypurty Suprintendent Police. His elder son Khalid Mahmood Awan took the opportunity to join the police department and is serving as SHO . Notwithstanding the son might be capable enough to get the post of SHO the continuity of the power position in a family rose the prestige of the family in the area.

In politics Biradari often become faction and fight amongst each other.306 The officers of dominant birderies discriminate the kammis in their pursuit to power. There are certain ways to suppress the kammis. The officers of dominant parties make the kammis remain busy in false litigation. The kammis having no resot in thane darbare (police station and courts) are bound to bow before the influence of dominant Biradaries. The decisions and contests in the courts produce a numbr of problems for the kammis. Their financial position weakens due to which they have to bear the burden of debt that transferred to their generations. They also use the kammis in their personal and professional rivalries with other dominant biraders. In the result of this the rivalry of the kammis with other group develops and thus the permanent enemities take place. That did not let the children of kammis get higher positions.

Family disputes among the kammies are aired by the officers and rulers of major families. The big and dominant Biradaris incite one faction of the kammis to fight or start dispute with other faction which is supported by other bigh and dominant Biradari. Kidnapping of the girls is common practice in the kammis. Dominant Biradaris highlight such issues that generate enemity. The dispute in the court

305 Malik Iftikhar Awan, famous businessman & social worker, interview by researcher at Awan Market Naushehra October 06, 2014 and Shoukat Raza Awan, Lecturer (History) Govt. College Darya Khan, interviewed by researcher at Tehsil Noorpur, Distt: Khushab, October 08, 2014. 306 Paul Brass, Ethnicity and Nationalism Theory and Comparison (London: Sage Publications, 2012), 43

132 diminishes the position of the kammis more and they become more dependent on the big Biradaries. The fight of the Kammis307 give the opportunity to the big and conflicting Biradaris to give and take in the existing conflict between the big Biradaries.

In this way the big Biradaris settle their political disputes on one hand and in contrary also overcome the position of kammis. Such dominance to the big Biradaries become possible for them due to their powerful positions in civil and military bureaucracy.

The given data shows the picture that the army officers and bureaucrats from the district Khushab were converged in some families. These in turn were the leading families of very few Biradaries. Thus the power that was vested with major institutions of the state of Pakistan came into the control of Biradaries. The powerful Biradaries not only became powerful through getting the positions in the powerful institutions they also got political power with the help of institutional power positions. Sometimes it too happened that the politically powerful families got the powerful positions in the inistitutions. This trend ultimately intermingled the biradri affiliation with the power.

307 Working class.

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CHAPTER 4 BIRADARI’S CONTROL OVER ECONOMIC RESOURCES In this section of thesis we will try to answer two major questions. At the first place we shall compare whether riches or kinship is significant in relation to securing power in the area of our case study – Khushab. Second aspect of the question is that wealth has been concentrated in major Biradaris who in turn manage to grasp the power in the area. Thus the alliance between wealth and Biradari has emerged as major power broker in the politics. Democratic power is achieved due to Biradari numbers which is then translated into other forms of power. The leaders of Biradaries manage to win the power through counting the voters of their families in their support. The political power then gives them chance to get wealth that strengthens their power position even more. The wealth is generated through contracts, lease and jobs etc. The numerical strength of the Biradari enhances the supremacy of the Biradari chiefs in respect of prestige, dominance as well as economy. 4.1 Importance of Biradari vs Wealth As far as the answer of the question whether riches is significant for getting or determining power or Biradari is significant for retaining the power it is evident that there are many instances where affiliation of the Biradari made a poor or middle class person able to get high power position in politics or institution. One can see that Malik Karam Bakhsh Awan basically belonged to business class family before entering into active politics during sixties. He established Tanzeem-ul-Awan, an organisation for the restoration of Awan Biradari’s power and prestige in the power politics of tehsil Khushab. When Malik Karam started his work for the upbringing of his Biradari the numerically less but more in wealth Tiwana were dominating the power politics of district Shahpur (now distt. Sargodha). Awan Biradari was in majority but that majority was politically powerless. Malik Karam mustered the support of Biradari, collected the people on the name of Awan Kari (Awan brotherhood) and challenged the hegemony of Tiwana in the area. He started to publish a monthly magazine titled “Tanzeem-ul-Awan. In that journal he included the stories of the great personalities of Awan tribes, the history of their conviction, courage, loyalty, bravely and commitment. He also focused on the concepts of brotherhood and solidarity with

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Awan Biradari. He raised the slogan of the superiority of the Awan Biradari. He also managed to publish the genealogical history of the various sub-castes, clans and various branches of Awan. He developed the studies of tribal configuration of Awan Biradari. He highlighted the military services of Awan soldiers that could nourish the Biradari affiliation among the people. Malik Karam Bakhsh focused on the deprivation of the Awan people and said that despite the area of Soon Valley inhabited by Awan possessed three lakes as well as scenic beauty and could be developed as a public resort. This area was neglected because of the rule of Tiwana tribes. He filled the Awan with the sense of deprivation and pushed them that the wealthy Tiwana had kept them in backwardness and poverty with the help of their control of politics. He succeeded inculcating in them the sPirit of self help, self confidence and self reliance for getting the power. That sPirit ultimately made easier for him to win the elections of 1970 notwithstanding he possessed less wealth than his wealthy competitors - Qureshies and Tiwana. On the basis of Biradari affiliation this middle class man also got the membership of shura during Zia regime while there were many wealthier candidates for the post. This middle class man founded a political dynasty as his son Malik Basheer Awan got power on various occasions and then his grandson Shakir Basheer Awan also became a successful politician in power struggle of the district Khushab.308 Mian Sultan Awan started his career as a transporter. He entered in political arena during 1960s and won elections for MPA against the wealthier Tiwana candidate. The majority of Awan Biradari supported him and he not only got the power but also was able to develop his business and became owner of Awan Bus Transport later on.309 Another example where the affiliation with the Biradari defeated the wealth for grasping the power can be presented from elections of 2002, 2008 and 2013 that of Waris Kalu Joyyia in contest of Shuja Muhammad Baloch. Waris Kalu had the support of Biradari behind him although he was not a wealthy person in 2002. On the contrary Shuja Muhammad was a wealthier person but could not rally Biradari behind

308 Prof.(R) Malik Muhammad Aslam Hayat Awan former chairman Department of History and Pakistan Studies, University of Sargodha, interviewed by the researcher, village Jabba (Distt: Khushab) November, 15,2014. 309 Malik Faisal Sultan Awan former Union Nazim village Khura (His father Malik Mian Sultan Awan (Late) was MPA & founder of Awan Transport Bus Company (Awan Express)

135 him. Therefore later though wealthier lost and former on the basis of the Biradari won the power.310 Ameer Mukhtar SAngah, well known owner of the mines and mineral resources in the district Khushab, who used all of his resources in order to win the sympathies of his tribe, lost the elections for the provincial assembly in 2008 against Malik Javed Awan of Padhrar family of Awan tribe because the heads of Awan tribes decided to support the their Biradari fellow, Javed Awan as padhrar family of Awan had made their marks in civil, Military and politics.311 Malik Mukhtar Ahmad from village Khabeki Soon valley emerged as a new opponent of Malik Karam Baksh Awan family. Mukhtar was less wealthy in comparison with Karam Bakhsh but he managed to get the support of the heads of the Awan Biradari of the area. Though Karam Bakhsh family who with the passage of time had become richer could win the elections with the help of their riches and resources but when the decisions of family heads went against them they could not survive politically. The support of Biradari chiefs again changed from Mukhtar Awan to Malik Basheer who won the elections of election of provincial assembly in 1990 with very close margin. Again the wealth lost and Biradari factor won the power. 312 In the elections of 1993 Malik Mukhtar Awan had to contest two wealthier contestants. One Malik Tanveer Sultan Awan was the owner of Hajveri Airlines. The other Ifthikhar Awan belonged to commercial wealthy class and he used his riches during the elections in form of giving scholarships, dining parties, employment promises, publicity and media. The wealth of the contesting candidates could not prevent the victory of Biradari affiliation with Malik Malik Mukhtar.313

4.2 Concentration of Wealth in Influential Biradaris

It is hall mark of the politics of the area that affiliation of the Biradari affects the riches in elections as well as in society. When it not possible that richess may be

310 Malik Muhammad Waris Kalu, MPA(PP-42) & Parliamentary Secretary, Interviewed by the researcher at Waris abad, Village Rodda (Distt: Khushab) November 30, 2014. 311 Malik Ameer Mukhtar Sangah Awan, former Tehsil Nazim Khushab, interviewed by researcher Sangah House Khushab Mianwali Road, Jauharabad, September 08, 2014. 312 Malik Mukhtar Ahmad Awan, former MPA, interviewed by the researcher at village Khabekhi (Soon Valley), Distt: Khushab, December 5, 2014 313 Malik Khudadad Khan Awan, former chairman Baitul Mall Khushab, former vice chairman Zilla Council Khushab, interviewed by the researcher at village Khaliq abad, union council Kund, Distt: Khushab, February 3, 2015.

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defeated Biradari affiliation makes it easy for middle class man to get riches on the grounds of links formed on the basis of Biradari affiliation. “The area of Salt Range is major economic source in district Khushab as most part of Salt Range 47 miles is situated in present district and old tehsil Khushab. Along with the fertile land there are the mountains of sandstone. The salt produced from Warhcha district Khushab is better in quality than that of Kheora.”314 The economy of the district relies over the agriculture, forests and mineral resourses. The industry shares less in the income of the district. The possessors of the fertile land, forests or the mines in the district hold almost ninety percent of the source of production and income in the district.” The major Biradaries also have been able to acquire major sources of economy in their hand. The acquisition of the resources thus enables them to enjoy the power that economic resources promise.Major Biradaries of the district have managed to acquire the forests in the area. They are major share holders in parallel to government administered forest areas in the district. Following table shows the figures and proportion of the total land in the area and ownership of the forest land by government and non government entities which are mostly major Biradaries. 4.2.1 Forest Land Table 15: Forest Land of District Khushab Occupied by Government and Biradaris Total Forest Area Government Area under Tehsil (In Acres) occupied area Biradaries Khushab 80540 42213 38327 Nurpur Thal 1178 567 611 Quaid Abad 19450 11322 8128 Total 101168 54102 47066 Source: District Forest Officer Jauhar Abad (Khushab), Official Record

314 J. Wilson, Shahpur/Sargodha Gazetteer 1897, translated by Naeem Ullah Malik (Sargodha: University of Sargodha, 2014), 11, 13, 23.

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Graph2: Forest Land of District Khushab occupied by Government and Biradaris

50000 40000 30000 Khushab 20000 Nurpul Thal 10000 0 Quaid Abad Government Baradris' occupied Area occupied area

One can see that Biradaries of the district share major portion of the forest land with the government. The share of the Biradaries in the forest land of the district is 46.52 percent. Thus major bararadries of the area occupy a major source of income as well as the means of production in their control. Following table shows the share of the different Biradaries in forest land of the district. Table 16: Possession of Forest Land by Biradaris Total Governmen Area Occupied by Biradaries Forest t Occupied Bandia Tiwan Gunjia Joya/Kall Baloc Area Land Land l Awan a l u h Khusha 80540 1533 b 42213 7123 0 6245 4530 0 5099 Nurpur 1178 Thal 567 0 0 387 0 64 160 Quaid 19450 Abad 11322 2076 1427 3513 764 0 348 10116 1675 8 54102 9199 7 10145 5294 64 5607 Source: Additional District Collector Khushab, Annual Land Use (Milan-e- Raqba) 2013-14

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4.2.2 Cultivated Land Table 17: Cultivated Land Occupied by Major Biradaris Total Area Land Others Bandial Awan Tiwana Gunjial Joya/Kallu Baloch 69567 264 211423 45140 5047 3054 81294 Nurpur 516314 Thal 88234 0 856 299660 0 53242 74322 Quaid 128545 Abad 45837 5580 24978 49872 870 443 965 1060648 203638 5844 237257 394672 5917 56739 156581 Source: Additional District Collector Khushab, Latest Register Haqdaran Zameen (Land possessors) and Recorded in Lal Kitab (Red Book) District Khushab 2013-14 NTO 868, 20-11-2014 The situation of occupation of other cultivated land that is sown area in district Khushab also marks the domination of big Biradaries. The landlords of the district are Tiwana Biradari. These landlords have been owner of major part of the land of district since colonial period. The income from mines have been collected with Awan Biradari. Tiwana Biradari and Awan Biradari both together possess more than half of the fertile agriculture land. Eighthy-one percent of the agricultural land is in possession of five major Biradaries of the district namely Tiwana, Awan, Baloch, Bandial and Gunjial and Joiya. The possession of these lands enables major Biradaries to control the most important source of income in the area that proves major source of economic power. The land helps them get political power as well as social prestige in terms of provision of livelihood to poor farmers and labourers. Thecultivators of the land are work force for the land owners. Along with their agricultural services they also become vote bank for their land owner in elections. Moreover they virtually are the ruled ones in their daily social affairs. In the life of village the land owners become the lords and they drive all matters of the society according to their will. This may be called the social or economc power that the land owners possess.

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Graph 3: Net Land Sown by Biradaris

Joya/Kallu Baloch Others 5% 15% 19% Bandial Gunjial 1% 1% Awan Tiwana 22% 37%

4.2.3 Power Struggle between Feudal Lords of Biradaries in Conflict with Kammis

The landlord-tenant relation is what Pakistani writers generally refer to as ‘feudalism’. Landlord earn their living from the surplus they extract from the tenant in the form of the share. Landlords mostly extract labour from landless share croppers, but they may also utilize the labour of poor or middle peasant. In addition they may also employ wage labour, especially during the harvesting and planting season when the need for labour is high. However, even though land is owned in large estates, it is actually cultivated in small parcels because landlords rent or lease land out to share croppers in parcels averaging about 15 acres.315 Traditionally, landlords belongs to the higher Biradaries of the zamindar caste. For instance, landlords in the Punjab belong to the Syed Rajpoot, Jaat castes. The Syed claim area descent and trace their linage back to the prophet Muhammad. Rajpoot literally means “the king’s son”. Some of the influential tribes of the Punjab that are part of the Rajpoot caste includes the Bhattis, Punwars, Chuhans, Minhas, Tiwnas, Noon, Chibs, Ghebas, Jodhra, Janjua, Siyals, Wattoos etc. Similarly a large number of Punjabi zamindars belong to the Jatt caste.316 During the pre-colonial period the jagirdars was the representative of the state. Similarly the landlords of the contemporary Pakistan retain control not only over the village panchayat but also over the instrument s of the modern state. Hence, to gain access to the organs of the state for social services, law and order or other concerns

315 Taimur Rahman, The Class Structure of Pakistan (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2014), 115 316 Ibid

140 villagers have to mostly go through the landlords. Landlords are able to retain a despotic status in relation to the peasants by maintaining monopoly control over modern state institutions. Traditionally, non-agrArian rural work was mostly done by the members of the various kammi castes. More recently the development of commodity production has given rise to a market driven non agricultural rural sector that is often dominated by small capitalist enterprises employing wage labour or petty commodity producers.317 In Pakistan Biradaries are broadly divided into two distinct systems: land- owing Biradaries are known as zamindar Biradaries, and laboring class Biradaries are known as kammi Biradaries. Zamindar Biradaries include those that work their own land as well as those who mainly live off the rent from their share cropping tenants. The more powerful zamindar Biradari tends to dominate village life. Working Biradaries are known as kammi Biradaries. There are numerous kammi Biradaries. These working Biradaries making up over a quarter of the population, were largely composed of “the great mass of such aboriginal element [tribe] still to be found in the Punjab”. Today state appears simply as one element – whose functionality is historically specific and contextually variable – in multitude circuits of power, connecting a diversity of authorities and forces within a whole variety of complex assemblages.318 Such ideas of diversity have been advocated by Akhil Gupta who shows that “the state” in Indian area is composed not only of the three branches of government (administrative, legislative, and judiciary), but also of multiple levels (federal, state, district, sub-district, and block) and numerous bureaus and programs (dealing, for example, with education, medical care, housing, agriculture, and commerce). Far from operating as a seamless, purposeful, and well-integratedwhole, the Indian bureaucracy instead bumps along in fragmented, uncoordinated and decentralized fashion.319

317 Taimur Rahman, The Class Structure of Pakistan (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2014), 115- 123 318 Nikolas Rose, Powers of Freedom Reaffirming Political Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 5 319 Akhil Gupta, Red Tape: Bureaucracy, Structural Violence and Poverty in India Durham, (NC: Duke University Press, 2012. 384

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Kammis320 – the circuits of power – bear the vote bank as they are large in numbers. On one hand the kammis are the resistant force in the war of power but on the other hand they become instrumental in the achievement of power by leading and ruling Biradaris. The Biradari that is successful in bagging the majority vote of kammis wins the power. A new trend is that kammis also move from village to the cities or towns in search of their living and by this act they get out of the influence of major Biradari and become independent in the game of power. Such kammis take the form of resistant element for the control and hegemony of ruling Biradaries. This element, rather modern in many aspects, is problematic for Biradari domination on the basis of modern education as well. The kammis get education and are able to get jobs that make them go out of the sphere of influence of ruling Biradaries. Such lower caste people are becoming pivotal in the decisions of elections. To counter such kammis the Biradari waderas use the feudalism as a tool to get the support of their tenants in the elections. Their tenants, due to their economic compulsions are forced to support their feudal lords and thus power economic as well as political remains in the control of major Biradari chiefs. In district Khushab the best example of the support of tenants for the lord of major Biradaris can be presented in the victory of Malik Mukhtar Ahmad Awan of Khabeki as member of provincial Assembly of Punjab. There were two major factors responsible for his victory; one was the affiliation with the Biradari and second is that the number of his tenants is large who supported Malik Mukhtar. He also has distributed temporarily the land free of cost to the kammis to build up his vote bank. The kammis have built their houses over that land of which the rights of ownership had not been given to them.321 Malik Javed iqbal Awan, an elected member of the Provincial Assembly, use tact to win the electoral support of the kammis and lower Biradari. He and his family members have taken the contracts of major coal mines in district Khushab. The kammis and low-Biradari men take jobs in these mines and being the labour employees they are bound to give votes to their employer politicians. The lower Biradari workers also work in the goods transport and hoteling business of this family. They, therefore, are bound to support their political masters. These

320 Working class 321 Malik Khuda Dad Awan, Interview by researcher.

142 arrangements have made the government of this family so permanent that they are ruling over the area from three generations. In the local government system the hegemony of the Biradari elites could be eclipsed with the reserved seats of tenants, labourers and non-Muslims. However the electoral college of these members remained the elected members who belonged to the ruling Biradari or who were under direct influence of the ruling Biradaries. In this way the kammis and tenants again remained under the hegemony of ruling Biradari. However the devolution plan of General Musharraf empowered the kammis and lower caste people by raising their seats and by changing the mode of election into direct form in the union councils, tehsil councils and district council and municipal corporations. . The constituency of the seats for all was broadened to the Union level, tehsil level and district level. These steps empowered the kammis much. In 2005 the major Biradaries were alarmed and on their initiation the number of seats were decreased in the next local bodies elections in 2007. In the result of reforms in the local government system it became likely to essential for the kammis to contest elections on general seats. The zamindar Biradaries, in order to win the important seats of chairmen and in order to satisfy the kammis, let the kammis contest the elections but the opponent of that kammi is also selected from the kammies by the opponent zamindar group. In this way the kammies are not empowered. 4.2.4 Mines and Minerals There are huge coal deposits in whole Salt Range. District Khushab is one of those districts (Mianwali, Jehlum, Attock and Chakwal) where main coal deposits exist. In this area thickness of coal seams generally ranges from some centimeters to one and half meters. The coal found in this area is of sub-bituminous quality.Salt Range Coal fields extend from 12.5 miles north of Khushab to about 15 mile north of Khewra within an area approximately 100 square miles. Coal occurs in the Patala Formation. Coal seam ranging in thickness from few inches to a maximum of five feet is available in the whole Salt Range. The coal has been classified as high volatile bituminous with high ash and sulpher contents. Its calorific value in BTU varies from 7100 to 11100. Reserves have been estimated to be 75 million tons. Moreover caol

143 reservoirs fireclay deposits are also found in District Khushab. Chambal, Padhrar, are important places where fireclay deposits are found.322 The production of minerals (in hundred metric tons) in Khushab district during 2009-10 marked that 2143 hmt caol was produced in district Khushab. The production of lime stone stood at 16687 hmt. 9049 hmt rock salt was also produced from the area. Land of mines and minerals is government property and cannot be sold and bought. These mines and mineral resources are auctioned by the government. Different people and companies acquire the mines through auctions. Different influential families of major Biradaries struggle to keep control over the contracts of these resources. The deposits from mines where less technicality or lower techonology is required are utilized by the small enterprises of local people. For difficult and high technological mines the companies from out of Khushab have the capacity to produce minerals. However middle class production that is almost 46 percent of total production of the minerals is in possession of major Biradaries of Khushab district. Following table shows how much production of the mineral resources is in possession of the elite families of major Biradaries. Table 18: Mineral Production in District Khushab in Hundred Metric Tons for 2009-10 Minerals Production Government Local Companies Common (hundred Biradaris Outside People metric tons) Khushab 2009-10 Argillaceous Clay 1909 0 1330 509 70 Bauxite 78 0 0 78 0 Bentonite 44 0 20 17 7 Coal 2143 0 1687 309 147 Fireclay 396 0 226 113 57 Gypsum 773 0 400 295 78 Lime Stone 16687 0 9345 3267 4075 Marble 30 0 30 0 0 Ochers 44 0 0 44 0 Rock Salt 9049 7450 1100 385 114 Silica Sand 348 0 301 0 47

322 http://punjab.gov.pk/mnm_dimop

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Latrit 65 65 0 0 0 Total 31566 7515 14439 5017 4595 Source: Bureau of Statistics Government of the Punjab, 2011 Statistical Pocket Book of the Punjab, 278. Graph 4: Mineral Production in District Khushab 2009-10 (in hundred metric tons)

Common People 14% Government 24%

Outside Khushab 16%

Local Biradaris 46%

Table 19: Production in possession of Local Biradaries Production owned by Total major Minerals Production Biradaries Awan Gunjial Bandial Tiwana Agrillacious 1909 1330 308 195 104 Clay 723 Bentonite 44 20 13 5 1 1 Coal 2143 1687 1454 114 34 85 Fireclay 396 226 180 46 0 0 Gypsum 773 400 103 90 107 100 Lime Stone 16687 9345 4453 4112 780 0 Marble 30 30 6 24 0 0 Rock Salt 9049 1100 686 219 195 0 Silica Sand 348 301 153 118 30 0

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Total 31379 14439 7771 5036 1342 290 Source: Bureau of Statistics Government of the Punjab, 2011 Statistical Pocket Book of the Punjab, 278.

Graph 5: Production owned by Major Biradaris

Production owned by major Baradaris Tiwana 2%

Bandial 9%

Gunjial Awan 35% 54%

4.2.5 Ownership of Factories and Influence of Biradaris on Labour Force The factories that produce heavy products in Khushab are less in number than other districts of Punjab due to specific reasons of the districts. One of the reasons is that during imperial rule the hilly part of Khushab was major source of recruitment in the army on the persuasion of Tiwana. Secondly less industrialisation in this area is because of shortage of raw material sufficient for the attraction of industrialists. Thirdly less quantity and quality of the raw material is a major cause of less industrialization.323 During the Ayub and Zia regimes the tax holiday was declared for the district Khushab and process of industrialization started on slow paces in jute sector and sugar and cotton sectors. This industrialization stopped due to the declaration of

323 Malik Muhammad Azam Khan Rajar, Awan, former Member Punjab Assembly & President District Bar Council Khushab, Interviewed by researcher, 13 December 2014

146 industrial zone of Chunian during the government of Nawaz Sharif in 1993 and the industrialists diverted their attention from Khushab to Chunian.324 The powerful Biradaries did not let the industry develop in the area despite having resources to establish the industry. They thought that the industrialization might weaken their power and control of resources in the area because industrialization needed the coalition with other people and labour unions could create problem for them.325 There are only 29 factories in the district till 2009.326 Table 20: Labour Force in Factories Total factories Factories where Labour Factories where Labour is Total Labour (1947-2009) is less than 100 more than 100 force 29 16 13 11095 Source: Bureau of Statistics GOP, 2011 Statistical Pocket Book of the Punjab, 235, 270 Despite less industrialization in the area, again major Biradaries got control of some of the factories established in the area. 4.2.6 Transport Business One of the major sources of income of Khushab district is business of goods transportation and travel transport. This business was occupied by major Biradaries of the district. Two routes - Sargodha to Rawalpindi via Khushab and Chakwal, Sargodha to Rawalpindi via Khushab and Talagang – cover vast hilly and backward areas of whole salt range and provide a lot of money to the transport companies which dominate over the business of transport. Two dominating transport companies are Awan Bus Service and Super Awan Bus Service. Even the names of the companies mark the Biradari culture that dominates major economic source. Awan Bus Service is owned by Mian Sultan Awan of village Khura Soon valley Khushab who later on became MPA. Super Awan Bus Service is owned by Malik Gul Zaman Awan of Uchali village Soon valley. Thus transport was dominated by two Awan who got the possession of all other smaller routes and companies in the district. No transport company thus can operate in the district and in adjacent areas without the cooperation

324 Malik Khudadad Khan Awan, former chairman Baitul Mall Khushab, former vice chairman Zilla Council Khushab, interviewed by the researcher at village Khaliq abad, union council Kund, Distt: Khushab, February 3, 2015. 325 Prof.(R) Malik Muhammad Zarar former principal Govt. Post Graduate College Jouharabad (Khushab) interviewed by the researcher at Civil Lines, Jauharabad, October 10, 2014. 326 Bureau of Statistics Government of the Punjab, 2011 Statistical Pocket Book of the Punjab, 270.

147 of Awan. This transport business thus became a weapon in the hands of Awan to compete the hegemony of Tiwana. The development of Awan in the transport business was a direct threat to the hegemony of the Tiwana who resorted to make differences in the Awan and they supported the second group of Awan led by Gul Zaman Awan. The rivalry of the Awan groups resulted in the murder of so many people and finally Gul Zaman Awan was killed by Mian Sultan group. But soon after the heads of Awan Biradari realised the density of this consPiracy against the Awan rising status and they reconciled the rival Awan groups and Mian Sultan group became dominant in the transport business. This was used by Mian Sultan for promotion of his political stature.327 Bandial family too inserts its control on the transport business. Lahore Mianwali via Sargodha and Khushab is in their professional control because their village Bandial is located at the Khushab Mianwali Road and that area is influenced by Bandial family. Malik Muzaffar Khan Bandial founded Bandial Bus Service and organised the Bandial family in this business of transport. Thus he gained wealth, fame, respect and ultimately the power and was elected as a member district council Sargodha when Khushab was not district. After 1982 when Khushab became district the role of Bandial family in the politics of district rose much more than previous period that is still continued.328 4.2.7 Important Economic Positions Awan of Khushab, especially from Padhrar village, got another advantage over other Biradaries in respect of getting economic power that one of their Biradari fellow Lt. Gen. Malik Arif Hayat was able to get the position of CEO of Fauji Fertilizer Company (FFC), which is the largest urea manufacturing company in Pakistan that creates over 50 percent of Pakistan’s demand of fertilizers. The company, during the tenure of Malik Arif, also started to manufacture steel from scrap.329 Such position that is crucial not only for the economic well being of the area andBiradari but also for whole of Pakistan can easily make the person one of the powerful figure in not only in area even in country due to socio-economic and

327 Malik Akhtar Nawaz Awan (Former Manager Super Awan Bus Service) Nowshehra (Soon valley) Khushab , interviewed by researcher, 3 January 2014. 328 Malik Khalid Bandial, MA (History) LLB, (Landlord) village Bandial, interview by researcher, February 19, 2015. 329 Javed Mirza, “FFC plans venture in steel manufacturing, coal gasification,” The News, 11 March 2012

148 political linkages with other powerful people all over the country. This position also enabled Malik Asif Awan to establish his Biradari fellows economically through dealership of fertilizers and employment in FFC.330 4.2.8 Dominance of Biradaries on Economic System of Zakat and Usher Zakat is religious fund reserved for the needy and poor, neglected and down trodden, cripples, disables and orphans as well as the non curable patients and indebted people. In Pakistan General Zia ul Haq introduced the system of Zakat and Usher in 1981. This was part of the reforms of Gen. Zia that he made for his programme of Islamization. Therefore a system was introduced on the federal and provincial level and an organisation was established for implementation of zakat under ministry of religious affairs. The zakat and usher committees became a tool of economic well being as well as the manifestation of the economic power in the eyes of the common people on behalf of the state as well as the concerned committees. The functions delegated to the zakat and usher committees also produced impression of the power of the state in the economic field. It could boost up the image of the welfare state. The zakat and usher committees, therefore, were considered as the show of power for the common people. The poor and needy would look to the members and chairmen of the committees as the agents who could help and assist them in way of dowry fund and student scholarship. They could enhance the economic activity through the provision of training through handicraft and small loans and funding. The image of the members of zakat committees in the eyes of common man was that of a powerful personality at least equal to if not more than that of the chairman of local bodies. Owing to the image and impression of zakat committies in the public and political spheres the powerful people were attracted to the membership of these committies. Through that membership they could on one side equalize themselves with other holders of power positions in politics as well as institutions of the state. On the other hand such membership gave them control over a huge amount of funds and they would find that fund on their disposal. Ultimately they could make many people

330 Prof.(R) Mureed Hussain Alvi former principal Govt.Ambala Muslim College Sargodha, Interviewed by the researcher at village Padhrar (Distt: Khushab) October 5, 2014.

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bow before them for the sake of completion of their economic needs. Despite the opportunities of corruption for the member they could also use those funds for the increase of their support in the public. Thus the game for the achievement of the membership of zakat committees made the members of powerful Biradaries enter in the struggle of getting positions in the committees. They took keen interest for achievement of such positions. The village chairmen and the members of the Zakat committees were decided to be elected in the public gatherings in the mosques of respective villages and town. The members of Zakat committees in this way were representatives of the people in one sense. The politics entered in the elections of the members and in this politics the the powerful Biradaries of district Khushab penetrated in the zakat system too. The powerful elite of the area, the powerful heads of the biradris in the district, could induct their Biradari fellows in the zakat committees with the help of their social influence on the basis of Biradari affiliations as well as their control over the powerful positions in the state and politics. Table 21: Chairmen of District Zakat and Usher Committees Khushab 1982- 2008 Sr. Duration Name Biradari Description No. 1 24-10-1982 to Haji Malik Dost Awan Head of powerful faction of Awan Biradari 10-07-1983 Muhammad from village Sodhi Soon valley. His son was Col. Hameedullah and he was son in law of Brig. Aziz of Nowshehra who was brother in Law of former federal minister Naeem Khan Awan. 2 03-02-1984 to Hafiz Muhammad Awan His family was famous owing to the religious 13-04-1988 Hasan services and were called Mianey. He was resident of Khushab city where he had long range of Biradari and social linkages. 3 14-04-1988 to Haji Abdul Quddus Awan Resident of village Kufri. He was respectable of 31-01-1992 the Awan Biradari. He was real uncle of Malik Tanvir Sultan Awan, owner of Hajveri Airlines, who contested elections from PP 33 in 1993 and NA 51 Khushab in 1997. In 1993 just after one year of end of the term of Haji Abdul Qudus,

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Tanvir Sultan was able to manipulate the popularity that his uncle had gained through the position of his uncle when he contested elections. Tanvir Sultan contested elections again in 2008. 4 15-12-1992 to Brig. Retired Ata Awan Village Khoora. Uncle of Wing Commander 24-04-1993 Muhammad Awan Malik Safdar Awan. This family was staunch supporter of his Biradari fellow and sitting MNA Malik Naeem Khan Awan former federal minister. 5 28-04-1993 to Muhammad Riaz Awan Village Waheer. His father Malik Ghaus 30-06-1994 Dhuddi Muhammad was retired captain from British Army. The maternal relatives of Muhammad Riaz were Mianey of Khushab. His elder brother Muhammad Yousaf was Xen in Irrigation department. His brother Muhammad Aslam Advocate was among the founding members of Tanzeem-ul-Awan that was established in 1970s. His brother Muhammad Akram was lawyer. They possessed large patches of land in village Waheer. Another brother of his served as session judge. All of the brothers had strong affiliation with their Biradari fellows sitting MNA Naeem Awan and MPA Mukhtar Awan. 6 03-01-1995 to Muhammad Basheer Awan Village Padrhar. He supported the Karam Bux 13-10-1996 Awan Advocate Awan faction that was anti to MNA Naeem Awan’s faction. Therefore his tenure could not prolong than to two years. 7 12-09-1997 to Brig. Retired Ata Awan Again nominated as Umar Aslam, the maternal 16-05-2002 Muhammad nephew of Malik Naeem, won the elections for National Assembly and Ata Muhammad had affiliation with Malik Naeem Awan’s group. 8 16-05-2002 to Malik Ehsan Ullah Awan Village Rajar. Close relative of Malik Nazeer 30-09-2004 Rajar Ahmad Rajar former member district council Khushab and Malik Muhammad Azam Rajar MPA and president district bar Khushab.

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9 03-10-2004 to Syed Faiz ul Hasan Syed Gaddi Nasheen famous shrine of Gunjial 10-11-2007 Gillani Shareef. He was sPiritual leader of Malik Umar Aslam Awan, the runner up candidate of MNA in elections 2002. 10 11-11-2007 to Mahr Muhammad Arain Resident of village Mitha Tiwana, headquarter 29-10-2010 Basheer of famous Tiwana Biradari. He was retired superintendent from education department. The Tiwana needed the support of Arain Biradari from 3 to 4 union councils of NA 70 in the national elections of 2008 against Malik Shakier Basheer Awan. Sources: Office of the District Zakat and Ushar, Oppositte General Bus Stand (Old) Khushab 4.2.9 Dominance of Biradries on Market Committies in District Khushab Mitha Tiwana, Jauharabad, Qaidabad, Rangpur Bagoor are four market committees in district Khushab. The market committees are assigned to establish any market facility connected with the sale and purchase, storage and weighment as well as processing and pressing of the agricultural products in the area. It is authorised to issue, renew, suspend and cancel the licences to brokers, weighmen, measurers, surveyors, warehousemen, changers, palledars, boriotas, tolas, tokrewalas and rehriwalas for carrying on their occupation in the market area in respect of agricultural products and without the licence issued by market committee any above mentioned businessmen cannot carry their business activity in the specified market area.331 A market committee consists of 10-17 members from growers, dealers and consumers.332It can also levy fees on the agricultural productions bought or sold in the market. Its multiple functions are also that it can aquire land for the establishment of markets. Major economic activity is centred around market committee as it maintains and improves the markets including construction of storages, platforms small pullies, culverts and roads. It also collect and disseminate information regarding all matters relating to marketing in respect of the agricultural produce and propaganda in favour of agricultural improvement and thrift. It provides facilities such as cleaning

331 The Punjab Agricultural Produce Markets Ordinance, 1978 332 The Punjab Agricultural Produce Markets Ordinance, 1978

152 sets, plants for grading, standardization, packing and processing of agricultural produce. Moreover for the benefit of growers it constructs cold storages, werehouses and godowns.333 Being the member or chairman of the market committee means the acquisition of major decisions of local economic activity in one’s control. Chairmen/Administrators of the market committee thus would have vast influence over the business activity in the area. In the ordinary law it was prescribed that the members of the market committee would elect their chairman.When there would have been duly elected local government in the area the chairmen of the market committee would be elected and when there was no duly elected local government the administrator would be appointed to look after the affairs of the market committee. The influential Biradaries took firm hold of the market committees most of the time whenever there was a chairman.

Table 22: Administrators/Chairmen Market Committees in District Khushab No. Name Post From To 1 Malik Shafaat Ahmad Tiwana Chairman 29-11-1982 10-12-1983 2 Nisar Ali Malik Administrator 11-12-1983 30-06-1984 3 Ch. Nazir Ahmad Administrator 01-07-1984 23-10-1984 4 Malik Fazal Mahmood Awan Chairman 23-10-1984 18-05-1987 5 Muhammad Sharif Kasana Administrator 19-05-1987 11-10-1988 6 Malik Nazir Khan Rajar Awan Chairman 12-10-1988 05-06-1993 7 Muhammad Ameer Khan Chairman 06-06-1993 30-10-1993 Niazi 8 Maqbool Ahmad Khan DC Administrator 14-10-1993 20-04-1994 Khushab 9 Haq Nawaz Tarar DC Administrator 21-04-1994 15-04-1995 Khushab 10 Abd-us-Sattar Dyputy Administrator 16-04-1995 25-12-1995 Director Agriculture 11 Tajamal Chatta Dyputy 26-12-1995 02-02-1997 Director Agriculture 12 Malik Muhammad Shafi Administrator 03-02-1997 31-07-1997

333 The Punjab Agricultural Produce Markets Ordinance, 1978; Punjab Local Government Ordinance, 1979 (VI of 1979) and the Punjab Local Government Ordinance, 1979 VI of 1979); the Punjab Agricultural Produce Markets (Amendment) Ordinance, 2001, (XXIII of 2001; Punjab Agricultural Produce Markets (Amendment) Ordinance, 1984 (XXXIII of 1984; Punjab Agricultural Produce Markets (Amendment) Act, 1994 (IV of 1994).

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13 Haji Muhammad Mushtaq Administrator 01-01-1998 19-10-1999 Tiwana 14 Imdad Ullah Busal AC Administrator 20-10-1999 01-02-2000 Khushab 15 Shoaib Ali Syed AC Khushab Adminstrator 02-02-2000 01-02-2001 16 Haji Shahid Basheer AC Administrator 21-02-2001 14-08-2001 Khushab 17 Malik Ayub Bha Awan Administrator 05-09-2001 28-01-2002 18 Malik Masood Nazir Rajar Chairman 29-01-2002 20-05-2005 Awan 19 Saifullah Khan Tiwana Administrator 21-05-2005 25-04-2008 20 Muhammad Tahir Agriculture Administrator 26-04-2008 03-08-2010 Officer 21 Sheikh Muhammad Rafique Administrator 04-08-2010 ..... Source: Office of the Administrartor/Chairman Market Committee, Oppositte General Bus Stand Jauharabad Malik Shafaat Tiwana was the brother in law of Khuda Bux Tiwana, then chairman of District Council Khushab. The affiliation with the Biradari helped Malik Shafaat Tiwana to rise to the position of Exise and Taxation Officer and was retired as director Excise and Taxation Sargodha and now a member Khushab Bar. Malik Fazal Mahmood Awan has been chairman for three long years. He was Biradari fellow and strong supporter of Malik Naeem Khan Awan, Federal Minister. Malik Nazir Khan Rajar Awan, a big mine-owner belonged to the Biradari of Malik Muhammad Azam Rajar Awan former MPA and president district Bar Khushab. He also belongs to Malik Naeem Khan group. Malik Muhammad Ayub Bha Awan, later on, became tehsil nazim Khushab and his nephew Malik Muhammad Asif Bha Awan is continuously elected as MPA since 2002. Malik Masood Nazir Rajar Awan, the son of Malik Nazir Khan Rajar Awan became chairman on 20-01-2002 to 20-05-2005. He supports Sumera Malik group . Saifullah Khan Tiwana (Ad) is brother of Malik Khuda Bux Tiwana former Minister and heads of Tiwana in Punjab. Later he chose to becme MNA and district Nazim Khushab. 21-05-2005 to 25-04-2008 he remained the administer market committee.

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4.2.10 Dominance of Biradries on District Bar Council Jauharabad /Khushab The practice of law is a major powerful profession that on the one hand provides a wealth generating chance and on the other it deals with the significant department of law that is associated with almost every person. The office bearer of Bar Association then enjoys much power being the elected leaders of the advocates. The Bar Associations were led by major Biradaries. The regular elections of the bar also generate a political activity. Bar Associations are well organised associations in Pakistan. The elections within the associations every year replace the old leadership with fresh one with mandate of the lawyers who belong to all vistas of the society. The candidates are traditionally elected based on their Biradari or personal advantage to the voters.334 The importance of the position of the office bearer of Bar can be determined from the fact that the traditional campaign for the Lahore High Court Bar Association presidency usually starts in August and costs each candidate Rs 4 to 6 million.335 The respect, honour and dignity of the winner of the election put him in an influential position in profession as well as in society. The practice of the winner flourishes as he becomes famous in the clients and public spheres and their chambers become the centre of political and social gatherings. The office bearers of the Bar are also recognised as experts of law who may get the positions in the judiciary as the judges of high courts and Supreme Court as well as the majority of MPAs and MNAs start their political careers from bars and ultimately rise to the height of power. The office bearers of the bars are highlighted in the various social gatherings, especially arranged by their Biradari fellows. They are envied by the members of Biradari in order to express pomp and show. Besides their influence in the judiciary they also enjoy great respect and influence in the civil executive and bureaucracy. The political parties also honour them and desire to give them important positions in the party in case some office bearer becomes prominent in the Bar. The office bearers also affiliate themselves with many NGOs working for the welfare of the masses. Through such NGOs they make their roots within the public and also with the funding sources. In collaboration with these NGOs they also play significant part in protection of human rights within the society. As the issues of human rights have got much

334 Rizwan Ullah Kokab, Lawyers’ Movement in Pakistan (Lahore: Pakistan Study Centre, 2013), 181. 335 Ibid, 182.

155 prominence on the international and national agenda the office bearers of the bars also rise to the prominence. The Biradari affiliations helped the elected office bearers of the bars in winning the elections and mostly members of a few prominent Biradaries were able to win the elections of the bar. During the election campaign the Biradari plays significant role for attraction of the voters. This is evident with the mention of Biradari of the candidate in the canvassing material namely the posters, wall chalking, banners, public announcements, placards, stickers and media advertisements. The Bar Association of Khushab was Tehsil Bar Association in District Sargodha till 1982 after which it was changed into District Bar Association. Available record of this Bar Association from 1966 to 2011 mentions many important leaders of major Biradaries who first won the powerful offices of bar and then were able to achieve the social as well as political power in the district, province and country. Table 23: Positions in Bar held by Major Biradaris Year Presidents General Secretaries 1966 Qazi Muhammad Afzal Awan Muhammad Mumtaz Baloch 1967 Malik Sarfraz Khan Awan Malik Ghulam Sarwar Awan 1968 Malik Abdul Hameed Tiwana Muhammad Bashir Awan 1969 Ghulam Haider Syed Ghulam Muhammad Awan 1970 Ghulam Haider Syed Abdul Hafeez Tiwana 1971 Nazeer Alam Awan Abdul Hafeez Tiwana 1972 Ghulam Haider Syed Najm-ul-Hasan Syed 1973 Mian Nazeel Alam Awan Gul Nawaz Rajpoot 1974 Muhammad Razzaq Awan Gul Baz Khan Awan 1975 Muhammad Aslam Awan Muhammad Hayat Utra 1976 Muhammad Aslam Awan Kazim Ali Gujjar 1977 Muhammad Basheer Awan Jafer Khan Baloch 1978 Muhammad Hayat Utra Altaf Hussain Bhagoor 1979 Muhammad Riaz Mahil Altaf Hussain Bhagoor 1980 Jafar Khan Baloch Habib Nawaz Tiwana 1981 Muhammad Hayat Utra Muhammad Hussain Burana 1982 Zulfikar Ali Bhagoor Dildar Hussain Baloch 1983 Muhammad Hayat Utra Muhammad Afzal Syed

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1984 Kazim Ali Gujjar Dildar Hussain Baloch 1985 Khan Muhammad Mahil Muhammad Irshad Rajpoot 1986 Muhammad Shareef Awan Muhammad Iqbal Awan 1987 Khan Muhammad Mahil Iftikhar Ahmad Awan 1988 Khan Muhammad Mahil Iftikhar Ahmad Awan 1989 Muhammad Hayat Utra Naimtullah Gahi 1990 Muhammad Hayat Utra Sakhi Muhammad Awan 1991 Muhammad Hayat Utra Sakhi Muhammad Awan 1992 Inam Qadir Syed Muhammad Iqbal Utra 1993 Muhammad Hayat Utra Iftikhar Ahmad Awan 1994 Muhammad Azam Awan Mian Khan Awan 1995 Imdad Hussain Syed Ansar Hayat Naich 1996 Abd-ur-Raheem Awan Mukhtar Hussain Khokhar 1997 Muhammad Shareef Awan Muhammad Basheer Awan 1998 Khan Muhammad Mahil Abid Hussain Rajpoot 1999 Muhammad Azam Awan Abid Hussain Rajpoot 2000 Imdad Hussain Syed Ahmad Nadeem Awan 2001 Habib Nawaz Tiwana Shafqat Hayat Baloch 2002 Habib Nawaz Tiwana Aman Ullah Gunjial 2003 Mian Khan Awan Shafqat Khan Baloch 2004 Abd-ur-Raheem Awan Muhammad Arshad Rajpoot 2005 Abd-ur-Raheem Awan Muhammad Arshad Rajpoot 2006 Habib Nawaz Tiwana Aman Ullah Gunjial 2007 Mian Khan Awan Azam Khan Awan 2008 Mian Khan Awan Fiaz Hussain Baloch 2009 Abd-ur-Raheem Awan Mubashar Mahil 2010 Abd-ur-Raheem Awan Faiz Rasool Awan 2011 Azam Khan Awan Shafqat Hayat Baloch Source: Official record of District Bar Council Jauharabad/Khushab Awan = 36 seats Baloch = 9 seats Utra = 9 seats Syed = 8 seats Tiwana = 7 seats Rajpoot = 6 seats

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Mahil = 6 seats Bhagoor = 3 seats Gujjar = 2 seats Burana = 1 time Gunjial = 2 seats Khokhar = 1 Naich = 1 Gahi =1

Graph 6: Major Offices held by Biradaris in Bar Association Major Offices in Bar Association Naich Burana Gunjial Khokhar 1% Gahi 1% 2% 1% 0% 0% Gujjar 1% 2%

Bhagoor 3% Awan 39% Mahil Rajpoot 7% 7% Tiwana 8% Syed 9% Utra Baloch 10% 10%

Table 24: Members Punjab Bar Council Khushab Seat Dost Muhammad Awan 1984-88 Muhammad Riaz Mahil 1989-1994 Muhammad Hayat Utra 1994-99 Source: Official record of District Bar Council Jauharabad/Khushab Table 25: Members Executive Committee Punjab Bar (Replacing the nomenclature of seat from member Punjab Bar Council) Muhammad Hayat Utra 1999-2004 Muhammad Hayat Utra 2005-2009 Khan Muhammad Mahil 2008-09 Habib Ullah Tiwana 2009-2014

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Source: Official record of District Bar Council Jauharabad/Khushab Malik Sarfraz Ahmad Awan (President Bar in 1967) had been a Member West Pakistan Assembly. Abdul Majeed Tiwana (President Bar in 1968) was promoted to the powerful positions of Additional Session Judge, justice Lahore High Court. Malik Gulbaz Khan Awan (General Secretary Bar in 1974) was elevated to the powerful position of Lahore High Court. He was member of the bench that heard and decided the trial that sentenced Z. A. Bhutto to death. Malik Muhammad Aslam Awan, advocate of village Vaheer (President Bar in 1975 and 1976) was founder leader of Tanzeem-ul-Awan, an organization that was organized for the purpose of restoration of Awan prestige. He was staunch supporter of the unification of Awan Biradari against Tiwana Biradari in Khushab. Malik Muhammad Hayat Utra (Secretary Bar in 1977, President Bar in 1978, 1981, 1985, 1989, 1990, 1991 and 1993) was also powerful in the general politics by being elected as MPA in 1990, 1993 and 1997. He was member Punjab Council (1994-99) and member Executive Committee from 1999 to 2009, two consequtive terms. Malik Kazim Ali Gujjar (Secretary Bar in 1976, President Bar in 1984) was elevated to the position of session judge and rose to the position of justice in Lahore High Court. Then he was included in Service Tribunal. He then got the position of member of Election Tribunal. Malik Muhammd Azam Khan Advocate (President Bar in 1994, 1999, 2011 (unopposed) had been elected as MPA in 1970 before he won the elections for the seat of President. Malik Muhammad Ameer Khan Niazi (President Bar in 2006) had been administrator of Market Committee Khushab.336 It has been maintained in this chapter that Biradari affiliation has become in district Khushab more significant in grasping of power than riches. Even if the riches is more important, the riches can be increased due to links established on grounds of Biradari affiliation. The economic resources in district Khushab were taken into possession by major Biradaries in many ways. One was was the ownership of forest as well as agricultural land that was acquired by major Biradaries of the district historically in British period. Mines and mineralas are second major source of

336 Prof.(R) Malik Muhammad Zarar former principal Govt. Post Graduate College Jouharabad (Khushab) interview by the researcher at Civil Lines, Jauharabad, October 10, 2014.

159 production in the district. These have also been owned by the members of major Biradaries right from the British period. Industry could not flourish in the district. Notwithstanding that major Biradaries were able to secure control over little number of factories established in the district. However major Biradaries, especially Awan Biradari, owns the business of transport, third major source of income of the district. Influential people of major Biradaries also can be instrumental to enrich themselves as well ass their Biradari felllws through frunds of market economy by becoming members, chairmen and administrators of market committees. They also could use the funds of zakaat at their disposal by becoming the members and chairmen of zakat committees. The control of major Biradaries on another important occupation, law, is evident by the fact that major office bearers of bar belong to major Biradaries. Thus economic power is concentrated in major Biradaries of the district.

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CHAPTER 5 Biradari in Power Through Electoral Politics and Political Parties

This part of the study explores significant issues and aspects of Biradari bearing significance in electoral politics generally in Pakistan and particularly in district Khushab. The electoral performance of different Biradaries in this district from 1982 to 2008 will be studied, examined and its outcomes would be ascertained. Another finding will be attempted to review and gauge the impacts of patronage politics with respect to Biradari influence in particular and common voting behavior in general. This chapter explores the electoral politics and the role of power brokers in it in district Khushab. The context will be the method of gaining and exercising power through electoral process. A review of electoral data from general elections 1985 to the 2008 general elections in Pakistan will guide the study to ultimate outcomes and differences in the voting and political behaviours. 5.1 Electoral Significance of Biradaries in Khushab Elections are held in various countries at different levels to determine and decide the representative authority to run the affairs of the state, province, city or even the commune. There are different modes, different procedures and diverse rules and regulations employed to ascertain in an impartial, just and independent environment that holds the confidence of the electorate. This process seems simple yet bears multiple aspects, variety of complexities and play of actors and brokers. Elections connect the people to the political representatives, either elected or defeated. The electoral behavior transcends the political behavior of any people, community or nation. Likewise, the voting behavior determines the significance of elections as the voter casts his or her vote to stamp the as Pirations, concerns, needs, demands and utility requirements of subjective orientation and objective considerations. The social life accepts the impacts and undergoes transformation in either constructive manner or the otherwise depending upon the final effects of the whole process. This is equally part of experience and practice that elections and its politics expose the underlying predispositions in the system and society, explain relations of intra-party and inter- party nature, reveal the ecological influences and political interests of not only the

161 political parties taking part in election but also those of other groups, structures, regions, clans and tribes. Local Biradaries constitute an important impact on such interests, issues, problems and considerations.

Political scientists have presented various models to describe and determine the electoral behaviour. Such models include both proximity and directional models. For the first time such model was produced by Anthony Downs. The model that he presented was called the spatial and proximity models. He observed that interdependence between the decisions of parties and voters can be judged. In this model the positions for issues of voters as well candidates are translate into the preferences of the voters and the strategies of the candidates. Other factors like the direction of the movement of candidate away from the old status co to the new according to the aspirations of the voters are also measured.337 In the local contexts of Pakistan, as in any district as Khushab, the relation between voters’ preferences and candidate’s strategy is a big question mark. The reason is that the way the candidate adopts strategies the electoral fronts does not necessarily leads to fulfill or even to address the voter’s preferences. This relation is affected by a plurality of other non- political concerns. The non-political concerns may be the Biradari preferences, individual-cum community decisions, elders’ directional voting patterns or the victim- voter syndromes. A victim voter is one who yields to unseen pressures, open and directed threats and contempt and other temptations of monetary value. Under such circumstances of no-preference, voter casts the vote.

Dr. Mughees Ahmad explains the role of Biradari in voter-candidate relationship in Pakistani culture. He observes that Biradariesm is the main component of local political culture as well as voting behavior in Punjab.338 He draws three conclusions from his discussion and analyses of the voting behavior in the rural constituencies and finds Biradaries in numerical majority in Faisalabad as successful. He counts ratio in favour of Biradari candidates 74 per cent. His second conclusion points towards a trend in political parties to award tickets to candidates with Biradari affiliation. His third conclusion also signifies the Biradari influence. He points

337 Akhtar, Elections and Social Scientists, 455. 338 Mughees Ahmed, "Voting Behaviour in Rural and Urban Areas of Punjab," Journal of Political Studies 14,no. 1 (2008): 46.http://pu.edu.pk/images/journal/pols/Currentissue- pdf/voting%20behaviour.pdf. Accessed: June 25, 2013

162 towards the change of sides by candidates from the same Biradari to different political parties in different elections to acquire political power.339

It is evident from the electoral history of Pakistan that such patterns existed and vanished depending upon the political environment obtaining before and during the electoral processes. For instance, in 1970 elections, a strong wave wiped out petty considerations and Pakistan People’s Party emerged as the main destroyer for politics of the Biradaries in the West Pakistan. Biaderis like Qizilbash, Noon, Tiwans, Syeds, Gillani, which were representing in legislative institutions since the electios of 1921, got defeated.”340 Craige Baxter also viewed the change in voter behavior in Punjab. He observed that the election results in 1970 testified that in Punjab old order had been changed. The politicization in rural areas had developed more than the expectations and many residents of the rural areas sought the radical solutions to their problems and the influence of major landlords was no longer the dominant factor in the politics of Punjab and the connections of Biradari as well tribe which would control voting behavior in past had broken. 341

But these patterns of voting behavior based on Biradari affiliations revived in the next elections, which were held on non party basis in 1985. Zia-ul-Haq’s non- party elections swept away the national thinking processes and replaced them with localization of politics, breaking the party lines to give way regional, sectArian, familial and tribal aspirations. “Rasul Baksh Rais observes that in the elections 1985 the interplay of traditional forces had an overawed influence in determining the electoral decisions. … Party less nature of elections and the ban on traditional means of electioneering prevented debate on national issues… for that reason, the election campaign in rural areas were dominated by local issues, the personal influence of the candidate, the ties to the clan, tribe or Biradari and feudal social bases in particular largely determined the outcome of elections.342

Dr. Mughees Ahmed also draws similar conclusion stating that one of Zia’s legacies was the ‘localization of the politics’ which changed the political attention far

339 Ibid., 47. 340 Baxter Craig, “Pakistan Votes—1970,” Asian Survey 11, no. 3(1971): 213. DOI: 3024655. Accessed: June 25, 2013. 341 Ibid., 213. 342 Rais Rasul B., “Elections in Pakistan: Is Democracy Winning,” Asian Affairs 12, no. 3(1985): 43-61, 47. http://www.jstor.org/stable/30171997 URL: Accessed June 25, 2013.

163 from national politics and local issues as well as local identities again emerged in the politics of Punjab. Political loyalties were increasingly determined by family, faction, and Biradari ties, and political power was determined by the amount of patronage at one’s disposal.”343 Highlighting the Biradari role in elections he said that the alliances in the elections were made on the basis of major and minor Biradaries and central issue in the election campaigns seemed to be the Biradari affilitation.344

Localization of politics and dominant Biradari culture in legislative business of the country fill the void created by Martial Laws and absence of national politics resulted in the slow but steady demise of the democratic norms. Fresh thinking retarded and the national discourse on issues and problems checked. An interesting and eye-opening survey was conducted by S. Akbar Zaidi. That survey examined various aspects and backgrounds of the members of the National Assemblies since 1970 elections. In addition to the stated objectives of this survey, another phenomenon was evident that occasional breaks and designed accidents in the political history of Pakistan damaged the smooth journey on the democratic high ways. People elected for the assemblies without political or legislative expertise or experience were mostly party candidates, rather than Biradari candidates. Biradari candidates contested and won for more than one time.345

5.2 Biradari’s Influence in Politics of Parliamentary Elections

Elections have determined the power in Pakistan at many times but not always. In more than half of the age of Pakistan the military takeovers and not the elections determined the holder of power in Pakistan. The elections have not been held regularly. This table shows the holding of elections after irregular periods and varying nature of the experiences in governance from 1982 to 2008.

343 Mughees Ahmed, “Local Bodies or Local Baradari System: An Analysis of the Role of Baradaries in the Local Bodies System of the Punjab,” Pakistan Journal of History & Culture 30, no. 1(2009): 81- 92, 84. 344 Ibid., 87. 345 S. Akbar Zaidi, “Elected Representatives in Pakistan: Socio-Economic Background and Awareness of Issues,”Economic and Political Weekly, Volume 39, No. 45 (November 6-12, 2004), pp. 4935-4941

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Table 26: Power Decided on Elections from 1982 – 2008

Priod Election Description Elections Held Political Focus Years

1982-85 Military Rule Martial Law

1985-88 1985 Democratic 1 Controlled Democracy with military ruler

1988-1999 1988,1990 Democratic 4 Parliamentary ,1993, Democracy 1997

1999-2002 Military Rule

2002-08 2002, Democracy 2 Controlled Democracy 2008 with military ruler

In the period under study 7 elections for national and provincial assemblies were held in total. In all these elections, Biradaries prevailed either in individual capacity or in alliance or candidature as political party ticket holders. Biradari leaders held their seats fast both in the provincial as well as national election only with some tilt in favour of or against personalities. The actual power had been held by the Biradari.

Politics differs at different levels in elections pertaining to the mode and nature of participation of key players. These players may be parties, elites, Biradaries or other manifestations of influence and interest. It has often happened that there are people or groups of people that remain away from the electoral presence but play decisive roles through their support for certain candidates. In case of Biradaries, it appears that every Biradari seldom takes part in every level of elections i.e. local, provincial and national. Some of these players opt for only local bodies as the case of Rajar, Baghoor and Saggu Biradaries in the Khushab local politics with some degree of prominence. These three Biradaries are absent in national elections without any presence in winners or the runner-ups. Likewise, , Utras, Pathans, Arians,

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Nangianas, etc are present at the provincial level but have no prominent role in the national elections. It is, however, significant that their support for other players at national level would be vital for the electoral victory. In this way the political process gives space to primary, secondary and even tertiary players to have their influence accounted for the success of the candidates of much strong Biradaries. In return they either win some sort of agreements or the political bargain in the region. Such influences often make or break the political success.

In Khushab, one can see that Biradaries like Awan, Balochs, Tiwana, Bandials and Gunjials are almost present in every level of elections, either national or provincial or the local one. They have their areas of influence in the form of Union Council presence at the Nazim and Naib Nazim levels. Such presence helps them to muster up enough support for victory at the provincial as well as national levels. They have their members who served both national as well as provincial cabinets as ministers.

Since 1937 to 2008, 7 Biradaries (Awan, Tiwana, Baloch, Aahir, Bandial, Qureshi and Gunjial) took part in elections on national scale; 14 Biradaries (Awan, Tiwana, Baloch, Qureshi, Bandial, Syed, Piracha, Nagiana, Arian, Khokhar, Utra, Pathan, Gunjial and Kallu were active on the provincial front; while 11 Biradaries (Awan, Tiwana, Baloch, Bandial, Syed, Joya, Rajar, Baghoor, Saggu, Arian and Utra were contesting elections of local bodies or local governments in the (Khushab region now status of district) Khushab district.

Table 27: Biradari Affiliation of Winners and Runners-ups in National Assembly Elections Khushab

Election Biradari Political No. of Biradari Political No. of Year Winner Affiliation Seat Runner- Affiliation Seats up

1985 Aahir - 1 Qureshi - 1

Awan - 2 Awan - 2

1988 Awan IJI 1 Awan PPP 1

Tiwana Independent 1 Aahir IJI 1

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1990 Awan IJI 1 Awan Independent 1

Tiwana IJI 1 Baloch PDA 1

1993 Awan PML(N) 1 Awan PPP 1

Baloch PML(N) 1 Tiwana PML(N) 1

1997 Awan PML(N) 1 Awan Independent 1

Baloch PML(N) 1 Tiwana Independent 1

2002 Awan NA 1 Awan PML(Q) 1

Tiwana Independent 1 Awan PML(Q) 1

2008 Awan PML(N) 1 Awan Independent 1

Awan PML(N) 1 Tiwana Independent 1

The hold of Biradaries over electoral politics continued from the past. On the national front in 1962 Zakir Qureshi, as independent candidate succeeded against another independent Fateh Muhammad Tiwana. In the next elections of 1970, Awan Biradari defeated Aahir candidate. Babu Karam Bakhsh Awan from Council League defeated Nasim Ahmed Aahair of Pakistan People’s Party (PPP). It was a big victory because People’s Party was the most popular electoral party under the leadership of Z.A. Bhutto. On the second seat, Zakir Qureshi was successful. He defeated Malik Najib Ullah Borana of PPP. It showed the strength of the Biradari followings in district Khushab. In 1977 elections, one Awan defeated the other Awan as Karam Bakhsh was declared successful on PPP ticket against Qazi Mureed Ahmed of Pakistan National Alliance. Nasim Aahir of PPP succeeded against Qari Abdul Sami Gunjial of Pakistasn National alliances (PNA). The 1977 elections became highly controverSial as serious charged of rigging were made and the anti-government movement was launched by PNA, an alliance of 9 political parties.

The conditions at national level supported the Biradari in electoral politics after Khushab was given the status of district. The 1985 elections were non-party elections which produced new conflicts and cleavages in the society. The individuals and their Biradaries were empowered. From Khushab, in Punjab Assembly elections, Awan, Baloch and Tiwana Biradaries won 1 seat each. It was the re-entry of Tiwana

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Biradari in list of elected politicians. Malik Nasim Ahmed Aahir and Muhammad Naeem Khan Awan were elected as Member National Assembly. In 1988, Malik Naeem Khan Awan joined IJI and defeated Malik Sultan Awan of PPP. Malik Khuda Bakhsh Tiwana won election as independent, defeating Nasim Ahmed Aahir who changed side and joined IJI. In 1990 elections, Malik Naeem Khan Awan again emerged successful on IJI ticket. Malik Khuda Bakhsh Tiwana joined IJI as well and won his seat.

Table 28: Biradari Position in 1985 Provincial Elections Khushab

Election Elected Body Biradari Winners Biradari Runner-ups Year

1985 Punjab Awan 1 Awan 1

Assembly Baloch 1 Gunjial 1

Tiwana 1 Baloch 1

All winers and Runner-ups were independents and without declared party affiliation

The 1988 was another beginning of civil rule in Pakistan. General Zia was killed in air crash on August 17, 1988. He had already dissolved Junejo Cabinet and 1985 parliament, levelling allegations of corruption and abuse of power. The 1988 elections produced a hung parliament and an unstable, uneasy and coalition government. In 1988 elections, Khushab witressed once again the strong grip of the Biradari phenomenon over electoral politics. The Awan Biradari won 1 seat out of 3 with Tiwana and Arian Biradaries one seat each. In the runner-ups, to Baloch candidates and one Awan emerged.

Table 29: Biradari Position in 1988 Provincial Elections (Khushab)

Election Year Elected Body Biradari Winners Biradari Runner-ups

1988 Punjab Awan 1 Awan 1

Assembly Tiwana 1 Baloch 1

Arain 1 Baloch 1

Party affiliations not specified.

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In 1990 elections, again Tiwana Biradari won 2 seats for provincial assembly from Khushab and one seat was won by Awan Biradari. One Awan and two Baloch were in the runner-ups.

Table 30: Biradari Position in 1990 Provincial Elections Khushab

Election Year Elected Body Biradari Winners Biradari Runner-ups

1990 Punjab Awan 1 Awan 1

Assembly Tiwana 1 Baloch 1

Tiwana 1 Baloch 1

In 1993, Malik Naeem Khan Awan from the PML (N) ticket won his seat in National Assembly. The Islami Jamhoori Ittihad (IJI) was broken up and PML (N) contested elections as a single challenger to PPP. Sardar Shuja Khan Baloch was the first appearance as elected member of National Assembly in 1993 elections. He was also a PML (N) candidate.

In 1993, Tiwana Biradari was defeated on its Punjab Assembly seat while Awan, Khokhar and Arian won 1 seat each.

Table 31: Biradari Position in 1993 Provincial Elections Khushab

Election Year Elected Body Biradari Winners Biradari Runner-ups

1993 Punjab Awan 1 Awan 1

Assembly Khokhar 1 Tiwana 1

Arain 1 Aahir 1

In 1997, the members for the National Assembly from Khushab were Malik Umer Aslam Awan and Sardar Shuja Muhammad Baloch, both on PML (N) tickets. In 1997 provincial elections, Awan retained their one seat but Khokhar and Arian lost their seats to Utra and Pathan Biradaries. In the runner-ups, in Khushab were Awan, Tiwna and Naich Biradaries.

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Table 32: Biradari Position in 1997 Provincial Elections (Khushab)

Election Year Elected Body Biradari Winners Biradari Runner-ups

1997 Punjab Awan 1 Awan 1

Assembly Utra 1 Tiwana 1

Pathan 1 Naich 1

General Musharraf held elections in 2002 and 2008. Musharraf era was very supportive to Biradari politics and a disaster for the political parties. A PILDAT Survey on 2002 general elections reveals that Biradari influence worked deeply in election results. The voting behavior in Punjab suggests that 23.8 percent of the voters cast their vote to the candidate belonging to their tribe, caste or Biradari. The candidate of the Biradari and the political affiliation combined and got 55.36 percent of polled votes. Thus the prospect of the Biradari candidate with certain political party won almost double votes as compared to only Biradari candidate. It is important that 37.8% voters had the opinion that their problems and basic service delivery in Punjab. It is also impotant that 38 percent voters vote for the same candidate in every election regardless of their record of services to the voting community.

From Khushab, Awan Biradari won two seats from the PML (Q) tickets. The Awan Biradari was again going with the wind. Gunjial and Kallu Biradaries won also one seat each for the Punjab Assembly. Awan, Bandial, Tiwana and Baloch candidates were among runner-ups. Sumera Malik Awan won elections in 2002 and 2008 on PML (N) tickets. On the other seat, Malik Saifulah Tiwana won as an independent. Malik Shakir Bashir Awan won on the other seat in 2008, defeating Malik Ehsan Ullah Tiwana.

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Table 33: Biradari Position in 2002 Provincial Elections (Khushab)

Election Elected Body Biradari Winners Biradari Runner-ups Year

2002 Punjab Awan 1 Awan 1

Assembly Gunjial 1 Bandial 1

Awan 1 Tiwana 1

Kallu 1 Baloch 1

Winners: Awan (PML(Q)

Gunjial independant

Kallu Independent

In 2008 elections, 2 Awan, 1 Bandial and 1 Kallu candidates won their provincial elections with Awan, Tiwana, Gunjial and Syed were in the runner-ups.

Table 34: Biradari Position in 2008 Provincial Elections Khushab

Election Year Elected Body Biradari Winners Biradari Runner-ups

2008 Punjab Assembly Awan 1 Awan 1

Bandial 1 Gunjial 1

Awan 1 Tiwana 1

Kallu 1 Qureshi 1

Winners: All independents

Looking back at the history of Biradari in electoral politics for power since 1982 to 2008, the number of elected members for 15 seats of National Assembly from Awan Biradari were 9, Tiwana were 3, Baloch were 2 and Aahir 1. Runner ups were also from major Biradaries. They were 8 Awan, 2 Tiwana, 1 Baloch, 1 Aahir and 1 Qureshi. The Biradaries got control over the provincial electoral politics as well. 9 Awan, 4 Tiwana, 2 Arain, 1 Khokhar, 1 Utra, 1 Pathan, 1 Gunjial, 1 Kallu and 1 Baloch won the seats out of 21 contested seats for provincial assembly.

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If we look at the total winners and Runner ups in five National Assembly elections during 1982 to 2008 three major Biradaries, Awan, Tiwana and Baloch were dominating then political system in the district. Out of these three Biradaries Awan was at the top with 60% power positions.

Table 35: Number of Winners/Runner Ups in National Assembly Elections

Runner Ups in Winners in Biradaries National Total NA Assembly

Awan 9 9 18

Tiwana 3 3 6

Baloch 2 1 3

Qureshi 1 1 2

Aahir 0 1 1

Total 15 15 30

Graph 7: Winners and Runner Ups in National Assembly Elections

Aahir Qureshi 3% 7%

Baloch 10%

Tiwana Awan 20% 60%

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Table 36: Number of Winners/Runner Ups in Provincial Assembly Elections

Runner Ups in Winners in Biradaries National Total NA Assembly

Awan 9 9 18

Tiwana 3 3 6

Baloch 2 1 3

Qureshi 1 1 2

Aahir 0 1 1

Total 15 15 30

Graph 8: Winners and Runner Up of Biradaris in Provincial Assembly Elections

Kallu Bandial Naich 2% 2% 2% Ganjial Pathan 5% Utra 2% 2% Khokhar Awan 3% Arain 38% 5% Aahir 3% Qureshi Baloch 3% 14% Tiwana 19%

There is diversity in the Biradaries at provincial level elections. The number of power holding Biradaries has increased but the domination of three maor Biradaries which were dominating in the elections at national levels was unquestionable. Awan, Tiwana and Baloch Biradaries were dominating the elections at provincial level. The collective ratio of three Biradaries in victors or second vote holders in provincial elections (71 percent = Awan 38% + Tiwana 19% + Baloch 14 %) is obvious greater than total sum of all other Biradaries.

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Graph 9: Biradaris’ Seats in National and Provincial Assemblies

10

9

8

7

6 Winners in NA 5 Winners in Provincial Assembly

4 Runner Ups in National Assembly Runners Up in Provincial Assembly 3

2

1

0

The results of these elections show the following trends:

Biradari politics is not specific with any political party, trend or ideology. Each of the Biradaries in Khushab, as may be the case elsewhere, evaluates the circumstantial needs for contesting elections, so they choose their platform with ease or otherwise fight as independents;

Biradari leaders with political affiliations seldom embark upon new journeys with uncalculated risks;

Biradari voting behavior compels the political parties to award tickets to Biradari influentials considering them potential winners, so the political philosophy gets secondary or ever tertiary position in selection of candidates by the parties.

Political alliances among Biradaries cause great hurdle in the way of party leaders as two Biradari might bargain on the provincial seats for the one and the national seats for the other.

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Running-up in elections is also a constant and on-going phenomenon as the Khushab election results show that first and second position always went to the Biradari candidates on the seats they contested.

There are many more power mongers who act as brokerage units including the strong influences of Biradari affiliations, interest groups of social as well as capital orientations and the power sharing procedures. Local orientation of needs and delivery of such needs hinder the way to a more harmonious journey to democracy. Influences, aspirations and predispositions all count but encircling them without a clear and unambiguous role-playing as a representative needs more and exclusive public support. When one represents only one institution, for instance, Biradari or ethnicity, he or she may fall prey to the temptation of personal agenda.

5.3 Affiliation of Biradaries and Political Parties

The political affiliations, alliances or support for political parties also present an interesting pattern. Aahir Biradari contested elections independently on one seat while opted to fight on 2 seats with PPP. Awan were present in every sequence and affiliation. They fought independently, with IJI, PML (N) and PPP. Baloch also joined ranks of Peoples Democratic Alliance (PDA) and PML (N). Tiwana sided with IJI and PML (J) in addition to their independent status.

Reviewing the political affiliations of the Biradaries in Khushab, their candidates contested elections on party tickets as well as independents. In National elections, for instance, Aahirs contested from 2 seats as PPP candidates while 1 was independent. Awan were 20 in total in elections from 1970 to 2008 with 4 on PML (N), 5 independents, 3 each on IJI and PPP tickets. Baloch were 3 with 2 from PML (N) and 1 PDA tickets. Tiwana were 6 in total with 4 independents. A detail is given here in the following table.

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Table 37: Affiliation of Winners and Runners-ups in National Elections Khushab

(1970-2008)

Caste/Political Affiliation No. of Candidates

Aahir 3

IND 1

PPP 2

Awan 20

Council League 1

IJI 3

IND 5

NA 1

National Alliance 1

PML(N) 4

PML(Q) 2

PPP 3

Baloch 3

PDA 1

PML(N) 2

Borrna 1

PPP 1

Gunjial 1

National Alliance 1

Qureshi 2

Council League 1

IND 1

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Tiwana 6

IJI 1

IND 4

PML(J) 1

Grand Total 36

Source: Extracted from Election Commission of Pakistan Data

Graph 10: Affiliation of Winners and Runners-ups in National Elections (Shahpur and Sargodha) Khushab (1970-2008)

6

5 5 4 4 4 3 3 3 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

0

IJI IJI

NA

IND IND IND IND

PPP PPP PPP

PDA

PML(J)

PML(N) PML(N)

PML(Q)

Council League Council League Council

National Alliance National Alliance National Aahir Awan BalochBorrna Gunjial Qureshi Tiwana

5.4 Role of Biradari in Khushab Elections

In the provincial elections, Biradaries proved their political strength in each of the elections held. Awan and Tiwana were well ahead from other Biradaries winning most of the seats in all elections. Baluch showed up their political share with two seats in elections in 1985 and 1990. They could have one seat in 2002 and then in 2008. A Biradari-wise review of the results of elections since 1937 would explain the trends in power politics with focus on the Biradari power display through those elections.

The Biradaries’ politics of alliances in the elections takes place in the pattern of needs. The number of people and the resources are two major requirements of

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victory in the elections. In this respect three types of Biradaries are called major Biradaries. One of these three Biradaries bears abundance of land. The second type of these is more exceeds others in respect of number. Third type of Biradaries bears abundance of land or resources as well as majority of the people in their fold. These major Biradaries make alliances with each other and manage victory in the elections.

The alliances among these major Biradaries are established through kinship network. The chiefs of large groups of voters make their dhara (groups) and make alliances on the basis of kinship with those who are well off and possess big lands. Kinship makes it easy for them to be affiliated with each other in the way that contacts are easily established and it is not hard to convey and share the feelings of each other. The honour of family elders becomes the cause of common prestige. Every voter is easily attached to the group for the sake of honour of the elders as well as the Biradari.

Let’s review and analyze the role of major Biradaries with special reference to their political power in the district Khushab.

5.4.1 Awan Biradari

The Awan Biradari is the leading Khushab Biradari. The leaders of this Biradari were insignificant in political arena of Khushab from 1937 to 1970. That was a long period in insignificance in the national politics. Yet they remained in lime lights just after independence in the provincial scenes. In 1951 and 1956 respectively they won one seat in each elections while remained runner-up on the same number since 1970 to 1977, they took part both on the provincial as well as national levels. Following table shows the successful and runner-up candidates of Awan family till 2008.

Table 38: Awan Biradari’s Share in Provincial and National Elections

Awan Provincial Elections National Elections

Election Seats Winners Runners Seats contested Winners Runner Ups Years contested Ups

1937 , 1946 ------

1951 1 1 1 - - -

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1956 1 1 1 - - -

1962 1 1 1 - - -

1965 2 2 1 - - -

1970 3 2 1 1 1 0

1977 3 3 0 2 1 1

1985 2 1 1 2 1 1

1988 2 1 1 3 1 2

1990 2 1 1 2 1 1

1993 2 1 1 2 1 1

1997 2 1 1 2 1 1

2002 3 2 1 3 1 2

2008 3 2 1 3 2 1

Total 30 21 8 24 12 11

Source: Extracted from Election Commission of Pakistan Datawww.ecp.gov.pk

In provincial elections Awan contested on 29 seats. They emerged successful on 21 provincial seats and on 8 seats they stood as runner-ups. In National Assembly, they got 12 seats and 5 of their candidates lost elections as runner-ups. These figures were greater than the number of candidates of any other Biradari. Their overall performance is given in the following table.

Table 39: Awan Biradari Electoral Performance

Natures of Candidature - AWAN Provincial National Total

1937 – 2013 1962 – 2013

Winners / Runner Ups (Both) 30 17 47

Winners (only) 21 12 33

Runner ups (only) 8 5 13

Total 29 17 46

Source: Extracted from Election Commission of Pakistan Datawww.ecp.gov.pk

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These results show the dominance of Awan Biradari in the district politics of Khushab. A one sided view may deduce that the people cannot decide their future away from the monopoly of any particular Biradari or clan. A more balanced and pragmatic approach may be altogether different from this one. There may or may not a strong following on political as well as social terms, despite the economic constrains hold significance that lead or pursued people to have a certain voting behavior in favour of or against some specific Biradari.

It also happens that voting behaviours are influenced through a more personal lens without any logical reasoning or mounting pressures to make voting decisions. Yet another shade of opinion may be there. An urban viewer or even an analyst may weigh the Biradari systems as a source or symbol of some particular identity with not so preferable textures or flavours, yet such a symbolism stands significant in the life and death matters for the followers of that particular Biradari. So it may be an unjust way to denote bad omens to such symbols.

Looking at the history of the Awan of Khushab, all the factors and reasons mentioned above hold credibility. The continuity is of significance. The representation is continuous with some change. A Biradari for any Awan in Khushab may be as sacred as for a Baluch or a Tiwana.

This so happens as well that the fame or reputation of someone may be an issue of liking. Such a candidate may not be considered a very noble person as his or her personality is concerned, yet voters would make rows and line up to vote for that person on pure Biradari basis. So is the case with Awan in the Khushab district.

The local government elections of 2005 were contested mainly on the basis of the Biradari. The alliances emerged on the grounds of Biradari. Two major political alliances emerged on Biradari basis. In these alliances major and minor Biradaries tied themselves to contest the major event of elections. First one was the Awan alliance comprised of former federal minister Malik Naeem Khan Awan and the Chief of Tanzeem-Al-Awan Malik Bashir Awan. The group was supported by Shuja Baluch from the Baluch Biradari. Second alliance was that of Tiwana – Sumera alliance comprised of former provincial minister Malik Khuda Bakhsh Tiwana and State Minister Ms. Sumera Malik and supported by Gunjial and Bandial Biradaries. Analyses, before the holding of elections, declared no one favourite to sweep the vote.

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Awan won 4 seats in the district council. In final episode, Malik Muzaffar Ahmad Bandial turned up as Chairman while Malik Muhammad Akbar Awan as Vice Chairman.

5.4.2 Tiwana Biradari

The Tiwana Biradari took part in provincial elections from 1937 to 2008 with exceptions of 1962 and 1965. They fielded 21 provincial candidates of which 14 were elected as members and others as runner ups. In the elections of National Assembly they contested 7 seats and won 3 of those while they were runner up on 4 seats.

Table 40: Tiwana Biradari Share in Provincial and National Elections

Tiwana Provincial Elections National Elections

Election Seats Winners Runners Ups Seats Winners Runner Years contested Contested Ups

1937 ,1946 3 , 3 3 , 2 - - - -

1951 , 1956 2 , 2 2 , 2 - - - -

1962 , 1965 - - - 1 , 0 0 , 0 1, 0

1970 ,77 1 , 1 1 ,1 - 0 , 0 0 , 0 0,0

1985 1 1 - 0 0 0

1988,1990, 1,2,1,1 1,2,0,0 1,1,1,1 1,1,0,0 0,0,1,1

1993 , 1997

2002 , 2008 1 ,1 0 ,0 1 1 ,0 0 , 1

Total 21 14 7 3 4

Source: Extracted from Election Commission of Pakistan Datawww.ecp.gov.pk

Except for 1962 and 1965, Tiwana Biradari held its presence in the National Elections from the region being studied throughout from 1937 to 2013. They won 3 seats in pre-independence period, 2 seats in post-independence period till 1956. Biradari significance is obviously was in favour of Awan who held 30 seats since 1937 to 2013 with the membership ladder increased from 1 to 3 seats. Tiwana

181 followed with 21, Baluch, Bandial and Gunjial 4 each while Joyias 3 in a totally of 87 seats in total of all Biradaries during and through all elections.

A persistent decline yet persistent presence is seen in the graph of Tiwana Biradari. In 1937 and 1946 provincial elections, that Biradari won 3 seats in each, 2 seats in next two elections and then continuous one seat in all election till 2013 with the exception of 2 seats in 1993 elections when the turnout was a record low than other elections.

Tiwana Biradari has a history of political supremacy in the Shahpur and then the Khushab. This Biradari has been truly challenged in the post-independence era by the Awan birdari. This Biradari is scattered over the most of the plains of Khushab. Tiwans’s rival and other Biradaries have their origin and presence in different valley of the region. During the lifetime of Pir Nowbahar Shah was the center of political activity in the soon valley. Malik Shahnawaz was centered in while Malik Hayat in Jabba during colonial regime.

Tiwana Biradari has enjoyed top slots both in Sargodha as well as Khushab, Malik Khuda Bakhsh Tiwana was Chairman of before Khushab became a district. He was elected as the first Chairman of district Khushab. He served as Punjab Provincial Minister and then elected MNA. His younger brother Malik Ghulam Muhammad Tiwana was Zila Nazim of Khushab. He defeated Shakir Bashir Awan and Shuja Khan. He was elected MNA and MPA from Khushab. Tiwana Biradari has also been famous as the Awami group in the power politics. This Biradari enjoys a strong allegiance in the district unlike other political groups and Biradaries. The edge of this Biradari has over other groups and Biradaries has been discussed earlier. Awan remained confined to Padhrar in the soon valley.

5.4.3 Baluch Biradari

Baluch Biradari remained insignificantly in elections till 1977. They firstly contested elections on non-party basis with quite hesitant moods. They took part in provincial elections and won 1 seat out of 2 candidates contested. They could win no seat on provincial level since 1988 through to 1997, four elections in a row-they could win one seat of the National Assembly in 1993 and 1997 respectively. They won 1 seat of Punjab Assembly in 2013 with no seat in the National Assembly.

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Table 41: Baluch Biradari Share in Provincial and National Elections

Baluch Provincial Elections National Elections

Election Years Winners / Winners Runners Winners / Winners Runner Runner Ups Runner Ups ups ups

1937 ,1946 ------

1951 , 1956 ------

1962 ,1965 ------

1970 , 77 ------

1985 2 1 - - - -

1988,1990,1993 2,2, 0,0 - - 0,1,1,1 0,0,1,1 1 1997

2002 – 2008 1,0 - - 0-0 0,0 -

Total 8 1 7 4 2 2

Source: Extracted from Election Commission of Pakistan Datawww.ecp.gov.pk

Baluch Biradari fielded provincial elections since 1937-2013 of which only 1 was winner while 7 were runner ups. In National Assembly, they field 4 candidates as winners and runner-ups of 4, only 2 were elected and other 2 were runner ups. In total, they fielded 12 candidates of them 3 were winners and 3 were runner-ups.

Table 42: Baluch Biradari Electoral Performance

Nature of Candidature – Provincial National Total

BALUCH 1937 – 2013 1962 – 2013

Winners / Runner Ups (Both) 8 4 12

Winners (only) 1 2 3

Runner ups (only) 7 2 3

Total 16 8 18

Source: Extracted from Election Commission of Pakistan Datawww.ecp.gov.pk

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5.4.4 Bandial Biradari

Table 43: Bandial Biradari Share in Provincial and National Elections

Provincial Elections National Elections

Electio Winners/Runn Winner Runne Electio Winners/Runn Winner Runner n Year er ups s r ups n Year er ups s ups

1937- 1937- - - -

1946 1946 - - -

1951- 1951- - - -

1956 1956 - - -

1962- 1962- - - -

1965 1965 - - -

1970- 1 - 1 - 1970- - - -

1977 1977 - - -

1985 1985 - - -

1988- 1988- - - -

1993 1993 - - -

2002- 1 - - - 2002- - - -

2008 1 - 1 - 2008 - - -

Bandial Biradari could win only 3 seats in Punjab Assembly in 1970, 2002, 2008 and 2013 elections. Bandial Biradari remained low in electoral performance. They could not win a single seat in National Assembly. There was no Bandial Nazim in 2002 or 2005 local government elections. Malik Muzaffar Ahmad Khan Bandial the Chairman District Council Khushab, elected in 1983 local bodies elections.

184

Table 44: Bandial Biradari Electoral Performance

Nature of Candidature Bandial Provincial National Total

1937-2013 1962-2013

Winners-runner-ups (Both) 4 4

Winners (Only) 3 - 3

Runner-ups (only) - - -

Total 7 - 7

5.4.5 Gunjial Biradari

Table 45: Gunjial Biradari Share in Provincial and National Elections

Provincial Elections National Elections

Election Year Winners Winner Runner Election Winner Winner Runne /Runner s ups Year s/Runn s r ups ups er ups

1937-1946 - - - 1937-1946 - - -

1951- 1956 - - - 1951- 1956 - - -

1962- 1965 1962- 1965 - - -

1970- 1977 - 1 - 1 1970- 1977 1 1

1985 - - - 1985 - - -

1988- 1993 - - - 1988- 1993 - - -

2002- 2008 1 1 1 - 2002- 2008 - - -

1

Gunjial Biradari appeared in electoral politics in 1970 but could not won provincial seat. Biradari won nothing in National Assembly elections in 1977. Only 3 seats in provincial assembly of Punjab in 2002, 2008 and 2013 were won by the

185

Biradari, one seat in these elections respectively. Overall Biradari position is given in the following table.

Table 46: Gunjial Biradari Electoral Performance

Nature of Candidature Provincial National Total

1937-2013 1962-2013

Winners-runner-ups (Both) 4 1 5

Winners (Only) 3 - 3

Runner-ups (only) 1 1 2

Total (Winners) 3 - 3

5.4.6 Joyia Biradari

Table 47: Joyia Biradari Share in Provincial and National Elections

Provincial Elections National Elections

Election Winners/Runn Winner Runner Electio Winners/Runne Winner Runne Year er ups s ups n Year r ups s r ups

1937- - - - - 1937- - - -

1946 - - - - 1946 - - -

1951- - - - - 1951- - - -

1956 - - - - 1956 - - -

1962- - - - - 1962- - - -

1965 - - - - 1965 - - -

1970- - - - - 1970- - - -

1977 1977 - - -

1985 - - - 1985 - - -

1988- - - - - 1988- - - -

1993 - - - - 1993 - - -

186

2002- 1 - 1 - 2002- - - -

2008 1 - 1 - 2008 - - -

Joyia Biradari entered in provincial politics in 2002 and won one seat in each election of 2002, 2008 and 2013. No National Assembly seat was won by Joyia Biradari. Biradari could not muster up enough support from electorate in National Assembly elections. Joyia Biradari`s overall performance in given in the following table.

Table 48: Joyia Biradari Electoral Performance

Nature of Candidature Provincial National Total

1937-2013 1962-2013

Winners-runner-ups (Both) 3 - 3

Winners (Only) 3 - 3

Runner-ups (only) - - -

Total (Winners) 6 - 6

5.4.7 Other Biradaries

Table 49: Other Biradaries Share in Provincial and National Elections

Provincial Elections National Elections

Electio Winners/Runn Winner Runner Election Winners/ Winner Runne

n Year er ups s ups Year Runner ups s r ups

1937- 3 - 3 - 1937- - - -

1946 4 - 2 - 1946 - - -

1951- - - - - 1951- - - -

1956 - - - - 1956 - - -

1962- 1 - - - 1962- 1 - 1 -

187

1965 - - - - 1965 - - - -

1970- 1 - - 1 1970- - 2 1 1

1977 1977 - - - -

1985 1 1 1985 - 1 - 1

1988- 6- 5 - - 1988- - - -

1993- - - - - 1993 - - - 97

2002- 1 - - - 2002- - - -

2008 1 - - - 2008 - - -

There have been Biradaries other than Awan, Tiwana, Baluch, Bandia, Gunjial and Joyia. These Biradaries collectively won more seats than Bandial, Gunjial and Joyhia Biradaries since 1937 to 2013 in Punjab electoral politics and since 1962 to 2013 in National Assembly elections. These Biradaries won 10 seats in the province, 2 in the centre with the runner-ups in Punjab and 2 in the centre. An overall performance of these (other) Biradaries is given in the following table. These others are Aahir, Borala, Qureshi etc.

Table 50: Other BiradariesElectoral Performance

Nature of Candidature Provincial National Total

1937-2013 1962-2013

Winners-runner-ups (Both) 19 4 23

Winners (Only) 10 2 12

Runner-ups (only) 2 2 4

Total (Winners) 31 8 39

5.5 Local Government Elections and Biradari in Khushab

Local representatives are the immediate leaders in any community. Local governance is the answer to problems people face in daily business and social

188 relations. The direct contacts with common people through this system make it feasible for service delivery, local development programmes and resolution of social conflicts. Local governance has been a continuous focus of the policy makers, politicians, bureaucrats and the masses.

Local government system in Punjab can be seen in two segments of legislation introduced and exercise of the laws, rules and regulations introduced and enforced before independence in 1947. This segment of local governance history opens the strategies and tactical approaches. These approaches help the student of this system to understand that such system puts the local government in the hands of elected local leaders. Undoubtedly, it is true but the bureaucratic character of such systems holds the balance in favour of the state. Acts of law are passed by the elected representatives but enforced, interpreted and exercised by bureaucrats.

In local governance system a paradigm shift came when in 2000. The Decentralization of Powers Act was enforced by the regime of General Pervaiz Musharraf. In Punjab Local Government Ordinance, 2001, the system was evolved to curb and curtail the bureaucratic structure under the banner of the unity of command. The shift was perceived to put powers in the hands of the local representatives but it was clearing aimed at the attaining benefits in political and administrative domains for the military regime. The system was unique in the larger interest of the masses as well. The structure and function of the local government at the district level were designed with essentially eliminating the rural-urban divide in governance. The revenue procedures were also made a new to empower the district administration under the command of the District Nazim. So the whole saga of devolution of powers to the local governments was put in place.

In the rural areas, the 1979 system was two tiers. These two tiers were Union Council and Zila Council. It was one tier in urban areas. It was either Town Committee or Municipal Corporation. The 2001 Local Government System changed this composition as well as its character. In it, the Union Council was the basic unit. The system was comprised of Union, Tehsil, Town, District and City District Governments. At these levels, the relative bureaucratic apparatus was held answerable to these elected bodies. It was claimed that the system had made the ownership of the people in governance. It was also aimed at eliminating the urban and rural

189 classification in governance. The basic objective of that system was declared in the Ordinance 2001 to manage the unplanned and unchecked growth of urban areas.

In General Zia’s system of local government, local body elections were held in 1979, 1983 and 1987 and then in 1991. The period from Basic Democracy to Local Bodies has seen no representative character and run by bureaucracy. In 1975, People’s Local Government with a system of four tiers of Tehsil, District, Division and Provincial Development Advisory Councils.

In the Local Government elections held in 2001, despite the government’s claims that the elections had brought in a new tier of local politicians untainted through association with Pakistan’s widely discredited political parties, the results of the elections made it clear that traditionally powerful actors in Pakistan, particularly the Punjabi landed elite, continued to play a significant role in the political process.346

5.5.1 Local Government Elections in Khushab 1982

Table 51: Local Bodies Election 1982 District Council Khushab

S.No. Name Designation Caste

1 Malik Khuda Bukhsh Tiwana Chairman Tiwana

Vice Golay 2 Haji Afzal Golay Khail Chairman Khail/Pathan

3 Sardar Shuja Muhammad Khan Baloch Member Baloch

4 Khan Muhammad Khan Baloch Member Baloch

5 Malik Alam Sher Bandial Member Bandial

6 Afzal Baghor Member Baghoor

7 Malik Mukhtar Ahmad Member Awan

8 Muhammad Razaq Member ---

9 Raza Muhammad Hayat Member ---

10 Ghulam Yaseen Member ---

346 Hassan Javid, “Class, Power, and Patronage: The Landed Elite and Politics in Pakistani Punjab,” PhD Thesis, Department of Sociology, London School of Economics, London, 2012, 4

190

11 Haq Nawaz Member ---

12 Malik Muzafar Khan Member Awan

13 Haji Khan Muhammad Baloch Member Baloch

14 Chudri Sadique Maseh Member Masih

Source: (Register 1981) Zila Council Khushab

This table shows that yesterday’s local level councilors are now the political stalwarts of their Biradaries and regions. Malik Khuda Bakhsh Tiwana was elected Chairman of the Khushab District Council in 1982. Sardar Shuja Muhammad Khan Baluch, Malik Mukhtar Awan and others entered provincial as well as National Politics and appointed as Federal and Provincial Ministers in their party rule after the demise of General Zia-ul-Haq. There were 3 Baluch councilors and 2 Awan councilors District Council Khushab in 1982. Tiwana, Bandial and Baghoor took one seat each in the council.

Khushab tehsil was upgraded to the District by military government on July 01, 1982. District management in districts of Pakistan, as in Punjab, has been convergent towards the headquarters. Any district headquarters, mostly an urban region, receives and redirect resources, development projects and uplift schemes towards itself. The adjacent areas, tehsils and others remain on the periphery of development. That trend leaves tehsils underdeveloped. Political leaders from the areas away from the District headquarters, try their best to have their areas uplifted and upgraded. Khushab was a tehsil of Sargodha district. It was an agreed stance of political parties, Biradaries and other social groups that Khushab deserved to be made a district on July 01, 1982, Khushab was declared a district. District Khushab was comprised of 35 Union Councils, 6 Marksz Councils, 5 Town Committees, 1 Municipal Committee and 1 Zila Council. Union Council was the basic unit in the administration. Each Union Council was consisted of 8 to 12 rural areas or villages. The population of a Union Council was 10,000 to 15,000 persons.

Town Committee was the next tier of the system with a population not more than 30,000 persons with all elected members in it. The number of elected members ranged from 9 to 15 according to the population. Then came the Municipal Committee of the region haring population above 30,000 persons. Members of the Committee

191 would be 15 to 35 as the population increases. Under 100,000 persons, the number of elected member was set at 15, while exceeding 500,000, the number was 35 Zila Council was the next tier of the system with an elected Chairman and an elected Vice Chairman by the members of the Zila Council.

District Khushab was consisted of 35 members initially in 1983. The local institutions of Khushab were Zila Council, Municipal Commuttee Khushab, 5 Town Committees in Jauharabad, Madali, Mitha, Towana, Noor Pur Thal and Naushera.

5.5.2 Local Government Elections in Khushab 1983

In 1983, the Khushab Districty council, showed a healthy presence of the Biradaries in local bodies’ elections, held under Martial Law of General Zia ul Haq. The following table reveals the hold of Biradaries. Malik Muzafar Ahmad Bandial was the Chairman, Malik Muhammad Akbar Awan Vice Chairman with a mix of Biradaries having Awan more than any other caste.

Table 52:Biradari Status in Khushab District Council (1983)

Sr# Name Designation Caste

(i) Malik Muzafar Ahmad Bandial Chairman Bandial

(ii) Malik Muhammad Aklber Awan Vice Chairman Awan

(i) Syed Ghulam ud Din Shah Member Syed

(ii) Malik Muhammad Hayat Utra Member Uttra

(iii) Malik Sher Muhammad Awan Member Awan

(iv) Qazi Noor Muhammad Member Awan

(v) Malik Muhammad Bakhsh Joya Member Joyia

(vi) Malik Nazir Khan Rajar Member Rajar

(vii) Malik Muzafar Khan of Nali Member Awan

(viii) Malik Muzafar Khan Baghoor Member Baghoor

(ix) Mushtaq Bhatti Member Baloch

(x) Muhammad Saeed Member Saggu

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(xi) Malik Khuda Bakhsh Tiwana Member Tiwana

(xii) Mushtaq Maseh Member Masih

(xiii) Lady Norai Bibi Member Baloch

(xiv) Fateh Bibi Member Arian

Source: Official Record of Zila Council Khushab

In 1983 elections for Khushab district, Bandial Biradari took the slot of the Chairman with Awan as the Vice chairman. In the District Council, Biradari representation is shown in the list. Awan occupied the major share with 4 members including Malik Muhammad Akbar Awan as Vice Chairman, Baluch were 2 an1 Arian, Baghoor, Bandial, Rajar, Saggu, Syed, Tiwana and others one seat each in 1983 district council. The Biradari frequency is shown by a graph of District Council Khushab, 1983.

Graph 11: Biradari Status in Khushab District Council (1983)

Tiwana 6% Uttra Arian Syed 6% 7% 6%

Awan Saggu 25% 6%

Rajar 6%

Masih Baghoor Baloch 6% 7% 13% Joyia 6% Bandial 6%

5.5.3 Local Government Elections in Khushab 1987

The 1987 was another episode that enhanced the role of Biradaries in local politics in Khushab. The District Council had the same constituent Union Councils that were comprising the elected house in 1983. It is significant to note that held on

193 no-party basis. Biradari and local grouping were on the serge. Political parties were dormant and kept away from these polls. But this claim might be an exaggeration that political underpinning was nowhere. The truth remains such that three no-party elections were a boost for localization, regionalism and of course, Biradariesm.

In Khushab, these main groups took part in 1987 local bodies elections. These groups were Naeem Khan Group, Tiwana Group and the Baluch Group. It can be conceived that these three lines in polls were the traditional ones. Results favoured Tiwana Group and Malik Ghulam Muhammad Tiwana as elected as Chairman of Zila Council members, there were Tiwana, Awan, Baluch but that was not the end of Biradari presence in the council. Rajar, Utra, Aghral, Virak, Naich, Joyia, Kalasi, Baghoor, Syed and others were elected as Zila Council members.

5.5.4 Local Government Elections in Khushab 1992

The 1992 local body elections were first polls that were held under democratically elected government. The other and salient feature was that 1992 polls were party based. Political parties alone and in alliances took part in these elections. In alliances were Islamic Jamhoori Itthad (IJI) and Muttahida Mahaz or the United Front. In the polling scheme, Khushab was divided into 23 ward constituencies. The results were presenting IJI successful on 20 seats and the United Front got only 3 seats.

The 1992 elections posed a challenge of credibility to the MNAs and MPAs from Khushab. Anyone of them was active to win back the basic constituencies under their national or provincial constituency Tiwana group, Awan group and Baluch group took part in the District Council elections. Malik Ehsan Ullah Tiwana was elected as District Chairman and Malik Hayat Awan elected as Vice Chairman of the Khushab council. In the member lists were Utra, Bandial, Niazi, Sangha, Baluch, Syed, Kalasi, Joyia, Saggu, Baghoor with Awan, Tiwana and Baluch Biradaries.

The 1992 elections proved to be the last elections held under 1979 local bodies system. From 1993 to 1998, no local bodies could take shape and bureaucracy called the shots. The 1999 military take over further put a road block in the way towards local representation but for a short while.

194

5.5.5 Local Government Elections in Khushab 1998

In 1998, local body elections were held under Nawaz Sharif government. Biradari was on the move. The number of union councils was raise4d to 43. The Khushab district was comprised of 43 union councils, 6 Markaz councils, 5 Town Committees, 2 Municipal Committees and 1 Zila council. In these elections, the alliance of Tiwana, Gunjial and Awan Biradaries was active and effective. Muslim League and the Awami group gained 19 seats each. Among independents were 5 members elected. The slot of the Chairman of Khushab District Council was won by an Awan. He was Malik Ameer Mukhtar Saugha, a sub-caste of Awan. Malik Muhammad Ameer Utra, Ghulam Muhammad Shabazi and Muhammad Bakhsh Joyia were elected vice Chairman.

5.5.6 Local Government Elections in Khushab 2002

The 2000 was the year that marked another come back of local bodies. That time the bodies were replaced by governments. The chairman and vice chairman were removed by Nazim and Naib Nazim. The Nazim was the head of the district government with all district bureaucracy under the command of Nazim. Some analysts pointed out the similarity to the military structure that worked under unity of command. Nazim was the symbol of this command in the district government.

In 2002 elections for the local government under the Musharraf Devolution Plan 2000, the Biradaries that participated in the process were 10 in number with the following characteristics:

Awan Biradari was clearly dominant in 14 union councils of Khushab District while Tiwana Biradari held overwhelming support in only 2 councils;

Syed, Joyia, Bandia, Gunjial, Rajput, Baghoor, Jusra and Sheikh Biradaries held one union council each;

Awan allied with Syed in UC 7, Raja in UC 10, Mayo in UC 13, Arian in UC 21, Chidhar in UCV 24, Tiwana in UC 30 and with Baluch Biradari in UC 40.

Tiwana Biradari held majority in UC 16 with support of Kalyar, Syed in UC 27 and with Gujjar in UC 32.

195

Tiwana Biradari won three union councils through alliance with Kalyar Biradari in UC 16, with Syed in UC 27 and Gujjar in UC 32. Kalyar and Gujjar Biradaries could not win in any union council.

Mayo, Arian, Chidhar, Kalyar and Gujjar Biradaries could nhot get enough votes to stand victorious or running-up in local elections.

Table given in the following gives a bird’s eye view of the position of Biradaries in district council, elected on union council seats:

Table 53: Awan Dominant Union Councils in Elections 2002 – Khushab

Awan Won 14 UCs (1,2,3,4,5,6,8,12,14,18,25,33,35)

Tiwana Won 2 UCs (15, 31)

Syed (1) Joyia (1) Bandial (1) Gunjial (1)

UC 17 UC 29 UC 36 UC 38

Rajput (1) Baghoor (1) Jasra (1) Sheikh (1)

UC 41 UC 43 UC 50 UC 22

A closer look at the data of the election results in Khushab district shows the pattern in favour of Biradari monopoly at local, provincial and national levels. It is obvious, for instance, that in local government elections, held under the decentralization and devolution of powers plan, Biradaries held the majority. In 2002 elections, 57 successful candidates were those representing various Biradaries on 97 general seats and in 2005, the number were 52 out of 100. In total 197 seats in both elections, non-Biradari members were 88 while the only Awan were 70 in the rest of 109 members representing Biradaries in Khushab. The seats of Nazims in Khushab Union Councils won by Biradari candidates were 37 both in 2002 and 2005 elections. It means in total 100 Nazims of both elections, 64 were Biradari representatives. Among them 37 Nazims belonged to Awan. The Naib Nazims were 46 in 97elected. It shows that Biradaries opted to have alliances with other Biradaries and non-Biradari candidates according to the ground realities.

196

5.5.7 Local Government Elections in Khushab 2005

In 2005 elections for the local government of Khushab, Awan Biradari again emerged the largest Biradaries of electables in 12 union councils with Nazim and Naib Nazim positions. In these councils, Biradari won all 4 general councilor seats in UC 1 to 4, then 5, 7, 11, 14 and 34. On other general councilor seats, Awan Biradari made adjustments or the other Biradaries won. In all these seats of general councilors, Awan were 41 out of 48, 2 Syeds, 1 Kasab, 1 Rajput, 1 ansari, 1 Chachar and 1 Baluch succeeded. On Kisan seats, a were Awan out of 12, 1 Banfinda, 1 and 1 Seeyah. In labour councilors, Awan were 7 while Hajam, Dhadur, Ansari and won one seat each was gone to Khibki, qurehis, Tarkan, and Mughal Biradaries.

Awan made adjustments with other Biradaries mostly on women seats, either Lady Labour or Kisan or even the general seats. In each union council, 2 seats were reserved seats, Awan woman candidates were compromised with other Biradaries. Awan won 7 out of 24 seats in 12 union councils of their great majority, 2 gone to Dhadhur while 1 each to Sheikh, Hajam, Qureshi, Mochi, Chaudhry, Kasab, Kumhar, Syed, Theem and Mughal Biradaries. Following table gives the detail of these 12 union councils of Awan majority.

Table 54: Local Government Khushab (2005) Awan Majority Union Councils

UC Nazim General Kisan Labour Lady Lady G. Lady Minorit

No. and Naib Councilors (1) (1) Kisan Councilors Labour y Nazim (4) (1) (2) (1) (1+1)

1 Awan 4 Awan Awan Ansari Awan 1Awan Ansari - 1 Sheikh

2 Awan 4 Awan Bafin Awan Awan 1 Awan Mistri -

da 1 Hajam

3 Awan 4 Awan Awan Awan Awan 2 Awan Awan -

4 Awan 1 Awan Awan Hajam Awan 2 Awan Awan - 1 Kasab

1 Rajput

197

1 Ansari

5 Awan 4 Awan Awan Hajam Awan - - -

6 Awan 3 Awan Awan Dhudhu Khibki 1 Awan Awan -

1 Syed r 1 Dhudhur

7 Awan 4 Awan Awan Awan Dhudhu 1 Dhudhur Hajam -

r 1 Qureshi

11 Awan 4 Awan Moch Awan Qureshi Maachi Kasab

i Chaudhry

12 Awan 1 Syed Awan Awan Awan Kasab Mochi -

3 Awan Kumhar

14 Awan 4 Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Dhadhur -

Swah

18 Awan 2 Awan Seeya Tarkhan Turkha Theem Qureshi -

1 Chachar h n Syed

1 Bcluch

34 Awan 4 Awan Awan Awan Mughal Mughal Lohar -

Mochi

Awan Biradari made alliances in 7 union councils. In these councils, Nazims were Awan and Naib Nazims were Rajay, Bhatti, Rajput, Namdgar, Chudhur, Theem and Chena Biradari nominees. In these councils, Awan Biradari tried to hold majority in general councilor seats. That was why the Biradari in 4 union councils (8, 12, 13, 24, 25) won three seats out of 4 for general councilors.On woman general seats (2 in each union councils) Awan won only 3 seats out of 14 lady general councilors. Following table represents the position and status of each Biradari in these 7 union councils.

198

Table 55: Local Government Khushab (2005) Awan in Alliance with other Biradaries

UC Nazim General Kisan Labour Lady Lady G. Lady

No. and Naib Councilor (1) (1) Kisan Councilor Labour Nazim s (4) (1) s (1) (1+1) (2)

8 Awan 3 Awan Awan Awan Awan Kumhar Awan

Rajay 1 Rajay Awan

10 Awan 2 Awan Awan Awan Khokha Bhatti Bhatti

Bhatti 1 Syed r Janjua

1 Janjua

13 Awan 3 Awan Kumha Rajput Kambo Maachi Kambo

Rajput 1 Syed r Rajput

22 Awan 1 Jat Sheikh Arian Ansari Khokhar Ansari

Namdgar 1 Baluch Khawaja

1 Namdgar

24 Awan 3 Awan Awan Janjua Bhatti Awan Joyia

Chudhur 1 Rajput Rajput

25 Awan 3 Awan Awan Syed Shawtra Jeweler Khilan

Theem 1 Qureshi Awan

51 Awan 1 Awan Arian Gujar Bhatti Rajput Theem

Chena 1 Syed

1 Yahwar

1 Mithar

199

Tiwana Biradari could not win any union council exclusively. Tiwana were Nazims in 4 union councils (UC No.17, 27, 30 and 40) while Naib Nazims were 4 Awan and one Syed. Even Tiwana Biradaries could not keep majority in general councilor seats both of male and female. On male general councilor’s 16 seats, Tiwana were 8, Shami, Shawli, Mochi, Qureshi, Bhatti, Gamgoli and Dhadhur were one each. On lady general councilor seats Tiwana were 2 out of 7, Hajam, Mughal, Mochi Kumhar and Arian were one each. Following table shows position of different Biradaries in these 4 union councils.

Table 56: Tiwana Dominant Union Councils in Elections 2002 – Khushab

UC Nazim General Kisan Labour Lady Lady G. Lady No. and Naib Councilor Kisan Councilor Labour (1) (1) Nazim s (4) (1) s (1) (1+1) (2)

17 Tiwana 2 Tiwana Awan Sheikh Qureshi Hajam Sheikh

Syed 1 Shami Mughal

1 Shawli

27 Tiwana 1 Mochi - - - 1 Mochi -

Syed 1 Qureshi

1 Bhatti

30 Tiwana 3 Tiwana Mochi Chaudhr Mochi Tiwana Noorghi y Awan 1 Gamgoli Kumhar

40 Tiwana 1 Tiwana Baluch Awan Tiwana Arian Arian

Awan 1 Dhadhur Tiwana

2 Awan

200

On other remaining union councils (UC No.9, 16, 19, 26, 29, 35, 38, 39, 41 to 45) the Nazims were Janjua, Wadhal, Rajput, Jutt, Joyia, Syed, Khokhar, Bandia and Arian. Janjua, Khokhar and Arian were Naib Nazims as well.

These constitutencies show that in most union councils, it is nearly impossible to contest election exclusively on a single Biradari basis. There are voting pockets of every Biradari and large Biradaries cannot ignore them while constesting elections. Alliances, adjustments and compromises are made on most union council seats. Following tbale tells the actual story of Biradari position in these councils.The study of electoral politics and results in district Khusahab reveals that major Biradaries often secured major share of power through elections whether they were at nation, provincial or local levels. The voting behavior in the district is Biradari centred where the candidates of major Biradaries baged the seats mostly.

Table 57: Other Biradaries Presence in Union Council Election (2005)

UC Nazim General Kisan Labour Lady Lady G. Lady

No. and Naib Councilor (1) (1) Kisan Councilor Labour Nazim s (4) (1) s (1) (1+1) (2)

9 Janua Sanadhu Mochi Jandran - Janjua Awan

(1+1) Dhool Ansari

Theem

16 Wadhal 2 Angra Bhasen Sunbli Wadhal Sheikh Sapra

Kalyar 1 Jaythal Sunbli

1 Bhood

19 Rajput 2 Awan Khokha Arian - Burhan -

Arian 1 Mahil r Qazi

1 Baluch

26 Jutt 4 Rajput Jutt Jutt Mayo Jutt Rajput

Bhatti Jutt

201

29 Joya RAngars Bahsin Baluch Tarkhan Qureshi Bhatti

Mumk Syed Sheikh

Chaudhry

32 Rajput Rajput Burhan Jutt Tiwana Mughal

Tiwana Jutt Arian

Bhatti

Tiwana

35 Syed 2 Miana Pathan Pathan Jutt Sheikh -

Awan 1 Bhatti -

1 Awan

36 Khokhar 2 Bandial Bandial Bandial Bandial Baig Bandial

(1+1) 1 Wirk Pathan

1 Khega

38 Gunjial 1 Gunjial Hajam Arian Gunjial Gunjial -

Khel 2 Khel Gunjial

1 Arian

39 Arian 1 Awan - - - Baluch -

(1+1) 1 Lohar -

1 Khel

1 Arian

41 Arian 2 Arian Arian Arian Arian Arian Arian

(1+1) 1 Joyia Rajput

1 Pathan

42 Salhal 1 Kalyar Khatem Sheikh Sheikh Rajput Sheikh

Rajput 1 Dhoon a Sheikh

202

1 Olukh

1 Chena

43 Baghor 2 Baghor Rajput Baghar Khatem Qureshi -

Rajput 1 Khera a Rajput

1 Rajput

44 Rahdari 1 Jumat Raja Yahwar Dhodha Yahwar Rahdari

Jumat 1 Wadhal Rahdari

1 Bomb

1 Phalwan

45 Sagho 2 Sagho Kartana Raja Jhara Sagho -

Waghra 1 Chan Waghra

1 Waghra

Baluch Biradari held voting pockets in different union councils with varying strengths. Biradari made alliances for the Naib Nazim seats for others and for Baluch Nazims in UC No. 20, 21, 28, 48 and 49. The Naib Nazims in these councils were Arian, Sajra, Chauns, Jusra and Joyia. For detail of representation, see the following table.

Table 58: Local Government Khushab (2005) Baluch Majority Union Councils

UC Nazim General Kisan Labour Lady Lady G. Lady

No. and Naib Councilor (1) (1) Kisan Councilor Labour Nazim s (4) (1) s (1) (1+1) (2)

20 Baluch 1 Sheikh Wadhal Arian Mochi Sheikh Sheikh

Arian 1 Jutt Arian

2 Arian

21 Baluch 2 Baluch - - Qureshi Syed

203

Sajra Rehmani Rajput

1 Khokhar

1 Chohan

28 Baluch 1 RAngar Bahsin Baluch Tarkhan Qureshi Bhatti

Chauns 2 Syed Sheikh

1 Chaudhry

48 Baluch 1 Baluch Baluch Jura Jura Sheikh Jura

Jura 1 Joyia Baluch

1 Sher

1 Astar

44 Baluch 1 Awan Mughal Awan Sheikh Mughal Sheikh

Joyia 1 Baluch Rajput

1 Joyia

1 Dhut

Table 59: Biradari Status in UC Nazim and Naib Nazim

Local Government Elections 2002-2005

Caste 2002 2005 Grand Total

Aahir 1 - 1

Awan 34 36 70

Baloch 6 6 12

Bandial 2 - 2

Gunjial 3 1 4

Joyia 3 2 5

Others 40 48 88

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Tiwana 8 7 15

Grand Total 97 100 197

Graph 12: Biradari Status in UC Nazim and Naib Nazim Local Government Elections 2002-2005

Tiwana Aahir 7.61% 0.51% Awan 35.53% Others 44.67% Baloch 6.09% Joyia Gunjial Bandial 2.54% 2.03% 1.02% Awan, Tiwana and Baluch are the three main Biradaries in Khushab local government elections. In 2002 elections of the local government, being the first elections held under devolution plan introduced by Musharraf regime, the results were as follows:

For the Nazim and Naib Nazim elections, candidates made their panels. In total of 97 Nazim and Naib Nazim seats, Awan Biradari won 34, Tiwana Biradari, 8 and Baluch Biradari won 6 slots;

Gunjial and Joyia Biradaries were next to Tiwana with 3 seats each, while Bandial 2 and Aahir one;

Other candidates out of 97 in total, 40 were non-Biradari successful.

In 2005 elections, the results were not so different for the Biradari successful. The followings were the outcomes.

Again for the Nazim and Naib Nazim slots, Awan birdari won 36 seats, 2 more than 2002. Tiwana lost one and achieved 7 while Baluch Biradari maintained the tally with 6 successfuls.

Bandial Biradari lost its representation with no success, while Gunjials reduced to 1 and Joyias to 2 from 3 each in 2002.

An increase of 8 seats observed in the non-Biradari successful in 2005 than in 2002. The 2002 local government elections, the Nazims and Naib Nazims included 35

205 percent successful from Awan Biradari, 9 percent Tiwana, 6 percent Baluch, 3 percent each for Joyia and Gunjial Biradari and only 2 percent Bandial Biradari.

Let’s have an analytical review of the status of Biradaries in provincial as well as national elections since 1937 to 2013. The results of elections 1937 and 1946, pre- independence elections are included to portray the trends of Biradari influence before and after independence.

This chapter concludes that the role of Biradaries in power politics in the district of Khushab is decisively important. This importance also includes the fact that major social, political as well as economic institutions have been influenced by the Biradari systems. The organization, function and impact of political institutions e.g., local bodies or the governments, the political alliances and affiliations are more decided more on the Biradari basis and less on political basis. Such an impact on the national and provincial politics enables the influentials to behave as patrons for the masses of whom votes they acquire status and prestige. Such relationships seldom reciprocate in favour of the common people of the patron’s constituencies various factors act as roadblocks and hurdles, multiple intermediaries and different interest groups come into play their own agenda. It is also evident from the history of development socially and politically that democracy often fails to clear the way towards common goods.

This failure transcends the monopoly of certain corners over policy frameworks and implementation phases, the widening gaps between the elected leader and the constituency, the status and prestige problems and the lack of will and understanding of the elected ones of the issues and problems to be identified and addressed.

Biradari interests and the preference for the followings in the Biradari circles draw a line of discrimination between that following and the common people. That is the trend reminds every awakened and enlightened person that Biradari affiliations play magic on one side of the horizon and cut the sorry figure on the other side. When horizons change, visions scatter and hopes become the diminishing commodity. Such a capitalist approach to the solution of common problems retards progress of the region.

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This power play reinforces the Biradari influence and hopelessness prevails in those attitudes and minds that feel loneliness in the political decision making. The lack of the participative sense, once prevailed, creates cadres of deprivation and depression. The remedy is awakening the masses to transform their voting behavior on solid basis of national thinking and rational conduct in casting their vote. It is also needed that repeated and continuous electoral process should be ensured from the local level to the national level.

It is also needed to educate and facilitate Biradaries in such a style that their political capacity building, social grooming and quality leadership training become essential ingredients of their political role playing such engagements should focus to address issues and problems of local and national significance. It is impossible to discard Biradaries but it is very much possible to transform their leadership style and orientation to a greater extent.

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CONCLUSION The concept of Biradari has been evolved from the tribal affiliation. As the population of the tribe grew it changed into the clan and then reached to the status of Biradari with the passage of time. The concept of Biradari became significant in the period when Hindus of India developed affiliations on the basis of caste; the Muslims had to adopt the contrary concept of Biradari. The conflict for power among Irani, Turani, Afghani and Indian factions in the politics of Muslim India are the expression of such affiliations on the grounds of kinship. Some Biradaris took dominance and developed during British government due to the patronage of the government. The division of land in Punjab grew the Biradaris like Tiwana, Awan,Bandial,Gunjial, Wattoo, Joyas, Syeds, Noon, Dareshaks, Daulatana and Rajpoots etc.

The statement of this research holds value as the Biradari based politics has been manipulative of power and authority in such a manner that it makes it very difficult for a non-Biradari, even for a politician in opposition or of progressive stance, to play a vital role to change or challenge the course of power dynamics set by the Biradari politics. The variables of institutional positions, wealth and elections are dependent on the affiliation of the Biradaris. These variables help the elite to gain power that is used to establish these factors even more. The control over power and authority of the masses and other political entities is very limited. It is found that power and prestige are vested in the political structures and institutions and Biradaries hold such power and prestige in district Khushab.

Biradari politics provides the apparatus and infrastructure for power politics in Distict Khushab. As it has been illustrated already in the thesis, Biradari provides a system of networks, economic patronage and affiliation which promise members of the Biradari an entry into the state and social institutions which constitute the political system of power. The Biradari politics in District Khushab is strong because of strong affiliation based on the kinship. The affiliation has been strong due to the economic benefits which, the affiliation with Biradari promises to the members of Biradari. The land and property was inherited through the affiliation with the Biradari. A major land owner of a Biradari is able to get cooperation of other land owner belonging to the same Biradari for achievement of important power positions. Likewise the positions in the institutions of the state can easily be grabed with the help of the kinship and it is very easy to bag the majority vote required for winning the seats in

208 national, provincial or local elections. The ease and comfort in manipulation of the power politics through the Biradari affiliation has promoted the Biradari politics in district Khushab.

In order to get power, the major families of the big Biradaries used three sets of tactics. One set comprised of the economic techniques for strengthening their economic position. This economic position in turn helped the Biradari to get power in the district. For achieving their control on the economic resources the agricultural land was allotted by heads of the Biradaris. They also managed to collect the sources of minerals and mines. The inheritage of the wealth to the members of family helped them in grabbing the power. Second set of tactics is based on acquiring the positions in important institutions of the state. When a person of one Biradari got any important position in an institution he not only became himself powerful but also generarated opportunities for the members of his Biradari who were educated or were eligible for the criteria to enter in that institution. One powerful person thus opened more opportunities for his Biradari fellows. Third set of tactics consists of the electoral tricks. The majority of Awans in the area, for instance, was convinced easily to vote and support to the cnadidates of their Biradari on the name of kinship. The Awans naturally wanted that candidate of Awans may win the seat. Likewise the Tiwanas wanted that the Tiwana candidate should win the seat. One Biradari would make an alliance with other Biradari in order to win a particular election. These three sets of tactics combined ensure the power for major Biradari in District Khushab.

The affiliation with political parties is weaker than the affiliation with the Biradari. The politics on the basis of ideologies is weak and political parties are less organized. It is easier for a political leader to get power through the Biradari affiliation than doing a lot of struggle in organizing a party. The workers of party may demand benifits and development and may not be easily satisfied, while the Biradari fellows can easily be tackled and their support can easily be achieved through the established norms in the society. That is why a person changes the national party according to his political needs while Baradri based workers and party members do not change parties so easily. The political parties also do not possess funds more than the wealthy families of big Biradaris which are necessary to win the elections.

Pakistan Peoples’ Party has never been able to get control in this district. PPP has been an ideological based party consisting upon the government of the poor.

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Though PPP was able to bring in its fold major Biradari chiefs in other districts, in Khushab it could not bring the chiefs of major Biradaris of the district in their fold. The chiefs of major Biradaris felt it easy to get places in othe political parties which could be helpful for them to consolidate their power in the district. PPP leadership focused on direct contact with the people through leaders who did not belong to major Biradaris. These leaders could not get mass support and vote due to the all-spread Biradari politics in the district.

The Biradari politics also did not give any chance to religious parties to get control of politics in the district. The people of rural areas of district Khushab have not produced such religious leader who might challenge the land owners and major politicians belonging to major Biradaris of the district. The people of the district like secular minded Biradari chiefs are in politics due to their traditional control over the politics. The religious political parties, therefore, could not get organized and become strong to get the votes of people on the grounds of religious beliefs. The strong clutches of the chiefs of major Biradaris over the politics of the district do not leave any chance for the religious leaders for convincing the rural people for supporting them on religious grounds. However if a religious leader would belong to one of the influential Biradaris, the religious political parties would have been able to influence in the politics of the district.

Tiwanas did not exceed the Awans in number but they continued their control over the politics of the district not less than the Awans. Their control over politics was due to the British support which they were able to get before the establishment of Pakistan. Tiwanas continued their historical hegemony in early decades of Pakistan’s history. However as soon as the elite of Awans succeded in controlling over the politics of the district the Tiwanas had to retreat due to their numerical inferiority in contrast to Awans. Even then their role as one the most influential Biradaris of the district in power remains intact. Though less than the Awans they have won the seats in assemblies and councils and they have also powerful position in the district.

Historically, Punjab has been driven by the politics centred around the kinship since the start of modern political system in South Asia when the British began colonial rule here. Political power was occupied by the British who were foreign colonial masters. In order to control the system and the millions of people through a short number of officials and politicians the colonial rulers used the Biradari as a

210 converging element. Notwithstanding that the social institution of Biradari in India was not introduced by the British. It was present in social life of India even before the arrival of the predecessors of the British, the Mughals. However the British not only promoted this already existing phenomenon but also used it in order to fulfil the colonial needs of grasping and enhancing the power in India.

The power was concentrated in the colonial rulers through inter Biradari and intra Biradari distribution of power. On first instance some of the Biradaris were preferred to the others. Then the elites of the privileged Biradaris, assigned with the responsibility of controlling not only their own Biradari but also other population of the area, were benfited and power was used through them. They were provided with resources and jobs more than other people. They were utilised in the army, bureaucracy and other institutions of state. Thus the power scattered in economic resources, powerful institutional positions and political parties was concentrated in the elite that was formed of the few people. Tiwana, Awan, Baluch, Joyia, Bandial, Gunjial and other Biradaries hold the political scene in the district Khushab. Every Biradari has a history to tell its significance and prestige. These Biradaries control the political as a well as Governmental atmospheres in district Khushab. Their allegiance to British Raj and power structures in Pakistan and Punjab has been a long journey into status, power and prestige.

The Biradari dominated system in Punjab was inherited to Pakistan after its emergence from the colonial India in 1947. Though the trend of party politics and equality of rights of every one for participation in the government had established more yet the traditional style of power politics on the basis of Biradari affiliation not only continued but also gained more modernised and developed form. The power was not distributed among all the citizens without any distinction of blood relations. The Biradaris which held power during the British period continued to hold it in a new way.

The power in Pakistan was concentrated in the institutions of army and bureaucracy. There were certain factors which did not let the newly born state of Pakistan flourish on the basis of true democracy. The authoritarian nature of government was established by the most organised and well disciplined institution of Army. Most of the time army remained the sole ruler of Pakistan and for the other remaining time it remained powerful from behind. The army was already

211 representative of some special Biradaris. This historical trend continued as the recruitment from some specified areas was continued. Moreover only the traditionally privileged elite of selected Biradaris got commission in the army. In case of district Khushab these Biradaris were mostly Awan and Tiwana.

The people who were commissioned in Pakistan army kept on supporting their Biradari fellows and power thus remained in their hands as the army was most powerful in the country. Second important power centre in the country was bureaucracy. Despite the well structured public service commission was there to recruit the suitable candidates for the bureaucracy, the education and other facilities limited to privileged elite of specific Biradaris gave opportunity of entering in bureaucracy only to the members of some Biradaris. The bureaucracy is not only symbolical ruler of the country; it also operates the power machine in orderly manner. It had been helpful to civilian as well as army rulers in maintaining the control over political power. The bureaucrats belonging to a few families kept on the control over power through the institution of bureaucracy. The statistics and situations reveal that in many cases more than one army officers and bureaucrats belonged to one family of a Biradari.

If one officer gets opportunity to grasp a powerful position in the institution of state, he patronizes and supports his Biradari fellows to get other powerful positions and when a good number of positions belong to that family or Biradari, they make liaison in such a way that one position would help the other one in maintaining the control over power. The authorities and influence is utilized to get powerful status in the state as well as socity.

Significance of the Biradari in Punjab is that it is the core of a nexus of bureaucracy, military establishments, brokers of regional as well as local power, shrines and landed elites with defined political interests. Feudals rule such nexuses and alliances. This may be termed elite that revolves around the Biradari culture and power. Such alliances and linkages control regional divisional and district politics. These structures manipulate lands, capital resources, state decisions and policy making processes and procedures, so much so that the non-Biradari entities find it difficult and often near to impossible to breakaway with their hold and control. That is the reason why reform agendas wither away and resources allocated for those reforms go waste or cannot be utilized at all.

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Wealth is second important factor of determining the power. The wealthy people easily can exploit the power with the help of the resources they possess. The wealth has been accumulated in the elite classes since centuries. The feudal system made easy for elite of the Biradaris to possess most of the resources. These resources in the form of agricultural land, forest land, the mines and minerals, the transport business, some of the industry and professionally monopoly gave chances to very few elite groups to have wealth. These elite groups in fact were affiliated with major Biradaris. The wealthy elite of the Biradaris thus manipulated to grasp political power with the help of their wealth.

The political parties and the elections were the democratic institutions and in these institutions common man without the distinction of caste or kinship could get the chance of sharing power. However the wealthy and institutionally strong elite of Biradaris could easily win the elections by manipulating institutional positions, wealth and affiliations based on kinship. The analysis of the result of the elections reveals that often the candidates belonging to major Biradaris were able to get the seats. The political parties did not function on the will of the workers but the leaders belonging to the Biradaris kept on changing the parties and wherever they moved the party accepted them as the candidate of that party.

The Biradaries with Awans in the lead have their mark on the electoral politics and power centers on the electoral politics and power centers in the district Khushab. Their electoral significance is proven through their performance in elections from 1937 to 2008 on the provincial level and from 1962 to 2008 on the national level. Their electoral presence is beyond any doubt decisive. They held and sustain their majority. It is very difficult for any non-Biradari or even member of a Biradari in opposition to play any vital role in the development and planning of the district.One can grasp this influence of these Biradaries easily if he or she has a look at the outcome of the local bodies or local government elections. Such elections have been termed rightly as local Biradari elections by a renowned analyst of the Biradari role in politics. The 1983 local government elections or the successive provincial as well as national elections reveal the hold and significance of the Biradari in power politics of district Khushab.

The religious parties could not succeed in Khushab. In all elections only Jamat-i-Islam could bag one seat in the elections. That seat was also won on the basis

213 of individual linkages of the candidate who was local physician and had helped the poor patients with generous provision of medical facilities. The religious parties like the political ones could not penetrate due to the strong grip of feudal and ethnic politics. The religion in some cases collaborates with the feudals but here in Khushab such collaboration does not exist.

It may be concluded that, this study has explained how and to what disturbing extent, in the district of Khushab, the critical elements of power politics in relation to social, economic and psychological elements jeopardize the ordinary life. The legacies persist. The way ahead is to modernize socio-economic system not only in the district of Khushab but also in the rest of Punjab as well.

i) The power, authority and the privileges the local elite groups enjoy, prove roadblocks for the reform and progress once collide with their interests. ii) The control over resources, the role in the decision-making structures of the Biradari representatives also control practically the bread and butter of the common man; iii) The local majority achieved or attained by Biradari elites may create situations adversial to the common good, increasing or decreasing the likelihood of the successful implementation of development projects and programmes. iv) There is a huge gulf of haves and have-nots between the landholding elites, Biradari elders and the masses. This gulf renders the masses politically ineffective despite the fact that the vote of the masses adds power to the glory of such elites in the form of Biradari supremacy. The Biradari’s role in the politics does not let the forces of advancement work properly. The ignorance in the district under study suits to the major families. Therefore no major educational institution like university has been established. The powerful rulers of the district consider themselves responsible not to the masses but to the Biradari middle men who can better their image in their respective Biradari members, they, therefore, do not pay attention to the politics of development and service to the masses. They, on the other hand, focus on the tactics that suit Biradari politics for the sake of grabbing power.

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This ultimately keeps the people under developed. The grip on agricultural and mineral resources of the powerful Biradaris has prevented their interest in the industrial development. That is why the district under study could not have developed industrially and one does not find major industrial units developed in the district. The political parties will have to be strong in order to get rid of the losses caused by Biradari politics. SUGGESTIONS

1- A large quantity of mines and minerals are produced in the area. Despite this fact the industrialization did not develop. The strong culthes of feudal lords and Biradari heads did not pay heed towards the industrialization. It was definitely in their interest the mode of production and the set up of society may remain agrarian. The conversion of agrarian society into industrial can change the trend from Biradari politics to democratic politics.

2- Khushab was given the status of tax free zone during eighties. Even then it could not attract large scale investment. The local ruling Biradaris did not have interest in establishment of industry in the area. The external industrialists did not find facility in having conflict with the local lords. The danger, the fear and the suspicion of failure, conflict and fight did not let the area change into industrial zone. When the industry flourish in the area the trade unions are formed and a type of democracy and need of democratic set up is felt as it happened in eighteenth century Europe. The industrialization promotes cultural plurality as new actors move in the society through increase in mobility of human and financial sources. Lower middle and middle classes emerge and a conflict in the society cleanse it from the problems of feudalism. Industry also increase economic development that develops social conditions.

3- Cottage industry has been developed in the past. With the emergence of new era it must have been developed but it declined with the course of time. Potential for its revival is there. The small industry like lungi, and dodha production can be enhanced very easily. This may mark the development of local industry.

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4- In Thal area the government should introduce schemes for the promotion of live stock and Diary development.

5- Government should spend the money on giving funds to under developed areas. The infrastructure should be developed. The government’s role is vital in this respect. It cannot be denied.

6- Soon Valley is the beautiful area of the District. In this hilly area cultural resorts and archeological sites can be developed for the development of tourtist industry. Hotel industry can be developed with the help of government schemes. The tourism will increase the mobility and socio-cultural links of Khushab with external world. That will increase the awareness in the people.

7- Urbanisation is less in Khushab that is why it is backward and baradrism is strong here. In Bhakar, Chakwal and Jhang districts like Khushab the clutches of baradrism are stronger and urbanization could not develop. Sargodha comparatively has promoted the urbanization that gave vent to the democratic form of society and the Biradarism has started to decrease there.

8- Political parties should set up their offices at Union Council level. They should keep record of their meetings. This will enhance the political culture and the role of political parties will increase in contrast to biradarism.

9- Migration from Khushab is continued and people do not permanently live here. During the British period under Ghori Pal scheme the people of this area were moved to Bahawalpur, Faisalabald, Sargodha, and Montgomery as they got the lands allotted there. This trend of migration should be checked to decrease the influence of major biradries by promoting infrastructure in the District.

10- Poverty in the area is cause of the increased trend of baradrism. Poverty, in turn is due to the lack of development plans. Tourism can be a good source of income of the people but no infrastructure has been developed here. Khushab was selected as one of the choices of capital of Pakistan. Later for some factors Islamabad was selected. It at least proves that the area is suitable for development. The development schemes on pattern of Murree schemes can be useful for the upbringing of the area in eradication of biraderism.

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11- District Khushab is a plain area and agriculture is major source of income. The agricultural growth is possible with the proper arrangement for decrease of loss during floods. The salinity can be controlled through the cleanliness of drainage system. The researcher contacted the authorities who told that the drains are cleaned after three years period. In Nur pur Thal, Rang pur, Baghoor and adi circle areas have been badly hitting by salinity. Whole drainage system in the District is in bad condition. Tube-wells have been installed by the government to better the irrigation but the stoppage in the drains due to late cleanliness does not better the irrigation in the area. This traditional method of cleanliness should be changed in order to change the economic conditions of the area that will diminish the baradrism in the area.

12- In Thal there is no infrastructure. The area of Thall is adjusted to Jhang and Bhakar but there are not even roads in the area. This is the area of the Tiwana. The river flows in the area for almost 150 kilometers but there is no recreation resort on the bank of river. There is no any scheme of usage of river water for the irrigation of area. The Chashma Jehlum canal bank can be used for fish- forms. There are chances of the development of small business of fisheries but no such plan was made. The attention to such plan can change the culture of biradarism in the area.

13- In all backward and underdeveloped districts of Punjab the British government formed the rest houses on the canal banks keeping in view the beautiful conditions of the area. Bungalows were constructed with those Rest Houses. Some acre land was also allotted to that rest house. Our government can promote such rest houses as tour-places. The Government should stop to auction these places. Such sites should be declared as national heritage. These sites also work as recreation resorts as well as touring place. This will increase the awareness as well as the mobility of the people and grow the consciousness in the people against baradrism.

14- Military officers and bureaucrats who flourished from this area got benefits on the basis of belonging to this area but when they reached on the hiegths of their career they forgot the development of their area. Those influential people could change the conditions of the area. Such people need to take the responsibility for upbringing their native place.

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15- The political parties will have to reform themselves in many aspects. One major step that the political parties will have to make is to make themselves freer and self relient economically. They must be in position that they might support financially a poor candidate belonging to lower Biradaris or without the focused Biradari support for getting power in politics.

16- Another workable solution of the challenge is the provision of political consciousness among the common residents. The parties should be organized well to such an extent that they may not need Biradari support for winning the seats in the elections. The parties also will have to increase the public will while making decisions within the parties. For this trend of personality oriented politics will have to be changed into ideology oriented politics.

17- The personality oriented politics can be diverted into public welfare politics through the establishment of political force on national level that may take the task of competing the Biradari and personality oriented politicians. That national level political force or party can convince the people of any district to follow the national trend. The efforts made only on the district level can not bring the fruit of preventing the Biradari politics because local leaders of Biradaris have links on national level and they can do politics in order to grab power in the district. They are also so powerful that the local political force cannot succeed in subduing them in power politics.

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Reszat, Beate. “Economic Prospects of Pakistani Punjab: Historic Heritage, Institutions and the Regional Dimension of Growth.” Journal of Pakistan Vision 9, no. 2(2008): 27-69. Rizvi, Farzana “Circulation Of Elite in West and in Pakistan: Historical Perspectives,” Journal of Punjab University Historical Society, Vol.28, No.1, January - June, 2015 Rothstein, Frances. “The Class Basis of Patron-Client Relations.” Latin American Perspectives 6, no. 2 (1979): 25-35. Samina, Kausar and Rehana Qureshi. “Short Communication, : A Socio-Economic Survey of Punjab.”Journal of Agriculture & Social Science, (2005): 1813–2235. Sarwar, Firoj High. "A Comparative Study of Zamindari, Raiyatwari and Mahalwari Land Revenue Settlements: The Colonial Mechanisms of Surplus Extraction in 19th Century British India." Journal of Humanities and Social Science (JHSS) 2, no. 4 (2012): 16-26. http://www.iosrjournals.org/iosr- jhss/papers/Vol2-issue4/D0241626.pdf. Accessed April 6, 2013. Scott, James C. “Patron-Client Politics and Political Change in Southeast Asia.”The American Political Science Review 66, no. 1(1972): 91-113. DOI: 1959280.Accessed: April 11, 2013. Sekeris, Petros G. "Endogenous Elites: Power Structure and Patron-Client Relationships." Economics of Governance 12, no. 3 (2011): 237-258. DOI: 10.1007/s10101-010-0093-8. Accessed: July 13, 2013. Talbot, Iain. “The 1946 Punjab Election.”Modern Asian Studies 14, no. 1(1980): 65- 91. DOI: S0026749X00012178. Accessed April 10, 2013. Talbot, Ian. "Planning for Pakistan: The Planning Committee of the All-India Muslim League, 1943–46.” Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 4(1994):875–889. DOI: S0026749X00012567. Accessed: April 10, 2013. Talbot, Ian. "The Punjab under Colonialism: Order and transformation in British India." Journal of Punjab Studies 14, no. 1 (2007): 3-10. http://www.global.ucsb.edu/punjab/14.1_Talbot.pdf. Accessed: March 30, 2013. Ullah, Altaf.“The Role of Political Parties in the 2002 National Elections of Pakistan,” Pakistan Journal of History & Culture, (97-121) Vol.XXIX, No.1.2008. Usman, Ahmed “Marginalized Voters and Supporters: Biradari System, Caste Hierarchy and Rights to Political Participation in Rural Punjab,” Journal of Political Studies, Vol. 23, Issue - 2, 2016, 607:616 Valença, Márcio M. "Patron-Client Relations and Politics in Brazil, an Historical Overview." Environmental & Spatial Analysis 58, (1999): 1-42. http://www.lse.ac.uk/geographyAndEnvironment/research/researchpapers/rp5 8.pdf. Accessed April 11, 2013. Vybomy, Kate, Chaudhary Azam. “Patronage and the Poor: Evidence from Rural Punjab, Pakistan.” Working Paper Presented in Oxford (2013):

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REPORTS District Khushab Three Years Rolling Plan 2010-2013. Govt. of Punjab, www.phsrp.punjab.gov.pk/downloads/3yrp/Khushab. Accessed: March 23, 2013. District Khushab Development and Politics. Lahore: Punjab Lok Sujag, 2013. http://lokpunjab.org/elections/slideshowkhus.html. Accessed: March 27, 2014. Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey, MICS, Punjab 2007-08. Lahore: Government of the Punjab Planning & Development Department Bureau of Statistics, 2009. ‎Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS), Punjab 2007-08 (Khushab: Government of the Punjab Planning & Development Department, 2009). http://www.pndpunjab.gov.pk/user_files/File/Khushab09.pdf. URL: Acccessed June 17, 2013.

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THESES Ahmed, Mughees. “Faisalabad Division Ke Siasat per Biradarism kay Asraat.” PhD Thesis., Bahauddin Zakariya University, 2004. http://www.researchgate.net/publication/259400008_Faisalabad_Division_ke_ Siasat_per_Biradarism_kay_Asraat. Accessed: March 20, 2013. Hassan, Javid. “Class, Powerand Patronage: the Landed Elite and Politics in Pakistani Punjab.” PhD diss., The London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE), 2012. Hussain, Syed Ahmad-ud-din. “Development of Local Government Institutions in the Province of the Punjab: A Critical Assessment.”PhD diss., Bahauddin Zakariya University, 1994. Ibrahim, Muhammad. “Role of Biradari System in Power Politics of Lahore: Post Independence Period.” PhD diss., Bahauddin Zakariya University, 2009. http://prr.hec.gov.pk/thesis/1234S.pdf. Accessed: March 20, 2013. Lyon, Stephen M. “Power and Patronage in Pakistan.” PhD diss., University of Kent Canterbury, 2002. http://www.dur.ac.uk/s.m.lyon/Publications/Lyon.pdf. Accessed: March 20, 2013. Mahmood, Khurram. “Iqbal and Provincial Politics of Punjab 1926-1938.” PhD diss., Quaid-I-Azam University, 2005. Brown, Ryan. “The British EmPire in India,” PhD diss., Ashland University, 2010. http://ashbrook.org/programs/citizens/publications/theses/. Accessed April 11, 2013. Salamat, Zarina. “The Punjab in 1921-31: A Case Study of Muslims.” PhD thesis., University of the Punjab, 1991.

NEWSPAPERS Daily Nawa-i-Waqt, Lahore Daily Express, Sargodha Nawa-i-Johar, Jahurabad Tijarat, Sargodha

WEBSITES http://www.punjab.gov.pk/ http://www.Khushab.gop.pk/ http://Khushab.gop.pk/html/About_District.html#About_District_Tribes http://www.ecp.gov.pk/ http://www.pildat.org/ http://www.census.gov.pk/ http://www.britishemPire.co.uk/article/castesystem.htm

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INTERVIEWS Prof. (R) Mureed Hussain Alvi former principal Govt.Ambala Muslim College Sargodha, Interview by the researcher at village Padhrar (Distt: Khushab) October 5, 2014.

Muhamamd Aslam Awan, Advocate, village Padhrar (Distt: Khushab) interview by the researcher, District Bar Office, Jauharabad, January 27, 2015.

Prof. (R) Malik Muhammad Aslam Hayat Awan former chairman Department of History and Pakistan Studies, University of Sargodha, interview by the researcher, village Jabba (Distt :Khushab) November, 15,2014.

Malik Shakir Bashir Awan, former Naib Zilla Nazim Distt: Khushab, MNA-NA70 (Memebr of National Assembley) interview by the researcher, Karamabad (Soon Valley) Distt: Khushab, 10 February 2015.

Prof.(R) Malik Muhammad Zarar former principal Govt. Post Graduate College Jauharabad (Khushab) interview by the researcher at Civil Lines, Jauharabad, October 10, 2014.

Umar Daraz Awan alias Mittho Awan (Manager Awan Bus Service, Sub Office Khushab) interview by the researcher, Awan Hotel & Resturent Khushab Chakwal Road, Union Council, Kattah Saghral Distt: Khushab

Malik Mazhar Awan (R) clerk, Pakistan Army, interview by the researcher, village Waheer, Distt: Khushab, January 15, 2015.

Malik Khudadad Khan Awan, former chairman Baitul Mall Khushab, former vice chairman Zilla Council Khushab, interview by the researcher at village Khaliq abad, union council Kund, Distt: Khushab, February 3, 2015.

Muhammad Mumtaz Qureshi, Primary School Teacher, Village Dhaka (Soon Valley) Khushab, interview by the researcher, February 10, 2015.

Ghulam Shabbir Awan (R) Subay Dar, Pakistan Army, Muhalla Jurrwal, Noushehra (Soon Valley) Khushab, March 02, 2015.

Malik Moula Dad Khan, former Nazim Union Council Kund, interview by researcher, village Daira Malik Muhammad Khan Awan of Kund (Distt: Khsuhab) February 03, 2015.

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Muhammad Ishaq Awan, Headmaster Govt. High School Shahpur Distt: Sargodha, interview by researcher village Waheer (Distt: Khushab) February 04,2015.

Malik Haq Nawaz Awan, former chairman union council Warcha (Distt: Khushab) interview by the researcher at village Dhokri, Distt: Khushab, December 10, 2014

Prof. (R) Muhammad Saeed Saggu, former Director Budget & Planning, DPI Office, Higher Education Department, Govt. Of Punjab, Anar Kali Bazar, Lahore, interverview by researcher, village Katti Mar, Tehsil Noor Pur, Distt: Khushab, April 10, 2015.

Prof. Alam Sher Khan Niazi, former chairman Department of Political Science, University of Sargodha, interview by researcher, village Golly Wali, Tehsil Quaiabad Distt: Khushab, April 12, 2015.

Malik Ehsan Ullah Tiwana, former MNA and Zilla Nazim Distt: Khushab, interview by researcher, village Hamoka (Hassan Pur Tiwana) Distt: Khushab, April 15, 2015.

Muhammad Pervez Awan (R) Instructor, Cadet College Hassan Abdal, interview by researcher village Ochala (Soon Valley) Distt: Khushab, April 23, 2015.

Malik Maqsood Ahmad Awan, Dhok Shamsheria, Mardwal (Soon Valley) Distt: Khushab, interview by researcher, April 27, 2015.

Malik Asif Awan, former General Councilor, Union Council Mardwal (Soon Valley) Khushab, interview by the researcher, February 11, 2015.

Muhammad Farooq Awan, (R) JCO Pakistan Airforce, village Mardwal, interview by researcher, Awan Marble near Qanchi Mor, Sargodha, March 19, 2015

Syed Abid Hussain Shah, (R) JCO Pak Army, village Bola Distt: Khushab, interview by researcher, General Bus Stand Juharabad, April 22, 2015

Malik Zia-ur-Rehman Tiwana, S/o Malik Abdur Rehman Tiwana (Landlord) village Mittha Tiwana, interview by researcher, March 25, 2015.

Prof. (R) Dost Muhammad Awan, MA (Political Science) village Jabbi Sharif (Distt: Khushab) interview by researcher, January 29, 2015.

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Syed Ghulam Rasool Shah, former Advocate District Bar Council Jauharabad, recently serving as Lecturer (History) Govt. P.G College Jauharabad, interview by researcher, village Satt Shahani, Distt: Khushab, February 12, 2015.

Malik Yar Muhammad, Nambardar (village Headman) Dhokri, Distt: Khushab, interview by the researcher, January 7, 2015.

Pir Ahmad Hassan, Assistant Professor, Department of History and Pakistan Studies, University of Sargodha, village Gunjial Sharif Distt: Khushab, interview by researcher, December 16,

Muhammad Ibrahim Majoka, former Chairman Union Council Khai Khurd, Tehsil Noorpur Distt: Khushab, interview by researcher, December 14, 2014.

Malik Khalid Bandial, MA (History) LLB, (Landlord) village Bandial, interview by researcher, February 19, 2015.

Malik Muhammad Sher Awan, Advocate District Bar Council Jauharabad, former DSP (Deputy Superintendent Police) Legal Branch, Khushab, interview by researcher September 10, 2014.

Muhammad Hafeez Tiwana, MA (History) Auditor District Accounts Officer Sargodha, interview by researcher, on December 17, 2014.

Malik Ahmad Iqbal Tiwana, Deputy Director Colleges, Khushab, interview by researcher, Tiwana House village Hadali, Distt: Khushab,October 13,

Malik Muhammad Ansar Tiwana, MA (History) Nutritional Supervisor Punjab Health Department, Rural Health Center, Chak 58-NB, Sargodha. interview by researcher, December 09, 2014.

Malik Muhammad Akbar Hayat Awan, former Member District Council Khushab, now serving as Assistant Professor Psychology in P.G College Jauharabad, interview by researcher, October 19, 2014.

Dr.Badar Munir Awan, Department of Urdu, Govt. P.G College Jauharabad, telephonic interview by researcher, December 2014.

Muhammad Waris Jasra, Advocate, Former President District Bar Jauharabad, interview by researcher November, 2014.

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Malik Iftikhar Awan, famous businessman & social worker, interview by researcher at Awan Market Naushehra October 06, 2014 .

Shoukat Raza Awan, Lecturer (History) Govt. College Darya Khan, interviewed by researcher at Tehsil Noorpur, Distt: Khushab, October 08, 2014.

Malik Faisal Sultan Awan former Union Nazim village Khura (His father Malik Mian Sultan Awan (Late) was MPA & founder of Awan Transport Bus Company (Awan Express)

Malik Muhammad Waris Kalu, MPA(PP-42) & Parliamentary Secretary, Interviewed by the researcher at Waris abad, Village Rodda (Distt: Khushab) November 30, 2014.

Malik Malik Ameer Mukhtar Sangah Awan, former Tehsil Nazim Khushab, interviewed by researcher Sangah House Khushab Mianwali Road, Jauharabad, September 08, 2014.

Malik Mukhtar Ahmad Awan, former MPA, interviewed by the researcher at village Khabekhi (Soon Valley), Distt: Khushab, December 5, 2014

Malik Akhtar Nawaz Awan (Former Manager Super Awan Bus Service) Nowshehra (Soon valley) Khushab, interviewed by researcher, 3 January 2015

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APPENDICES

APPENDIX A

District Wise Ranking of Social Development in Pakistan

Top Quartile 10 Districts Range – Highest = 26.0147

Second Quartile 20 Districts WFS – Lowest –9.4706

Third Quartile 24 Districts Range – Highest 33.7790

Bottom Quartile 40 Districts Z-Score - Lowest –12.6158

Total District 94 Districts

FIRST QUARTILE DISTRICTS (TOP 5)

Districts WFS Districts Z-Score

Karachi 26.0147 Lahore 33.7790

Rawalpindi 16.9032 Rawalpindi 21.7602

Lahore 15.8617 Karachi 15.0423

Faisalabad 10.2559 Faisalabad 14.4723

Gujranwala 9.0223 Peshawar 9.6742

Source: Extracted from Ghaus, et all.

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APPENDIX B Third Quartile Districts and Khushab

Districts WFS Districts Z-Score

Sukkur 0.6430 Khushab 2.2490

D.I. Khan 0.6428 Nawabshah 1.5610

Swabi 0.5445 Malakand 1.3358

Rahim Yar Khan 0.2881 Sheikhpura 1.2868

Khushab 0.2413 Laakli 0.6170

Kasur 0.2153 Swat 0.4668

Layyah –0.2253 Sukkur –0.4690

Source: Extracted from Ghaus, et all.

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APPENDIX C

LOCAL BODIES ELECTION 2005 (KHUSHAB DISTRICT)

Union General Councilor Kisan Lady G.Councilor Lady L. Minority Nazim N.Nazim Labour Councilor Lady Kisan Council No. Councilor Councilor Councilor 1 2 3 4 Councilor 1 2 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

1 Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Ansari Awan Awan Sheikh Ansari - 2 Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Bafinda Awan Awan Hajam Mistri - 3 Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan ------4 Awan Awan Kasab Awan Rajput Ansari Awan Hajam Awan Awan Awan Awan Masih 5 Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan ------6 Awan Awan Awan Syed Awan Awan Awan Dhudhar Khibki Awan Dhudhar Awan - 7 Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Dhudhar Dhudhar Qureshi Hajam Masih 8 Awan Rajay Rajay Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Kumhar Awan Awan - 9 Janjua Janjua Sanadha Dhool Them - Mochi Jandran Janjua Ansari Chidhar Masih 10 Awan Bhatti Awan Awan Syed Janjua Awan Awan Khokhar Bhatti Janjua Bhatti - 11 Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Mochi Awan Qureshi Maachi Chaudhry Kasab Masih 12 Awan Awan Awan Syed Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Kasab Kumhar Maachi - 13 Awan Rajput Syed Awan Awan Awan Kumhar Rajput Kambo Maachi Rajput Kambo Masih 14 Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Dhudhar - 15 ------16 Wadhal Kalyar Angra Jaythal Angra Bhood Bhasen Sunbli Wadhal Sheikh Sunbli Sapra Masih 17 Tiwana Awan Tiwana Shawli Shami Tiwana Awan Sheikh Qureshi Hajam Mughal Sheikh Masih 18 Awan Awan Awan Awan Chachar Baloch Seeyah Tarkhan Tarkhan Theem Muslim Sheikh Qureshi Masih 19 Rajput Arian Awan Awan Mahil Baloch Khokhar Arian Burhan Qazi 20 Baloch Arian Sheikh Jutt Arian Arian Wadhal Arian Mochi Sheikh Arian Sheikh Masih 21 Baloch Sajjra Rehmani Khokhar Chohan Rehmani Bloch Qureshi Rajput Syed 22 Awan Namdgar Namdgar Jutt Baloch Sheikh Arian Ansari Khokhar Khawaja Ansari Masih 23 24 Awan Chidhar Awan Awan Awan Rajput Awan Janjua Bhatti Awan Rajput Joya Masih 25 Awan Theem Awan Awan Awan Qureshi Awan Syed Shawtra Jeweler Awan Khilan Masih 26 Jutt Bhatti Rajput Rajput Rajput Rajput Jutt Jutt Mayo Jutt Jutt Rajput Masih 27 Tiwana Syed Mochi Qureshi Bhatti Mochi 28 Baloch Chauns RAngar Syed Chaudhry Syed Bahsin Baloch Tarkhan Qureshi Sheikh Bhatti 29 Joya Mumk Noon Rajput Joya Joya Joya Kumhar Joya Joya Tarkhan 30 Tiwana Awan Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana Gamgoli Machi Chaudhry Mochi Tiwana Kumhar Noorgi Masih 31 Tiwana Awan Tiwana Shawli Shami Tiwana Awan Muslim Sheikh Muslim Sheikh Hajam Mughal Qureshi Masih 32 Rajput Tiwana Rajput Jutt Bhatti Tiwana Burhan Maghi Jutt Tiwana Arian Mughal Masih 34 Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Mughal Mughal Mochi Lohar Rajput 35 Syed Awan Miana Bhatti Miana Awan Pathan Phatan Jutt Sheikh - - - 36 Khokhar Khokhar Bandial Bandial Wirk Khaga Bandial Bandial Bandial Baig Pathan Bandial Masih

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37 ------Sheikh Sheikh - - 38 Gunjial Khel Gunjial Khel Khel Arian Hajam Arian Gunjial Gunjial Gunjial Gunjial Masih 39 Arian Arian Awan Lohar Khel Arian - - - Baloch - - - 40 Tiwana Awan Tiwana Dhudhar Awan Awan Baloch Awan Tiwana Arian Tiwana Arian - 41 Arian Arian Juiya Arian Arian Pathan Arian Arian Arian Arian Rajput Arian Masih 42 Salhal Rajput Kalyar Dhoon Olukh Chena Khatema Sheikh Sheikh Rajput Sheikh Sheikh Masih 43 Baghor Rajput Baghor Khera Baghor Rajput Rajput Baghor Khatema Qureshi Rajput - - 44 Rahdari Jumat Jumat Wadhal Bomb Phalwan Raja Yahwar Dhodha Yahwar Rahdari Rahdari 45 Sagho Waghra Sagho Sagho Chan Waghra Kartana Raja Jhara Sagho Waghra - - 46 Baloch Sagho Pathan Baloch Pathan Kalyar Kalyar Kalyar Bhatti Kalyar Kalyar Kalyar 47 ------48 Baloch Jura Baloch Juiya Sher Astar Baloch Jura Jura Sheikh Baloch Jura - 49 Baloch Juiya Awan Baloch Juiya Dhut Mughal Awan Sheikh Mughal Rajput Sheikh - 50 ------51 Awan Chena Awan Syed Yahwar Mithar Arayan Gujar Bhatti Rajput Rahdari Them -

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APPENDIX D Provincial Assembly Results (1937-2008)

PP Year Name Biradari Biradari Party Position Landowner 1937 Khizar Hayat Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana Unionist 1 Landowner 1937 Sikandar Hayat Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana Unionist 1 Muhammad Hayat Khan Sargodha 1937 Noon Noon Others Unionist 1 Sargodha 1937 Allah Bukhsh Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana Unionist 1 Sargodha 1937 Syed Nawazish Ali Shah Syed Others Unionist 1 Hayat Muhammad Sargodha 1937 Qureshi Qureshi Others Unionist 1 Muslim Bhulwal 1946 Fazal Haq Piracha Piracha Others League 1 Muslim Khushab 1946 Malik Mumtaz Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana League 1 Khushab 1946 Khizar Hayat Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana Unionist 2 Sargodha 1946 Allah Bukhsh Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana Unionist 1 Muslim Sargodha 1946 Qalndar Shah Syed Others League 2 Shahpur 1946 Sultan Ali Nagiana Nagiana Others Unionist 1 Muhammad Hayat Muslim Shahpur 1946 Qureshi Qureshi Others League 2 Muslim Khushab 1951 Qazi Mureed Ahmed Awan Awan League 1 Fateh Muhammad Muslim Khushab 1951 Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana League 1 Jinnah Awami Muslim Khushab 1951 Habib Ullah Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana League 1 Muslim Khushab 1956 Qazi Mureed Ahmed Awan Awan League 1 Fateh Muhammad Muslim Khushab 1956 Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana League 1 Jinnah Awami Muslim Khushab 1956 Habib Ullah Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana League 1 Malik Sarfaraz Khan PW-60 1962 Awan Awan Awan Convention 1 PW-60 1962 Sultan Ali Nangina Nangina Others Convention 2 Malik Muhammad Aslam Convention 1965 Khan Awan Awan Awan Muslim League 1

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PP Year Name Biradari Biradari Party Position Convention Muslim PW-62 1965 Muhammad Ali Awan Awan Awan League 1 PP-36 1970 Muhammad Azam Awan Awan PPP 1 PP-36 1970 Qadir Yar Khan Lak Others Independent 2 Malik Muhammad PP-37 1970 Akram Awan Awan PPP 1 Council Muslim PP-37 1970 Muhammad Ali Tiwana Tiwana League 2 Council Muslim PP-38 1970 Khaliq Dad Bandial Bandial Bandial League 1 Mehmood ul Hassan PP-38 1970 Khan Awan Awan PPP 2 Malik Dost Muhammad PP-37 1977 Awan Awan Awan PPP 1 PP-38 1977 Malik Sultan Awan Awan Awan PPP 1 Malik Muhammad Azam PP-39 1977 Khan Awan Awan PPP 1 Malik Muhammad PP-40 1977 Anwar Khan Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana PPP 1 PP37 1985 Malik Mukhtar Ahmed Awan Awan IND 1 Malik Muhammad Akbar PP37 1985 Khan Awan Awan IND 2 PP38 1985 Shujah Muhammad Khan Baloch Baloch IND 1 PP38 1985 Atta Muhammad Gunjial Gunjial IND 2 PP39 1985 Sikandar Hayat Khan Baloch Baloch IND 2 Malikk Muhammad PP33 1988 Bashir Awan Awan Awan 1 Malik Mukhtar Ahmed PP33 1988 Awan Awan Awan 2 Malik Khuda Bukhsh PP34 1988 Khan Tiwana Tiwana 1 PP34 1988 Sardar Shuja Muhammad Baloch Baloch 2 Dr. Captain Muhammad PP35 1988 Rafique Arain Others 1 PP35 1988 Khan Muhammad Baloch Baloch 2 Malik Mukhtar Ahmed PP33 1990 Awan Awan Awan 1 Malik Muhammad Javed PP33 1990 Awan Awan Awan 2

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PP Year Name Biradari Biradari Party Position Malik Khuda Bukhsh PP34 1990 Khan Tiwana Tiwana 1 Sardar Shuja Muhammad PP34 1990 Khan Baloch Baloch 2 Malik Khuda Bukhsh PP35 1990 Wadhal Tiwana Tiwana 1 PP35 1990 Khan Muhammad Baloch Baloch 2 Malik Mukhtar Ahmed PP33 1993 Awan Awan Awan 1 Mr. Iftikhar Hussain PP33 1993 Awan Awan Awan 2 Alhaj Malik Saleh PP34 1993 Muhammad Gujial Khokhar Others 1 Malik Khuda Bukhsh PP34 1993 Khan Tiwana Tiwana 2 Dr. Captain Muhammad PP35 1993 Rafique Arain Others 1 PP35 1993 Muhammad Ejaz Aahir Aahir Aahir 2 PP33 1997 Malik Mukhtar Ahmed Awan Awan 1 Malik Muhammad Javed PP33 1997 Awan Awan Awan 2 PP34 1997 Muhammad Hayat Utra Uttra Others 1 Malik Khuda Bukhsh PP34 1997 Khan Tiwana Tiwana 2 PP35 1997 Tasawar Ali Khan Pathan Others 1 Malik Muhammad PP35 1997 Rafique Naich Naich Others 2 Malik Muhammad Javed PP39 2002 Iqbal Awan Awan Awan PML(Q) 1 Malik Mukhtar Ahmed PP39 2002 Awan Awan Awan NA 2 Malik Saleh Muhammad PP40 2002 Gujjal Gunjial Gunjial NA 1 PP40 2002 Karam Elahi Bandial Bandial Bandial IND 2 PP41 2002 Muhammad Asif Malik Awan Awan PML(Q) 1 Malik Muhammad Abdul PP41 2002 Rehman Tiwana Tiwana IND 2 PP42 2002 Muhammad Waris Kallu Joyia Joyia IND 1 Sardar Shuja Muhammad PP42 2002 Khan Baloch Baloch PML(Q) 2 Malik Muhammad Javed PP39 2008 Iqbal Awan Awan Awan IND 1

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PP Year Name Biradari Biradari Party Position PP39 2008 Faisal Aziz Awan Awan PML(Q) 2 PP40 2008 Karam Elahi Bandia Bandial Bandial IND 1 Malik Hassan Nawaz PP40 2008 Gujjal Gunjial Gunjial IND 2 PP41 2008 Muhammad Asif Malik Awan Awan IND 1 Malik Muhammad Ehsan PP41 2008 Ullah Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana IND 2 Malik Muhammad Waris PP42 2008 Kallu Joyia Joyia IND 1 PP42 2008 Syed Zulqarnain Shah Syed Others IND 2

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APPENDIX E National Assembly Results(1962-2008) Halqa Year Name Biradari Biradari~ Party Position NW- 29 1962 Zakir Qureshi Qureshi Others IND 1 NW- 29 1962 Fateh Muhammad Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana IND 2 NW- Council 42 1970 Babu Karam Bukhsh Awan Awan League 1 NW- 42 1970 Nasim Ahmed AAahir Aahir Aahir PPP 2 NW- Council 43 1970 Mian Zakir Qureshi Qureshi Others League 1 NW- 43 1970 Malik Najib Ullah Borrna Others PPP 2 NA- 53 1977 Karam Bukhsh Awan Awan Awan PPP 1 NA- National 53 1977 Qazi Mureed Ahmed Awan Awan Alliance 2 NA- 54 1977 Nasim AAahir Aahir Aahir PPP 1 NA- National 54 1977 Qari Abdul Sami Gunjial Gunjial Alliance 2 NA- 53 1985 Malik Nasim Ahmed Aahir Aahir IND 1 NA- 53 1985 Aziz ul Haq Qureshi Qureshi Others IND 2 NA- 54 1985 Muhammad Naeem Khan Awan Awan IND 1 NA- 54 1985 Alhaj Karam Bakhsh Awan Awan Awan IND 2 NA- Malik Muhammad Naeem 51 1988 Khan Awan Awan IJI 1 NA- 51 1988 Malik Mian Sultan Awan Awan Awan PPP 2 NA- Malik Khuda Bakhsh Khan 52 1988 Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana IND 1 NA- 52 1988 Nasim Ahmed Aheer Awan Awan IJI 2 NA- Malik Muhammad Naeem 51 1990 Khan Awan Awan IJI 1 NA- Malik Muhammad Bashir 51 1990 Awan Awan Awan IND 2 NA- 52 1990 Malik Khuda Bakhsh Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana IJI 1

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Halqa Year Name Biradari Biradari~ Party Position NA- Sardar Shujah Muhammad 52 1990 Khan Baloch Baloch PDA 2 NA- 51 1993 Malik Naeem Khan Awan Awan PML(N) 1 NA- 51 1993 Malik Bashir Awan Awan Awan PPP 2 NA- 52 1993 Sardar Shujah Khan Baloch Baloch PML(N) 1 NA- 52 1993 Malik Ghulam Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana PML(J) 2 NA- 51 1997 Malik Umer Aslam Awan Awan PML(N) 1 NA- 51 1997 Tanveer Sultan Awan Awan Awan IND 2 NA- Sardar Shuja Muhammad 52 1997 Khan Baloch Baloch PML(N) 1 NA- Malik Ghulam Muhammad 52 1997 Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana IND 2 NA- 69 2002 Sumaira Malik Awan Awan NA 1 NA- 69 2002 Malik Umar Aslam Awan Awan PML(Q) 2 NA- Muhammad Saifullah 70 2002 Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana IND 1 NA- Malik Muhammad Shabbir 70 2002 Awan Awan Awan PML(Q) 2 NA- 69 2008 Sumaira Malik Awan Awan PML(N) 1 NA- 69 2008 Umer Aslam Khan Awan Awan IND 2 NA- 70 2008 Malik Shakir Bashir Awan Awan Awan PML(N) 1 NA- Malik Muhammad Ehsan 70 2008 Ullah Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana IND 2