Boomtown Attitudes and Perceptions Non-renewable Energy Extraction Regions:
North Dakota, U.S.A., Oil Shale and Alberta, Canada, Oil Sands
A dissertation submitted to the Graduate School Of the University of Cincinnati in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of
DOCTORATE OF PHILOSOPHY (Ph.D.)
in the Department of Geography of the College of Arts and Sciences
2017
By Mary D. Raycraft
B.S., University of Cincinnati, 2009 B.A., University of Cincinnati, 2009 M.S., University of Cincinnati, 2010 M.A., University of Cincinnati, 2011
Committee: Roger Selya, Ph.D., Chair Robert South, Ph.D. Kevin Raleigh, Ph.D. Sandra Browning, Ph.D.
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Abstract
Advances in extractive technology have facilitated the ability to obtain the non-renewable energy, oil sands, and oil shale resources. In this dissertation, the social impacts experienced in the Athabasca region of Regional Municipality of Wood Buffalo (RMWB), Alberta, Canada and the Bakken Play in western North Dakota, U.S.A will be explored. This is a multi-site, multi- cultural, and multinational study that compares the responses from these rural geographically diverse regions.
A questionnaire was completed by the 95 respondents that participated in this study; 40 from RMWB and 39 from different locations throughout the Bakken Play. In addition, 16
Mandan, Hidatsa, and Arikara Nation (MAH) enrolled members from Fort Berthold Indian
Reservations (Three Affiliated Tribes) were included as well. An interview followed the completion of the questionnaires. The resultant mixed methods approach captured their demographic data, socioeconomic, attitudes, perceptions, subjective well-being, and community attachment in the boomtown environment. Although RMWB and the Bakken Play have experienced energy booms in the past, drilling had not occurred on the sovereign lands on Fort
Berthold Indian Reservation.
In addition, this dissertation will also review the use of social impact assessments (SIA) in Canada (CEPA 1999) and the United States (NEPA 1977) in relation to lessening the impacts in energy resource communities.
It is the hope that this research will add to the existing body of work will contribute to understanding the social impacts within a boomtown community.
Keywords: oil shale, oil sands, word cloud, mixed methods, boomtown
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Acknowledgements
Like most individuals that have reached the pinnacle of education, I have many professors, family, and numerous friends who were more than patient, supportive and, most of all pushy to further my education. To everyone, thank you.
To my academic family, whose fields of interest and research are as diverse as they are.
To my geography family: Roger Selya, Ph.D. who has traveled the very bumpy road of my personal and academic life. He has been my friend, teacher, confidant, and cheerleader in all things. I am grateful to Kevin Raleigh, Ph.D., who made my brain sweat, was helpful, and thoughtful, and showed me how philosophy could be fun-- yes, fun. To Robert South, Ph.D., always up for a quick chat thoughtful discussion, and of course, a dear friend. To my criminal justice family: Roger Wright, J.D.-- someone whom I could bounce ideas and have thoughtful discussions. Finally, Sandra Browning, Ph.D., who was not only an inspiring professor but who has also become a dear friend. These five individuals are not the only members of my academic family but are those who have ridden alongside, behind, and in front of me at various times.
Without them, the culmination of this work could not have happened. To the amazing undergraduate and graduate students – Amber, Teri, Beth, Julia, Kevin, Kat, Katie, Alex, Deb,
JP, Ben, Thushara, and Carlos, the list goes on and on, they have helped me in so many ways – thank you so very much.
The long road traveled, as has been said so many times, could not have been possible without the love and support of my parents Tom and Mary and my children Christopher and
Marisa. To my sisters Laura, Elizabeth, and Marsha, love, and thanks to you – all of who have traveled down this road with me. To my North Dakota family Kevin McKibbage and Harold and
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Linda Narnum, whose kindness and friendship was unwavering. Finally, to John, who has been a sounding board, cheerleader and made me tea when I could not.
There have been so many individuals whose path I have crossed and to whom I owe so very much. To these individuals and those above, thank you from the bottom of my heart.
“… geography...know by heart a whole gazetteer full of them would not, in itself, constitute anyone a geographer. Geography has higher aims than this: it seeks to classify phenomena (alike of the natural and of the political world, in so far as it treats of the latter), to compare, to generalize, to ascend from effects to causes, and, in doing so, to trace out the laws of nature and to mark their influences upon man. This is 'a description of the world'—that is Geography. In a word, Geography is a Science—a thing not of mere names but of argument and reason, of cause and effect” William Hughes, 1863 in Baker, J.N.L. (1963)
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Table of Contents
List of Figures and Graphs Page xiii
List of Maps Page xviii
List of Photographs Page xix
List of Tables Page xxi
List of Acronyms Page xxiii
Chapter 1: Page 1
1.1 Introduction Page 1
1.2 Statement of the Problem Page 3
1.3 Purpose and Aims Page 6
1.4 Study Background Page 9
1.5 NEPA, National Environmental Policy Act, U.S. A. Page 12
1.6 Gillette Syndrome Page 15
1.7 Fear of Crime Page 18
1.8 Significance of Studying Boom-Bust Cycles Page 19
1.9 Organization of the Study Page 20
Chapter 2: Page 22
2.1 Introduction – Literature Review Page 22
2.2 Theoretical Framework: Critical Realism Page 25
2.3 Mixed Methods Approach Page 30
2.4 Boomtown Model: Energy Extraction Page 32
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2.5 Regional Shocks Page 36
2.6 Social Disruption Page 40
2.7 U.S.A. - National Energy Policy Page 50
2.8 Practicing Social Impact Assessment (SIA) Page 55
2.9 USA, SIA Page 61
2.10 Canada, SIA Page 71
2.11 Summary: Social Impact Assessment and Critical Realism Page 76
Chapter 3: Page 78
3.1. Introduction - Study Sites Page 78
3.2. Regional Municipality of Wood Buffalo (RMWB), Fort McMurray, Alberta, Canada Page 85
3.2.1 RMWB Reclamation Page 88
3.2.2 RMWB Environmental Concerns Page 93
3.2.3 RMWB Urban Environment Page 95
3.2.4. First Nations Page 96
3.2.5. RMWB Social Impacts Page 99
3.2.6. RMWB Crime Page 101
3.2.7. RMWB Demographics Page 102
3.2.8 RMWB Economics Page 107
3.3 The Bakken Play, North Dakota, U.S.A. Page 109
3.3.1 The Bakken Play – Williston Basin and Bakken Formation Page 109
3.3.2 North Dakota Revenue Page 115
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3.3.3 North Dakota Crime Page 116
3.3.4 North Dakota Social Impact Page 118
3.3.5 North Dakota Temporary Workers Page 123
3.4 Fort Berthold Indian Reservation, North Dakota Three Affiliated Tribes (Mandan, Hidatsa, and Arikara Nation – MAH Nation) Page 125
3.4.1 History and Sovereignty Page 125
3.4.2 Three Affiliated Tribes Demographics Page 127
3.4.3 Three Affiliated Tribes Development of Oil Shale Page 128
3.4.4 Three Affiliated Tribes Land Ownership Page 130
3.4.5 Three Affiliated Tribes Tribal Administration Page 136
3.4.6 Three Affiliated Tribes: Social Impact and Environmental Impact Page 138
3.4.7 Three Affiliated Tribes: Crime Page 141
3.4.8 Three Affiliated Tribes: Communities on Fort Berthold Reservation Page 145
3.4.8.1 New Town, North Dakota Page 145
3.4.8.2 Parshall, North Dakota Page 146
3.4.8.3 Mandaree, North Dakota Page 148
Chapter 4 Page151
4.1 Introduction - Results Page 151
4.1.1 Validity Page 152
4.1.2 Trustworthiness Page 153
4.2 Methodology Page 154
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4.3 Research Strategies Page 155
4.4 Data Collection Page 157
4.5 Data Analysis Page 158
Chapter 5 Page 160
5.1 Introduction - Data Page 160
5.2 Respondents Demographic Data Page 160
5.2.1 Age and Gender of Respondents Page 160
5.2.2 Marital Status of Respondents Page 161
5.2.3 Average Length of Residency Page 163
5.2.4 Mineral Rights Owners Page 165
5.2.5 Club and Organization Participation Page 166
5.2.6 Median Incomes of Respondents Page 167
5.2.7 Occupations of Respondents Page 167
5.2.8 Respondents Educational Attainments Page 168
5.3 Survey Questions Page 169
5.3.1 Do you think that there should be more or less extraction in this area? Page 169
5.3.2 Do you think that the extraction process has been handled Responsibly? Page 176
5.3.3 Was there an Energy Boom Prior to 2010? Page 183
5.3.4 What kind of boom did you experience? Page 186
5.3.5 How long did it take for the community to recover from the last bust? Page 187 x
5.3.6 What did the government do to assist the community after the economic downturn? Page 188
5.3.7 Do you know if the local government is prepared for the next bust? Page 192
5.3.8 Did the local governments look to other communities to try to learn from their mistakes? Page 195
5.3.9 Were consultants called in to help the community survive the bust? Page 196
5.3.10 What is the most important economic issue facing your community now? Page 198
5.3.11 Do you know if the extraction company was helping the local government to lessen the economic impact due to their closing? Page 203
5.3.12 Were new businesses developed or enticed to move to the area to help support the economy? Page 208
5.3.13 How long do you think the current boom will last? Page 210
5.3.14 In the last 10-15 years have you noticed more businesses moving into the community? Page 212
5.3.15 In the last 10-15 years have you noticed more businesses out of the community? Page 214
5.3.16 Does your local governments consider the community and the environment when making policy changes? Page 218
5.3.17 My community in the last five (2006 -2011) years has … Page 222
5.3.18 I know my neighbor(s): Page 225
5.3.19 How safe do you perceive your residential neighborhood to be? Page 228
5.3.20 Do you believe that there should be more governmental regulations regarding the extraction process? Page 235 xi
5.3.21 What methods are used to keep the community informed? Page 238
5.3.22 Have the positive effects from the extraction process directly benefited you? Page 240
5.3.23 Have some of the community benefited more due to the presence of the extraction companies than other members of the community? Page 241
5.3.24 In your opinion what is/are the biggest social problem in your city/neighborhood? Page 246
Chapter 6 Page 252
6.1 Introduction – Conclusions, Limitations, and Future Directions Page 252
6.2 Conclusions - Attitudes and Perception Page 257
6.3 Limitations Page 262
6.4 Recommendations Page 265
Chapter 7 Page 268
7.1 Introduction – Update – RMWB, Bakken Play, and Fort Berthold Page 268
7.2 RMWB, Alberta, Canada Page 268
7.3 Bakken Play, North Dakota, Page 270
7.4 Fort Berthold Indian Reservation Page 270
7.5 Resilient Communities Page 271
References Page 273
Appendix A Page 296
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List of Figures and Graphs
Figure 1.1 Athabasca Oil Sands, RMWB, Fort McMurray, Alberta, Canada Page 7
Figure 1.2 Major Basins and Shales in North America Page 7
Figure 2.1 Project Impact Model Page 35
Figure 2.2 Problem Triangle Page 41
Figure 2.3 Path Model of Social Disorganization Page 48
Figure 2.4 Seven Stages for Conducting a Social Impact Assessment Page 52
Figure 2.5 Five Sectors of Boom 1 and an Example of a Feedback Loop Page 59
Figure 3.1 Depiction of Athabasca Oil Sands Region: East-West Geological Cross-Section Page 87
Figure 3.2 Cross Section of the Bakken Play Page 111
Figure 3.3 Wells Drilled Between 1950 and 2000 that Coincide with a Bust between 1981-1982: Discovery 1960 and Price 1980 Cycles Page 122
Figure 3.4 Edward Byrne Memorial Justice Assistance Grant Program, Tribal Data Exchange Process (TDEP) Page 143
Figure 5.1 Do you think that there should be more or less energy extraction in this area? RMWB - Positive attitudes and perspectives Page 171
Figure 5.2 Do you think that there should be more or less energy extraction in this area? RMWB - Negative attitudes and perspectives Page 172
Figure 5.3 Do you think that there should be more or less energy extraction in this area? Bakken Play - Positive attitudes and perspectives Page 173
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Figure 5.4 Do you think that there should be more or less energy extraction in this area? Bakken Play - Negative attitudes and perspectives Page 174
Figure 5.5 Do you think that there should be more or less energy extraction or less in this area? RMWB, Bakken Play and Fort Berthold – Positive attitudes and perspectives Page 175
Figure 5.6 Do you think that there should be more or less energy extraction or less in this area? RMWB, Bakken Play and Fort Berthold - Negative attitudes and perspectives Page 176
Figure 5.7 Do you think the extraction process has been handled responsibly? RMWB- Positive attitudes and perspectives Page 178
Figure 5.8 Do you think the extraction process has been handled responsibly? Bakken Play - Positive attitudes and perspectives Page 179
Figure 5.9 Do you think the extraction process has been handled responsibly? RMWB, Bakken Play, and Fort Berthold – Positive attitudes and perspectives Page 180
Figure 5.10 Do you think the extraction process has been handled responsibly? RMWB – Negative attitudes and perspectives Page 181
Figure 5.11 Do you think the extraction process has been handled responsibly? Bakken Play – Negative attitudes and perspectives Page 182
Figure 5.12 Do you think the extraction process has been handled responsibly? RMWB, Bakken Play and Fort Berthold – Negative attitudes and perspectives Page 183
Figure 5.13 What did the government do to assist after the economic downturn? xiv
RWMB - responses Page 189
Figure 5.14 What did the government do to assist after the economic downturn? Bakken Play - responses Page 191
Figure 5.15 What is the most important economic issue facing your community now? RWMB – attitudes and perspectives Page 200
Figure 5.16 What is the most important economic issue facing your community now? Bakken Play – attitudes and perspectives Page 202
Figure 5.17 Do you know if the extraction company was helping the local government to lessen the economic impact due to their closing? RMWB – attitudes and perspectives Page 206
Figure 5.18 Do you know if the extraction company was helping the local government to lessen the economic impact due to their closing? Bakken Play – attitudes and perspectives Page 207
Figure 5.19 New business development RMWB – attitudes and perceptions Page 209
Figure 5.20 In the last 10-15 years have you noticed more businesses moving into the community? RMWB – attitudes and perceptions Page 212
Figure 5.21 In the last 10-15 years have you noticed more business moving out of the community? RWMB – attitudes and perceptions Page 216
Figure 5.22 Does your local governments consider the community and the environment when making policy changes? RWMB – attitudes and perceptions Page 220
Figure 5.23 Does your local governments consider the community and the environment when making policy changes? Bakken Play – attitudes and perceptions Page 221
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Figure 5.24 My community in the last five (2006 -2011) years has … RWMB – attitudes and perceptions Page 223 Figure 5.25 My community in the last five (2006 -2011) years has … Bakken Play- attitudes and perceptions Page 224
Figure 5.26 How safe do you perceive your own residential neighborhood to be? RMWB – attitudes and perceptions Page 233
Figure 5.27 How safe do you perceive your own residential neighborhood to be? Bakken Play – attitudes and perceptions Page 234
Figure 5.28 Have some members of the community benefited more due to the presence of the extraction companies than other members of the community? RMWB – attitudes and perceptions Page 243
Figure 5.29 Have some members of the community benefited more due to the presence of the extraction companies than other members of the community? Bakken Play – attitudes and perceptions Page 244
Figure 5.30 Have some members of the community benefited more due to the presence of the extraction companies than other members of the community? Fort Berthold – attitudes and perceptions Page 245
Figure 5.31 Biggest Problems Facing their Community RMWB - perceptions and attitudes Page 247
Figure 5.32 Biggest Problems Facing their Community Bakken Play – attitudes and perceptions Page 249
Figure 5.33 Biggest Problems Facing their Community RMWB and Bakken Play – attitudes and perceptions Page 250
Graph 3.1 RMWB, Alberta, Canada, Population Pyramid, 2012 Page 102
Graph 3.2 RMWB, Non-Canadian Region of Origin by Percentage, Census, 2012 Page 104
Graph 3.3 RWMB Percentage of the Population that are Residing in the Project Accommodations by Province, Census 2012 Page 106 Graph 3.4 Fort Berthold Reservation Active Well County Versus Oil xvi
Production Rate as of 2014 Page 134
Graph 5.1 Age and Gender of Respondents Page 162
Graph 5.2 Marital Status of Respondents Page 162
Graph 5.3 Average Length of Residency Page 163
Graph 5.4 Club and Organization Participation Page 166
Graph 5.5 Median Incomes Page 167
Graph 5.6 Educational Attainments by Location Page 168
Graph 5.7 Was There an Energy Boom Prior to 2010? Page 184
Graph 5.8 Bakken Region New-Well Oil Production Per Rig Versus Rig Count Page 205
Graph 5.9 Comparison of Participant Perceptions of Criminal Activities Page 231
Graph 5.10 Comparison of Unconventional Oil Revenue States Page 259
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List of Maps
Map 3.1 Canadian and the United States Non-Renewable Energy Deposits Page 79
Map 3.2 Boreal Forest, Mineable Area, and Mined Areas Page 87
Map 3.3 Population by Region of Origin, Census 2012, RMWB Page 105
Map 3.4 Drilling Productivity Report: Seven Regions of Tight Oil and Shale Gas 2011-2014 Page 112
Map 3.5 Bakken Shale of Original Oil in Place Estimates in Billions of Barrels, North Dakota, U.S.A. Page 113
Map 3.6 North Dakota Oil Wells from 1950 through 2013 Page 113
Map 3.7 MHA Migratory Paths Page 125
Map 3.8 Fort Berthold Reservation: Historical Villages Under and Current Cities Around Lake Sakakawea Page 127
Map 3.9 North Dakota Federal Lands and Indian Reservations Page 127
Map 3.10 Fort Berthold Reservation, Surface Ownership Page 133
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List of Photographs
Photo 2.1 Walmart in Williston, North Dakota Page 68
Photo 3.1 Western North Dakota: A Man Camp that is Comprised of a Mix of Privately Owned Motorhomes and Company Equipment Page 80
Photo 3.2 RMWB a Private Fly-In/Fly-Out Worker Camp Page 81
Photo 3.3 Mid-Morning Traffic, RWMB, Alberta Page 82
Photo 3.4 Mid-Morning Traffic Williston, North Dakota Page 83
Photo 3.5 Boomtown Casino Fort McMurray, Alberta Page 85
Photo 3.6 Sequential Views of Oil Sands Extraction RWMB Page 86
Photo 3.7 Suncor Pond 1, 1989, Early Usage RWMB Page 90
Photo 3.8 Suncor Pond 1, 2011, Prior to Reclamation RMWB Page 90
Photo 3.9 Suncor Pond 1, 2010, Prior to Reclamation RWMB Page 91
Photo 3.10 Suncor Pond 1, 2012, Post-Reclamation, RWMB Page 91
Photo 3.11 Suncor Pond 1, 2012, Wapisiw Lookout, Post-Reclamation, RMWB Page 92
Photo 3.12 Suncor Settling Pond RWMB Page 93
Photo 3.13 McDonald Island Park and Suncor Community Leisure Center, RWMB Page 107
Photo 3.14 Bakken Oil Field Nighttime Gas Flaring Page 110
Photo 3.15 A Road of Comprised of Scoria Leading to an Oil Pad Bakken Play Page 114
Photo 3.16 Road Dust which has been Attributed to Cattle Pneumonia, Bakken Play Page 115
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Photo 3.17 Prairie Senior Center and Amidon Community Cupboard, Amidon, North Dakota Page 120
Photo 3.18 Bakken Play Cattle Ranchers Using Horses and ATV Page 121
Photo 3.19 Bakken Play Winter Wheat Fields with Agriculture Equipment Page 121
Photo 3.20 Main Street, Belfield, North Dakota Page 123
Photo 3.21 MHA Nation, Tribal Administration office, New Town, North Dakota Page 137
Photo 3.22 Commuter and oil shale workers going into New Town, North Dakota Page 139
Photo 3.23 “Be Patient” sign traveling from Mandaree, North Dakota to Watford City, North Dakota Page 144
Photo 3.24 Overturned truck from Mandaree, North Dakota to Watford City, North Dakota Page 144
Photo 3.25 4 Bears Bridge Over Lake Sakakawea (Garrison Dam), Fort Berthold, North Dakota Page 145
Photo 3.26 United State Department of the Interior, New Town, North Dakota Page 145
Photo 3.27 MHA Tribal Administration Fort Berthold, North Dakota Page 146
Photo 3.28 4 Bears Casino, New Town, North Dakota Page 146
Photo 3.29 Parshall, North Dakota, neighborhood Page 148
Photo 3.30 Parshall, North Dakota, retail business Page 148
Photo 3.31 Three Affiliated Tribes, police vehicle Page 149
Photo 3.32 Grocery store and gas station, Mandaree, North Dakota Page 149
Photo 3.33 Mandaree Public School, Mandaree, North Dakota Page 150
Photo 3.34 Entrance to Mandaree, North Dakota Page 151 xx
List of Tables
Table 2.1 Typology of Scientific Realism in Science Table Page 28
Table 2.2 SIA of a Large-Scale Project Page 69
Table 2.3 Participatory SIA Process with a Social Development Orientation Page 69
Table 2.4 RSDS Plan of Action Page 74
Table 3.1 RMWB Reported Crimes 2012, Per 1000 Population Page 101
Table 3.2 RMWB Census 2013 Page 103
Table 3.3 Province of Origin, Percentage of Canadian In-migration Page 104
Table 3.4 North Dakota Reported Crimes in Resource Extraction Counties UCR 2012, Per 1000 Population Page 118
Table 3.5 Fort Berthold Crime UCR 2012, Per 1000 Population Page 141
Table 3.6 Jurisdiction for Crimes Committed in Indian Country Page 142
Table 3.7 UCR for Five of the Six Counties that are Associated with Fort Berthold UCR 2012, Per 1000 Population Page 143
Table 5.1 Do you think that there should be more energy extraction or less in this area? Page 169
Table 5.2 Do you think the extraction process has been handled responsibly? Page 177
Table 5.3 What kind of boom did you experience? Page 186
Table 5.4 How long did it take for the community to recover from the last bust? Page 187
Table 5.5 Do you know if the local government is prepared for the next bust? Page 192
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Table 5.6 Did the local governments did look to other communities to try to learn from their mistakes? Page 195
Table 5.7 Were consultants called in to help the community survive the next bust? Page196
Table 5.8 Do you know if the extraction company was helping the local government to lessen the economic impact due to their closing? Page 203
Table 5.9 Were new businesses developed or enticed to move to the area to help support the economy? Page 208
Table 5.10 In the last 10-15 years have you noticed more businesses moving into the community? Page 212
Table 5.11 In the last 10-15 years have you noticed more businesses moving out of the community? Page 214
Table 5.12 Does your local government consider the community and environment when making policy changes? Page 218
Table 5.13 My community in the last five (2006 -2011) years has … Page 222
Table 5.14 I know my neighbor(s): Page 225
Table 5.15 How safe do you perceive your residential neighborhood to be? Page 228
Table 5.16 Do you believe that there should be more governmental regulations regarding the extraction process? Page 235
Table 5.17 What methods are used to keep the community informed? Page 238
Table 5.18 Have the positive effects from the extraction process directly benefited you? Page 240
Table 5.19 Have some members of the community benefited more due to the presence of the extraction companies than other members of the community? Page 241
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List of Acronyms
Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA)
Bureau of Land Management (BLM)
Categorical Exclusion (CATX)
Environment Assessment (EA)
Environmental Baseline Study (EBS)
Environmental Impact Statement (EIS)
Finding of No Significant Impact (FONSI)
Indian Mineral Development Act of 1982 (IMDA)
Edward Byrne Memorial Justice Assistance Grant Program (JAG)
Mandan, Hidatsa and Arikara Tribes, (MHA)
Minerals Management Services (MMS)
National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA)
Regional Municipality of Wood Buffalo Alberta, Canada (RMWB, Fort McMurray),
Social Economic Status (SES)
Social Impact Assessment (SIA)
Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK)
FBI, Uniform Crime Report (UCR)
United States Geographical System (USGS)
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Chapter 1
1.1 Introduction
Geographers actively look beyond their discipline to engage in interdisciplinary endeavors (Fenneman 1918). Thomas Baerwald (2010) spoke of three poles within geography during his AAG Presidential Address. These foci include, “… spatial analysis, human- environment interaction, and place-based regional analysis.” (Baerwald 2010). Using these lines of inquiry, the discipline of geography examines the impact of a variety of rapidly changing and expanding human activities. As Baerwald (2010) indicates, the discipline of geography, at its core, is to delve into the
“… inquiries related to space, to place, and to interactions, especially the dynamics of interaction within and across spaces and places, lead many geographers to range far from the field’s core and explore the peripheral realms where geographic perspectives and insights intersect with those from other fields.”
In 2008 the price per barrel of oil breached $100 soaring to $145 per barrel in July. The rise in the price of oil spurred the 2009 frenzy of economic activity in the area of the extraction of non-renewable energy resources in the rural areas of Canada and the United States. The mining of the oil sands, found in the Regional Municipality of Wood Buffalo (RMWB) in northern Alberta, Canada and the Bakken oil shale located in the western part of North Dakota,
U.S.A are locations of extractive processes of these resources. The aboriginal inhabitants exploited the presence of these natural resources. The bitumen of the oil sands was used to make canoes water tight, and the oil shale was used illuminate the night. However, the ability to commercially extract the oil sands and oil shale resources was limited by technology and the economic environment. In 2009, the global demand for oil and gas rose, as well as; advanced extractive technology facilitated the extraction of the resources on a grand scale. A natural
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resource boom and the subsequent rapid growth in the rural areas of Alberta, Canada, and North
Dakota ensued.
Generally, non-renewable energy extraction occurs in isolated rural mining regions, which creates fundamental social changes at all levels within the community. The social impacts are far-reaching as a steady stream of equipment and workers descend upon the target areas. It is important to note that impacts are not to be confused with variables (e.g., population characteristics) that are experienced individually or as a community (Vanclay 2002). At the onset, the economic boom is often welcomed, due to new the economic opportunities, however, long-term residents begin to wonder about the social and environmental costs to their community, this is especially true for the residents that had lived through previous booms.
Prior to the 1980s research on the boomtown, the syndrome was studied extensively
(Jacquet 2009). The process of the resource extraction and a subsequent questioning of the associated expenses of the economic growth was referred to as the boomtown syndrome or
Gillette Syndrome (Khors 1979). Examples of this include the discovery of gold at Sutter’s Mill,
California in 1848 and that of the Klondike in 1897, both of which led to a “boom” throughout their respective regions.
With every “boom” there will be an inevitable “bust.” For example, in 1980 in Rifle,
Colorado, Exxon began an extensive, five-billion-dollar, oil shale development. In less than two years, on May 2, 1982, Exxon ceased the mining project creating an overnight economic catastrophe that affected the entire community. This is an extreme example of a “bust”
(Gulliford 1989). Single resource communities, such as Rifle, Colorado that are associated with these commodities are, often caught unaware of an impending boom. Thus the community is unprepared for the influx of highly mobile individuals that work in the oil and gas industry. 2
Similarly, these communities were unprepared for the equally rapid exodus of workers when the price point could no longer justify the continuation of mining the resource (Cortese and Jones
1977).
This dissertation uses a multifaceted approach that looks at how two non-renewable energy resource regions, RMWB, Fort McMurray, Alberta, Canada, and the Bakken Play in
North Dakota, United States experienced and dealt with the boom and if they were prepared for the next bust.
1.2 Statement of the Problem
The extraction of unconventional non-renewable energy resources, particularly the oil sands, also referred to as tar sands and the oil shale, also referred to as tight shale, has provided a myriad of benefits to the communities under review, but at what cost? In addition to generating economic growth from resource extraction, the rapid increase in population stressing the infrastructure and the mining process can have a significant detrimental effect on flora and fauna.
The literature on boom-bust cycles generated between the early 1970s and late 1980s undertook a broad examination of how urban and rural communities coped with rapidly expanding populations, increased stressors on infrastructure, and changes in land-use resulting from the unexpected resource exploitation. The research on the “boomtown” syndrome has provided mixed findings (Kohrs 1974; Wilkinson et al. 1982; England and Albrecht 1984; Freudenberg
1984; Krannich et al. 1985; Grambling and Brabant 1986; Brown et al. 1989; Krannich et al.
1989; Freudenberg and Jones 1991 and Luthra et al. 2007).
Kohrs (1974) reported that boomtowns caused a litany of social problems that were without substantial verification. Wilkinson et al. (1982) found that the social disruptions that are 3
cited by Kohrs (1974) refers to data without citing any sources. England and Albrecht (1984) state that the data obtained from three communities they reviewed found that social ties are disrupted, and informal ties increase. Freudenburg (1984) highlighted the need for longitudinal studies to ascertain the impacts to the residents and community. Krannich et al. (1985) questioned earlier studies that reviewed how perceived fear of crime and actual victimization are not consistent. Grambling and Brabant (1986) reviewed the commute patterns of offshore oil workers and found that they do not negatively impact the local community. Most of the off-shore workers do not live within the communities but drive through on their way to their respective homes. Luthra et al. (2007) found reported crimes where there was a high percentage of oil workers were not associated with community disruption. Other analyses used to determine the health of the community would include measurements of subjective well-being that have proven to be inconclusive (Hunter, Krannich, and Smith 2002).
My research seeks to determine how the anthropogenic changes that have occurred due to the extraction of non-renewable resources (e.g., oil sands and oil shale) have affected the aforementioned communities and their environments. The extraction of the oil sands and oil shale was challenging until the mid-1990s. Non-renewable unconventional natural resources refer to a finite, non-regenerative, and exhaustible commodity such as the oil sands and oil shale, which are non-renewable and unconventional due to their fine-grained and organic-rich composition and method of extraction. Open pit or hot water extraction is how of the oil sands from beneath the Boreal forest floor in Alberta, Canada occurs. The ability to extract the Bakken
Play oil shale in North Dakota, U.S.A. has evolved from conventional horizontal drilling to hydraulic fracturing or “fracking,” as it has been come known. Fracking involves massive horizontal slickwater hydraulic fracturing, also known as fracking fluid injection, which uses 4
copious quantities of fresh water, sand, and propitiatory chemical compounds that when injected under pressure creates fractures within the geological formations, thus allowing for the extraction of gas and oil. The use of these technologies has allowed for the extraction of these non- renewable resources at an alarming rate, thus creating a “boom” in the corresponding communities that have had far-reaching consequences.
Many communities become dependent on a single economic engine, such as mining. For this study, the extraction of the oil sands and oil shale, which due to their very nature, non- renewable natural in situ resource development (e.g. coal, uranium, gas, gold, and oil) cannot be relocated unlike building a new factory or moving a business to a new location. These communities experience rapid development, particularly when the technology available is economical and the economic demand is favorable. These communities are particularly vulnerable to the inevitable local, national, and worldwide economic cycles (Brookshire and
D’Arge 1980; Gulliford 1989; Freudenburg and Wilson 2002). Due to this dependency, a booming economic environment can easily lead to a “bust” (Malamud 1984; Gulliford 1989).
There are many reasons for reaching the conclusions from the earlier studies of boom- bust cycles are not relevant because the characteristics of each community are different
(Brookshire and D’Arge 1980; Wilkinson et al. 1982). Brookshire and D’Arge (1980) found that broad statements did not apply to all communities that are experiencing a rapid population growth due to energy extraction. Moreover, other studies highlighted statistical and demographic information but failed to capture the descriptive components that the human element can provide (Brookshire and D’Arge 1980; Anderson 2009). Earlier literature inadequately captured how community members contended with the rapid changes within their communities (Wilkinson et al. 1982). There has been an assumption that the development of 5
resource extraction was detrimental to local and regional economic growth and wildlife
(Brookshire and D’Arge 1980).
This research will explore the impact of the oil sands and oil shale extraction in RMWB and the Bakken Play communities between 2012 and 2013. A mix of qualitative and quantitative approaches will measure the attitudes and perceptions of individuals that work or reside in the extraction catchment area. Photographs, charts, tables, and maps further illustrate the social and environmental factors that the communities have experienced. Data for this project were collected using a bi-modal and a questionnaire as well as interviews. The RMWB questionnaires and interviews were conducted between 30 July 2012 and 6 September 2012 (Figure 1.1). The
Bakken Play questionnaires and interviews were conducted between 28 September 2012 and 2
November 2013 (Figure 1.2). This research received the approval of the University of Cincinnati
Institutional Review Board (IRB), with the respondents consenting to the project following the
IRB protocol.
1.3 Purpose and Aims
The purpose of this study was to explore and compare the boomtown communities in
RMWB and the Bakken Play because of their isolated locations and their experience with non- renewable energy extraction. These two regions have experienced several boom and bust cycles due to the economic cycles and available technology. This research seeks to ascertain whether responses to the questionnaire and subsequent interviews conducted between July 2012 and
November 2013 in the RMWB, Alberta, Canada (Fort McMurray) (Figure 1.1) and North
Dakota, U.S.A. (Bakken Play) (Figure 1.2) are consistent with prior research.
6
Figure 1.1 Athabasca Oil Sands, RMWB, Fort McMurray, Alberta, Canada
(Global Resources News 2013)
Figure 1.2 Major Basins and Shales in North America Bakken Play, North Dakota, U.S.A.
(pennwellbooks.com 2015)
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The specific questions this research seeks to answer are:
1. What impact did the boom-bust cycles have on residents’ attitudes and perceptions of their quality of life, as measured by various social factors, including community cohesiveness, crime (social disorganization), local infrastructure, and access to goods and services?
2. Do the community members know of any course of action being taken by the governing agencies to plan for an inevitable bust or downturn?
3. What have the communities done to accommodate the increase in population and the resulting stress on the infrastructure and environment?
4. Were there any Social Impact Assessments (SIAs) done? How do American and Canadian approaches to SIAs differ from one another?
My interest in boom-bust cycles was piqued during conversations with fellow graduate students in the Department of Geography, University of Cincinnati and friends from Canada and
North Dakota. These individuals stated that oil field workers, sometimes with their families, and others looking for employment were inundating the oil sands and oil shale communities, driving up the rental market prices and overwhelming the roads and highways. These experiences have been reported, but what, if any differences in attitudes and perceptions would there be between those amid the oil sands and those in the oil shale extraction sites. Also, what do local community members know what the local government has done to protect the community against the detrimental effects of the next “bust”?
Some of the individuals that took part in the study suggested that though the size of their communities had expanded, their social networks remained essentially the same. Others resented the rapidity of the influx of workers though realized that it was unavoidable if the local community was to thrive economically. Through these conversations, there was some confusion 8
as to whether there were social problems or just the perception. Would the utilization of SIAs, if conducted, would have alleviated any of the ensuing problems?
1.4 Study Background
Baerwald (2010) indicates that no fundamental differences are separating the physical, natural, and social sciences, however, where differences do occur, they usually are linked to the complexities, which characterize human systems. Geography is interdisciplinary, and unlike other avenues of research, it insightfully utilizes the research of other fields to explain social and physical events (Fenneman 1918).
Rapid population increases are not unique. Boomtown events are well known, such as those experienced in San Francisco, California; Fairbanks, Alaska; Gillette, Wyoming; and
Central City, Colorado. These communities experienced rapid growth due to the discovery and subsequent extraction of non-renewable natural resources such as gold, uranium, and coal. The associated communities are usually unprepared for the rapid increase in population, usually single men that use their cities as thoroughfares to reach their ultimate destinations or individuals that possessed an entrepreneurial spirit by starting new business ventures.
Some boomtown events occur due to outside pressures. The Arab oil embargo of 1974 facilitated the energy development boom of the United States, which led to the subsequent disruption of the social fabric of the associated communities, such as Gillette, Wyoming (Little
1977). In a 1974 address to the Rocky Mountain American Association of the Advancement of
Science, El Dean V. Kohrs (1974), a psychologist, treated Gillette, Wyoming residents, described the degradation of society due to the influx of newcomers, the subsequent overcrowding, and the deterioration of social controls. The lack of social controls gave way to 9
suspicion, criminal activities, and depression, among a myriad of other societal ills, which became known as the Gillette Syndrome. When the extraction of non-renewable energy occurs in a rural environment, a conflict between individual citizens and the economic powerhouse of the extraction company can ensue. In the wake of the boom expansion and development is the
“human ecosystem wastage” (Kohrs 1974).
Comprehensive plans are meant to identify goals and outline community development.
Unfortunately, a boomtown event does not readily lend itself to the development of a comprehensive development plan that could anticipate the growth of the community and prepare the built and social environments (The Associated Press 19 January 2015). A lack of planning by the community due to the rapidity of the influx of workers and the inattention of the incoming companies to assist the communities can result in both social and environmental degradation.
The development of a comprehensive plan during a boom phase is not always feasible, and if undertaken too quickly becomes useless, given the type and rapidity of the “boom.” Gilmore
(1976) and Brookshire and D’Arge (1980) found that communities whose population increase of more than 15 percent will be unable to tolerate the impact resulting in institutional breakdowns and a dearth of amenities (e.g., housing and infrastructure). In addition to the social ills that accompany a “boom,” the communities may become dependent economically upon the local industry (Freudenburg 1992).
Not only do the social and economic environs experience changes during a boom the natural environment also changes. The local and migratory wildlife often struggle in dealing with their changing habitats which can lead to disruptions in reproduction, limited food sources, and shelter. There have been mass migratory bird deaths due to landing into waste water tailing ponds (The Edmonton Sun 8 August 2015). Also, the extraction of natural resources fragments 10
the migration corridors thus constricting prey and predator into a smaller geographic space, and destroys nesting sites (Northrup and Wittemyer 2013).
The demand for a resource dictates the speed of a boom and, in turn, the rate of expansion of the population, and growth of the local economy. The changes that occur during the
“boomtown syndrome” are often perceived to happen overnight (Gulliford 1989). Human behavior relies on cognitive processes, and on the geographical-environmental relationship. As the environment changes, due to the extraction of the energy source, the interaction of the society within the environment is reinterpreted (Archer 1993). The society reorganizes and adapts to the local event that stimulates competition for goods, services, and resources, such as housing, human capital, social capital, and economic capital. The human capital that is the focus within the target community, though necessary, is not necessarily transferrable to the incoming economic engine, such as the extraction of a non-renewable resource. Active social networks elevate social capital and strengthen the community structure (Ennis and West 2013). The social networks consist of two fundamental elements, the actors, and their relationships. Engaging in social networking is integral to the sharing of information, resources, and can facilitate change within the community. In areas where rapid change is occurring, especially in homogeneous rural communities, the exchange of information is integral in making prompt and informed decisions. The experiences of the individual and community, as defined by the social enclaves, can and do change over time, depending upon the existing social and economic pressures. These decisions range from the mundane, such as when to go to the grocery store, or the profound such as selling or buying a home in a boomtown.
As the population expands, local services, such as first responders, are not able to meet the needs of the community (Bakken Play, Truck driver and volunteer first responder, 2012, pers. 11
comm.,12 September). Other impacts include a lack of classrooms, housing, and the number of physicians in the community do not increase as rapidly as the number of residents’ increase
(RMWB, Housewife #1 2012, pers. comm., 15 July; Wells 2013). Incoming workers may find recreational activities and retail shopping lacking when compared to their previous communities
(RMWB, Housewife #1, #2, #3 2012, pers. comm., 15 July).
In a boomtown scenario competition for employees is fierce and are pirated by the competing employers through enticements of a better salary and benefits (Davies 2012).
Productivity drops when workers move between companies, as there is a learning curve with each change of employment or, at least, the absence of expected increases in productivity and profit. Working in an isolated, rural location can lead to a variety of social maladies. Employee turnover rates and absenteeism increases due to the isolation and the separation from family, also drug and alcohol consumption rises (Ellis 2011, Petroleum Labour Market Information 2013,
Beauchesne 2014). Also, social malaise or chaos causes private investors to be skeptical or unwilling to invest in commercial facilities, housing, or other private sector needs. Insurance companies have stopped writing casualty coverage in boomtowns. Thus, the local services and facilities find it even harder to keep up with the increasing population and demand (Malamud
1984).
1.5 NEPA, National Environmental Policy Act, U.S.A.
The National Environmental Policy Act of 1969, Public Law 91-190, § 102, U.S. Statues at Large 83 (1970): 853: codified at U.S. Code 42 (2000), § 4332. (NEPA) was signed into law to assess anticipated environmental effects before any developmental activity. Its intent was to engage all federal, state, and local authorities in the decision-making process, to seek citizen, and 12
stakeholder involvement and input. NEPA is primarily concerned with federal lands and federal money that is associated with a project. However, there are times when a project, though on private land, may encroach on aspects of the environment, which then does come under the auspices of NEPA.
The NEPA planning process consists of several levels of environmental review. First, an
Environmental Impact Statement (EIS) is required. Second, is an Environment Assessment (EA) is conducted or Finding of No Significant Impact (FONSI) is issued. The third procedure, a
Categorical Exclusion (CATX) will be reviewed. If the project does not comply or is excluded from NEPA review, then nothing further is required. During the review of the project, social impacts are to be illuminated through a Social Impact Assessment (SIA). If none are found then, a simple statement attesting to that finding must be included. If any potential social or cultural impacts about the project are identified, then community members and organizations will be contacted to aid in identifying mitigating strategies
Social impact assessments have used a variety of focuses to determine possible consequences or effects of an impact, such as human ecology, social change, social problems, and social indicators (Freudenburg 1986a). The focus of the SIA is to align policy development, goals, and to identify and concentrate on any foreseen complications due to the project. SIA’s are meant to take into consideration the well-being of the individual and community in areas such as their finances, happiness, health, spirituality, other social aspects, and the environment.
The well-being of a community and individual is subjective being dependent upon the life experiences, expectations, and cultural interpretations. Not all variables of subjective well-being that can be obtained through a comprehensive listing when conducting an SIA, as each
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community is unique thus no two projects will be the same (Grambling and Freudenburg 1992;
Vanclay 2002).
Large-scale mining and development activity will have a regional impact, though an SIA may not be required but perhaps needed. Conducting an SIA is a valuable investment in community relations and welfare (Turner 1997; Angell and Parking 2010). The areas that have experienced both positive and adverse outcomes through the resource extraction are tracked and identified through the SIA process (Lertzman and Vredenburg 2005). SIA reviews are designed to discover and identify potential intended and unintended social and geographic consequences, both positive and negative, that might occur.
Also, Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) can be integral through the fruitful cooperation between the energy extraction companies and the residents in respect to the maintenance and sustainability of the ecological and economic environment (CEMA 2011,
Square 2006). TEK studies have long been overlooked as a viable means of identifying the traditional geographic territory of a community or of tribal territories, such as the First Nations in
Alberta, Canada and that of Fort Berthold Indian Reservation, North Dakota, that was used and continues to be used for hunting, cultural activities, and spiritual well-being. The integration of the TEK into the SIA will further enhance the ability to monitor, control, empower the local community, and encourage the revealing of relevant factors during the development of public policy (Angell and Parking, 2010). Integrating oral histories into an SIA allows for greater understanding and adds valuable information that can link cultural aspect into a project that brings, even more, the awareness that highlights the uniqueness of the indigenous society
(Angell and Parking 2010). Passed from generation to generation oral histories allows for the reliving of what was and how versus how things are. 14
At the start of a project changes within the community are often gradual, which allows the social fabric (i.e., the composition of the community and local values, and demographics) to adjust to the changes in the community linkages. Unfortunately, a boom can occur in a relatively short period which can cause the local community unique and stressful challenges in accommodating the newcomers who are seeking employment or establishing new business ventures (Gulliford 1989). If a community is nimble enough to absorb a population increase of six percent a year, over a three to five-year period, the boom phase will have adequately accommodated the influx. As mentioned, a 15 percent increase in the population within a one to two-year period strains the community (Malamud 1984). A “bust,” a rapid out-migration, cessation or slowdown of the extraction process, can happen overnight as explained by Gulliford
(1989) in Boomtown Blues: Colorado Oil Shale, 1885-1985. A variety of accommodations is necessary to protect the community, economically, socially, and culturally. Conducting an SIA can predict possible impacts of a boom and bust, and including TEK are but two measures that can identify and therefore avoid the degradation of the environs.
1.6 Gillette Syndrome
Rural or isolated communities are often challenged in maintaining their unique social character during a rapid population growth period due to the changing economic climate. The boomtown syndrome or Gillette Syndrome, as it has come to be known, applies to the locations being discussed, RMWB and the Bakken Play. The term stems from a presentation by Dr. Kohrs
(1974) regarding the social impacts he experienced and during his clinical practice the coal mining boomtown of Gillette, Wyoming (Kohrs 1974). The community of Gillette experienced a variety of negative consequences due to the rapid influx of workers. Some of the stresses 15
include overcrowding, increased traffic and accidents, criminal activity increases, a disruption of the community’s social norms and behaviors, a rise in fear, anxiety, depression, alcohol consumption, drug use, and isolation (Kohrs 1974). These findings stemmed from his discussions with his patients and observing his community. Though he identified the many failings associated with living in a boomtown, he failed to indicate any of the positive outcomes that the community of Gillette, Wyoming experienced.
Kasarda and Janowitz (1974) utilized the framework of the Chicago school that identified dissociative attachment in communities in respect to newcomer’s lack of local network associations. The changes within the defined social or perceptual geographic area was modified based on newcomers entering the community that did not conform to the local behavioral norms nor the same cultural attitudes, perceptions, or background. Freudenburg (1984) found that with rapid social change, the community frequently responds negatively to the disruption of the community’s societal cohesion and alterations to the norms and behaviors of the community, especially among youths. Adults are often able to buffer themselves within their social networks, while local youths meet new peers daily, at school, and in other activities. Also,
Freudenburg (1984) found that the incoming students also felt a social disconnect due to their frequent moves, “Why bother getting to know someone when another move is going to occur?” as one new student said.
Geographically isolated rural communities are homogenous having developed their means of social control through criticism and established norms of behavior. Informal social control is exercised through established community networks such as community organization
(e.g., schools, service organizations, and business establishments). Formal social control is exercised through the establishment of laws and rules. When a community experiences rapid 16
growth, the previous collective and effective means of social control becomes harder to enforce, leading to social disorganization. The institution of formal social controls is necessary for the safety of the entire community. The negative behavior among incoming workers stems from a lack of understanding or their interpretation of the social reality as defined by the community.
The newcomers often do not recognize the established social structure, significant social pressures, and processes. Thus, a variety of adverse outcomes has been associated with rapid increase in population, such as an increase in fear of crime, especially in relation to the new arrivals (Krannich, Greider, and Little 1985; Hunter, Krannich and Smith 2002). However, upon a decline in the population after the initial early construction phase, the fear of crime also decreased, and that “the community was returning to normal” (Little 1977; Krannich, Greider, and Little 1985). In other communities, the integration of newcomers into the community lessened the fear experienced by the long-term residents provided there is an equilibrium of in- and out-migration (Ruddell 2011).
Anderson and Theodori (2009) interviewed key residential informants in two counties
Wise County, (16 informants) and Denton County (6 informants) within the Barnett Shale, Texas region. They were asked the following questions regarding the development of unconventional energy:
1) What have local-level benefits occurred because of increased energy development?
2) What perceived negative impacts had accompanied increased development?
3) Have the benefits of development outweighed the costs (pp 114)?
They observed that an increase in revenue led to greater access to shopping, new business development, better medical facilities, and an increase in school funding. The respondents also identified negative impacts such as an increase in truck traffic, the failure of adherence to 17
vehicular regulation, an increase in water usage due to fracking, and increased noise. Other concerns involving the extraction the oil are the risks of possible explosions and health hazards regarding the disposal of the salt brine that could contaminate the groundwater. The final question posed to the key informants asked if the costs to the community and environment outweighed the benefits. Their responses were mixed in respect to the different phases of the projects (Anderson and Theodori 2009).
The rapid pace of an expanding population due to a new economic force changes the complexion of a community in subtle and not so subtle ways thus the subjective well-being of the individual and community changes as well. Individuals enjoy new and expanded shopping opportunities and greater access to financial resources. However, many adverse outcomes, according to the patients of Dr. Khors and those from the Barnett Shale communities are also cited. However, had there been any follow-up with these community members it is possible that after the initial boom phase that the social rebound of subjective well-being would have been observed (Smith, Krannich and Hunter 2001).
1.7 Fear of Crime
Fear of crime is common in the community during the boom phase. Over time, whether the individual is a newcomer or a long-time resident, the fear subsides leading to what has been identified as a “social rebound.” Social rebound indicates that the society has returned to pre- boom levels of fear of crime and other aspects of disruption (Krannich, Greider and Little 1985;
Hunter, Krannich and Smith 2002; Ruddell 2011). Sampson and Grove (1989) found that weak community ties such as neighbors not watching out for each other do not promote strong social
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control. Thus, criminal activities, such as vandalism, victimization and disorderly conduct ensue.
1.8 Significance of Studying Boom-Bust Cycles
Members of the communities and other individuals that work in the targeted areas will contribute to the overall knowledge of boomtowns by comparing and contrasting boomtowns from two different countries. Prior research has not obtained data from various non-renewable energy communities and countries to compare their responses. Undertaking this research will highlight similarities and differences in the attitudes, perceptions, and subjective well-being of the respondents, thus contributing to this body of the investigation.
This dissertation is guided by the theory of critical realism, which accepts that there are unobserved events that cause the observed. Also, the interpretation of reality is subjective based on what is perceived and experienced. The social world is an open system, which is influenced by temporal events and geography.
Depending upon the country, SIAs may be conducted differently and for different reasons, if indeed any SIAs do occur and if TEK is sought. This dissertation will look at the similarities and differences between the SIAs in the United States and Canada and whether they contribute to the health, welfare, and happiness of the local community members.
The qualitative aspect of this research seeks to understand the social world, the residents’ cognitive, and symbolic descriptions of the area, and their experiences. Therefore, the construction of the dissertation consists of using critical realism to study boomtown attitudes and perceptions in these study sites. The qualitative aspect allows for the use of exploratory,
19
descriptive, and explanatory methods, which are not compartmentalized but overlap. The quantitative aspect will use descriptive statistics.
A case study is particularly useful for four reasons in this situation:
1) The “how” and “why” an event or condition exists that focuses on contemporary events (Yin
2009, pp 8)
2) The behaviors of those under study cannot be manipulated (Yin 2009, pp 8)
3) Learning more about the conditions of the occurrence is the basis for the research through
“…observation, interviews, documents and artifacts.” (Yin 2009, pp 11)
4) The boundaries of the study are unclear (Yin 2003 cited in Sharp et al., 2012, p 38)
1.9 Organization of the Study
A literature review is the focus of Chapter 2 and highlights the boomtown occurrence in general, and then specifically how it relates to non-renewable energy extraction based boomtowns. This chapter will also include a history of the SIA that is included in NEPA in the
United States and what methods are designated by Canada and how these differ from the United
States.
Chapter 3 introduces the study sites and their socioeconomic and environmental similarities and differences.
Chapter 4 discusses the methodology, research instruments, discusses the qualitative, and quantitative results.
Chapter 5 compares the responses from both study sites. This section will expand on the narrative of the participant’s responses, perceptions, attitudes, and subjective well-being.
20
Chapter 6 contains the discussion of the conclusions as presented by the respondents.
This section ends with the identified limitations to the research and future directions that will provide future research projects.
Chapter 7 discusses recent events that have occurred in the study sites.
It is hoped that this study will contribute to the growing literature on the social impact in locations where non-renewable unconventional energy extraction takes place.
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Chapter: 2
2.1 Introduction - Literature Review
The history of the boomtown has been portrayed in described in books, identified within the academic community (i.e., sociology, criminal justice, and geography) and experienced by those that reside in a rural community (Kohrs 1974; Cortese and Jones 1977; England and
Albrecht 1984; Gramling and Brabant 1986; Berger and Beckman 2010; Ruddell, R 2011). The first oil boomtown occurred in Titusville, Pennsylvania in 1859 (Pees 2004). At that time, oil was extracted via a hand pump, filling washtubs, and whiskey barrels. Edwin L. Drake (Pees
2004), the owner of the well, filled 20 to 40 barrels per day which precipitated the development of the cooperages within the area.
Research on the boomtown syndrome had been extensively studied in the 1970s and
1980s (Gold 1974; Brookshire and D’Arge 1980; Albrecht et al. 1982). However, numerous studies conducted in the 1980s indicate that this prior research was of poor quality due to the lack of reliable data, which brought into question the validity of the results (Brookshire and
D’Arge 1980; Wilkinson et al. 1982).
The boomtown model focuses on the social, economic, and environmental impacts of the rapid rise in population due to economic growth. Traditionally, this rise and fall, this boom and bust, is associated with extraction of non-renewable energy resources. There is conflicting literature regarding whether there is social disruption (Greider, Krannich, and Berry 1991;
Giesbrecht and Macdonald 1982). The study by Kohrs (1974) concluded that there is a severe disruption to the social fabric due to the influx of newcomers into the previously homogeneous community. This relationship is known as the Gillette Syndrome (Malamud, 1984).
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Boomtowns are associated with a rapid rise in population, producing greater social density. Oil workers, ancillary workers, and those looking for work arrive to take advantage of the expanding economic opportunities. Others see an opportunity to engage in criminal activities or, at least, activities that were once constrained by community-based informal control and are now being enforced by rules and regulations (Berger and Beckmann 2010; Ruddell 2011;
Horwitz 2014). Other impacts that have been found to be associated with boomtown phenomena are alcoholism, sexually transmitted diseases, violence, prostitution, and an increase in drug use
(Lantz and Halpern 1982; Crane-Murdoch 2012a; Boyd 2012; Horwitz 2014). Along with the increased population comes an over-utilization of the infrastructure (e.g., water, sewer, roads, and schools). Small rural communities often have not developed a comprehensive plan for long- term community development. When the boom began in earnest 2009 in the Bakken Play policy makers were inundated with the clamor of permits and approvals for drilling, housing, and transportation (Smith 2010)
Boomtown communities are highly unstable due to the unsteady economic base that is associated with the seeking and extraction of non-renewable resources, which is subject to economic cycles and the availability of extraction technologies. Especially vulnerable are the geographically isolated communities, due to the demand cycle of the resource (Wilkinson et al.,
1982; England and Albrecht 1984). Depending on the local and global economy, skilled and unskilled workers, and their families flock to the region. They may subsequently flee due to the lack of, or high rent of housing, or both, or due to a lack of formal and informal social networks.
If the demand for the resource stays steady, the economic viability of the community will still be stable.
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Berry et al. (1990) surveyed four communities that experienced a boom or were on the cusp of a boomtown event between 1982 and 1986; a total of 2,164 adults completed questionnaires. The study found that stable communities experienced less variance in shared beliefs. The valuable lesson learned is that the change in community size did not necessarily curtail neighborliness, but perceptions of place and other community interactions were affected.
Berry’s 1990 study indicated that social disruption caused by other variables (e.g., the length of residency and type of housing) could be curtailed if greater effort was made to promote community relations. Between 1970 and 1986 a longitudinal analysis was conducted that reviewed the social integration and community satisfaction from four communities (Brown et al.
1989). Brown (1989) found that there were significant changes in the social fabric before the boom and during the rapid growth stage. The greatest change was after the boom phase when the community began to recover from its rapid expansion. During the latter stage of the boom, a gradual trend towards community stability occurred which meant that the community returned to near pre-boom norms, the rebound effect. Timothy C. Brown et al. (2011) show that in the coastal communities of St. Mary Parish, Louisiana, the offshore oil industry, and the expanding population had a positive impact on the social and economic viability of the urban and regional area. Brown et al. (1989) had also come to this same conclusion. There are differences between the on and offshore needs of workers and their families (Brown et al., 2011). Many of the workers are drive-in/drive-out, fly-in/fly-out, thus lessening the need for local housing as their employers provide housing and other services. Therefore, the core components of the surrounding communities stay relatively intact.
The results of these studies indicate that in the pre-and boom phases the communities that held shared beliefs weathered the rapid expansion better than those that did not. Also, the scale 24
of the expansion did not change the neighborliness of the communities. However, the perception of place and some community interactions did change but stabilized to pre-boom norms once the rapid phase of the boom ceased. The studies indicated that the economic vitality of the areas improved because of the companies. To improve community interactions the city and businesses need to promote and encourage community relationships.
2.2 Theoretical Framework: Critical Realism
Yeung (1997) indicates that critical realism is often treated as a philosophy, epistemology
(social knowledge, nature of knowledge, and a justification of belief), or a method. Knowledge, or what forms knowledge, is based on experience and the transference of information. To study societies, different theories and scales may be utilized. The phenomena, in this instance the rapid population growth brought on by non-renewable energy extraction, is how that knowledge was produced. There is not just one true version of knowledge. Every member of the community possesses their version of what is true, thus producing varied and multiple views of knowledge.
As the social composition and organizations are altered so too are the community members. A qualitative approach allows for a better understanding of these changes.
The term “critical” is utilized to liberate the human senses, to provide a descriptive foil to explain the practical aspects of the natural and social interactions within the environment.
Critical realism indicates that there is a “clear” understanding of the world, that the world exists and is discoverable, and that change is achievable (Benton and Craib 2001). Benton and Craib
(2001) describe four assumptions of critical realism. They consist of:
1) cognitive practices are assumed to be about something which exists independently at any particular time is true, 25
2) Critical realism seeks to understand the mechanism or event that affects the community and explains the changes in the society are variable and reflexive,
3) Processing knowledge can lead to a misunderstanding of the events, depth versus empirical, and
4) knowledge and beliefs are fallible thus the need for verifiable empirical information. (Benton and Crib 2001, pg. 120-121).
The theory of realism is formed by three distinct yet connected spheres of influence: the empirical, the actual, and the real. The knowledge that is obtained is divided into three domains: what is real (objects and structures – not necessarily observable), what is actual (events that have occurred), and that which is empirical (events that have occurred that then give rise to knowledge) (Johnson and Sidaway 2004). The real thought characterizes that which cannot be seen or perceived but is the result of the event. However, these perceptions will vary from individual to individual. The actual thought holds that the occurrence of the event could be interpreted differently from individual to individual. Finally, the empirical thought holds that through experience perceptions can be formulated. Realism seeks to understand the how, why, and what makes the changes occur. Though regularities are sought to explain the mechanisms under which the condition of the human agency is affected, events within the space and the geography of the occurrences are relevant. Pursuing a naturalistic qualitative approach yields an understanding of the structure and social interaction of the events within the area under examination. Through these events, the agents within the space develop their unique knowledge in which their culture has developed. This knowledge will evolve through the course of cultural development in respect to the technology that is introduced and integrated.
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Yeung (1997) indicates that there is confusion regarding critical realism in identifying it
“as a philosophy, an epistemology, a method, a dogma or just another `-ism.’” in geography (pp
54). Yeung (1997, pp 55) further identifies misunderstandings that arose using critical realism as a method by several researchers who were using it ‘analyzed a theoretical argument’ and
‘identified causal powers and liabilities under specific conditions.’ states that geographers utilize critical realism to ‘tease’ out the approach that best supports their research (Table 2.1).
The approaches in philosophy when researching the social world include both ontology
(the nature of objects) and epistemology (the theory of knowledge) when studying the question:
’Why do we need to study the social world?’ When using critical realism, an occurrence has an independent existence, then using a methodological approach the appropriate questioning would be: ‘Why do social phenomena occur the way they do?’ (Yeung 1997, pp 54).
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Table 2.1 Typology of Scientific Realism in Science Origin Ontology (nature Epistemology Methodology of objects) (social knowledge of objects) 1) Rejects the 1. Pre-existence of 1. The possibility 1. Process of positivist account social structures: of naturalism abstraction and of science: transformed and retroduction methodological reproduced by individualism social actors 2. Rejects 2. Human agency 2. subject-matter: 2. Impossibility of empiricism, with intentions: internal experimentation positivism, reasons as real (necessary) and structuralism, and causes external hermeneutics (contingent) relations between objects and events 3. Search for the 3. Continuous 3. A material 3. Possibility of possibility of processes of perspective of direct awareness naturalism structuration knowledge of structures and between structures mechanisms and agency 4. Open systems: 4. practice: 4. theoretical no regular immanent critique (abstract) and conjunctions of and emancipation empirical social events and of actors (concrete) research outcomes (Yeung 1997)
Critical realism seeks to understand how the event(s), agent(s), tie(s), or mechanism(s) affects the social life, which explains these social changes via cause and effect. It is the goal of critical realism to determine the mechanism or event that causes the changes. Using critical realism as a philosophy and as a method when conducting human geographical research asks:
“How should critical realism be operationalized?” and “Where should one start when using critical theoretically?” There is no clear, methodical approach when using critical realism. This
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acknowledges that the social structures are an open system that allows for several events to occur at the same time. Thus, using a mix method approach has been advocated (Yeung 1997).
The mixed method approach allows for the combination of methodologies that answer questions both qualitatively and quantitatively (Lawson and Staeheli 1990). In a pluralistic society, the individual may not be seeking the mechanism that has changed the societal and cultural context but does the experience (i.e., looking for goods on the grocery shelf and not finding any), the observable (i.e., more traffic and newcomers) and non-observable (i.e., attitudes, perceptions, and subjective well-being) changes that have been generated. The individual may also attempt to retain familiar traditions and interests but may encounter circumstances that require modifications. Because a pluralistic society is flexible, the conditions under which knowledge, language, traditions and/or customs are practiced also vary over time and space. The environment of every society transforms to reflect the culture, values, and beliefs just as the environment will transform those that inhabit the space. Critical realism allows for the layering of multiple theories that explain the lived lives in the social world (Lawson and
Staeheli 1990).
The foremost aspect of conducting research from a realist and critical realist perspective is the acknowledgment that knowledge is fallible. The knowledge that is relayed is dependent upon the individual and how that individual has interpreted the knowledge gained, or how the individual experienced the event. There is always the possibility of an epistemological fallacy, which means whether something exists: the nature of the objects or the social knowledge of them
(Yeung 1997). This fallacy could occur if steps are not taken to understand that there is a difference between reality - ontology and knowledge – epistemology (Yeung 1997; Wikgren
2006). Societies do not exist in a vacuum but rather in an open system. These structures, 29
languages, traditions, and attractions due to location, or other features, allow the society to coalesce. There are causal triggers that can re-engineer the open system, which if left unchecked can cause the mechanism that has been introduced to have a transformational effect.
Factors which explain how the social structures, organizations, and institutions change within a society, and the human agency by which knowledge, social process, cultural content, and history are received and transmitted among individuals varies. The focus of this study relates to disruptions within non-renewable energy extraction communities and the resultant concerns of the actors.
2.3 Mixed Methods Approach
The utilization and integration of two or more research methods increase confidence, reliability, and validity that can produce valuable findings. The mixed method approach uses a variety of collection techniques at the “…same time, same stage of the research, and with the same research subjects” (Phillip 1998). Pile (1991) finds that there are three modes possible when conducting qualitative interpretative research. First is the relationship between the researcher and the subject as well as, age, gender, and socioeconomic status of the subject.
Second is the information that the subject wishes to impart. The third is the bias that the researcher brings to the research. The inescapable truth is that it is impossible to keep one’s influences out of the interview process as a researcher. It is necessary to be aware of any transference of emotion, to listen, and accept what the subject says with respect to the research.
To understand the data, several processing methods are available. These include the following:
1) Data reduction (thematic analysis, and descriptive statics) 30
2) Data display (transforming the data into charts, tables, photography, graphs, and figures)
3) Data transformation (statistical analysis – if there is a large data set)
4) Data correlation (correlating the qualitative and quantitative into a new data set)
5) Data consolidation (the quantifiable and quantitative data are combined, thus creating new variables)
6) Data comparison (comparing qualitative and quantitative data from comparable sources)
7) Data integration (combining the qualitative and quantitative data into one data set or several).
This study will use data reduction – quantitative results, data display – figures, tables, graphs, and maps, and data comparison. Multiple points of view and different areas of knowledge are the outcome of a mixed method approach. Various qualitative approaches can be used such as ethnography, case study, and grounded theory. Using a multisite case study offers greater depth and nuance of results than would result from a study of only a single population.
A qualitative means of highlighting write-ins from the questionnaire is through the use of a word cloud which is a pictorial representation of frequently used words. The word cloud will be displayed corresponding to where the response was gathered RMWB, Bakken Play, or Fort
Berthold. If insufficient responses are not offered, then a word cloud will not be generated.
A direct observational approach was undertaken to gather research data. I observed the quality of life issues such as available amenities and services, traffic patterns, geographic size, logistic arrangements, and other structural and functional aspects of the communities. By functioning in the capacity of observer-as-participant, I was able to gather information regarding 31
the community and form relationships with community members. This process is consistent with producing data with high external validity (Kawulich 2005). The respondents were obtained through random/convenience and snowball sampling methods. The random or convenience respondents could have been permanent or temporary residents. The snowball respondents were referrals from another member of the community.
2.4 Boomtown Model: Energy Extraction
Energy boomtowns are, for the most part, homogenous, rural, and they are especially vulnerable due to their isolation (Cortese and Jones 1977; England and Albrecht 1984).
Contemporary boomtowns are predominately found in the western United States and are associated with the mining of non-renewable energy products, such as coal, oil, and uranium.
However, any single source commodity community (i.e., fishing, gold, diamonds, and tourism) is subject to a variety of economic and social disruptions (Freudenberg and Gramling 1992).
Traditionally the existing infrastructure is insufficient to absorb the ‘absolute numbers’ associated with increased population (Little 1977). The shock of the increase in population can lead to corrosive community degradation (Freudenberg and Jones 1991; Deller and Deller 2010;
Ruddell et al. 2014). However, Brookshire and D’Arge (1980) find that the benefits to the community far exceed the initial negative impacts and disruptive growth.
Research has indicated that as the community experiences the growing pains of success, the community also experiences the associated adverse effects. Also, the previous research has shown that the newcomers, in-migration workers, and established local community members are in conflict due to differing needs, expectations, and norms of behavior. There is often an increase in crime, specifically among the newcomers, and that the homogeneity once enjoyed by 32
the community is fractured due to the increasing diversity of the newcomers (England and
Albrecht 1984; Ruddell 2011). Thus, a by-product of the extraction process is the fundamental loss of community quality. However, some sectors of the community will benefit, such as real estate agents, land agents, mineral right owners, specialized ancillary businesses, unemployed or underemployed community members, various types of lodgings, and restaurants.
The types of consequences that are identifiable within a traditional boomtown are as follows (Luton and Cluck 2000):
1) Demographics - new labor will be brought in due to a lack of locally qualified individuals
2) Economic – as the labor demands increase the demographics of the community will change
3) Infrastructure (e.g., public utilities, schools, housing, fire, police, and medical) are stressed
4) There will be a fiscal impact directly related to the new demands for services. The lag in receiving revenue from the taxing authority places an undue hardship on the community.
5) The attitudes, perceptions, and the environment of the community are transformed.
The increase in population, specifically related to energy extraction, is due to the lack of experienced local workers. The local labor supply is inelastic due to their lack of education and or technical ability. The inability of the local inhabitants to secure high paying employment within the economic sector makes them economically vulnerable. However, with the arrival of newcomers, the labor pool increases and the need for workers are eased, allowing employment to become elastic. This double-edged sword – the boom scenario – can dramatically alter the
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complexion of a region with respect to attitudes, perceptions of the residents, and expectations of the newcomers.
The consequences of the rapid population increase that Little (1977) and that of
Wilkinson (1982) are very different. Little (1977) presents a variety of economic impacts that are not as relative as the social impacts, which are slow to emerge. Little (1977) refers to Page,
Arizona a single industry town that was atypical for a boom town; it was controlled and supported by the Bureau of Reclamation (U.S. Bureau of Reclamation 2013). However, due to its oversight of the federal government, it did not experience any of the economic stressors typical of a boomtown. Though economically isolated from the upheavals of the national economy it experienced many of the social ills of a typical boomtown. Wilkinson (1982) describes the problems and contradictions in previous literature that lacked substantive rigor.
If the community possesses high social capital, (e.g. a sense of community, shared core values, networks, volunteerism, and low levels of crime) the community is more apt to weather an boom cycle. The dialogue that the community engages in at all levels within the various community networks strengthens bonds, allows for transparency, and serves to disseminate community sentiment (Kasarada and Janowitz 1974). It is through these discussions that the community creates new social bonds that will further strengthen the community cohesiveness
(Besser, Recker and Agnitsch 2008). It is also through these associations that the community any subsequent busts.
Non-renewable energy development projects have the potential of producing a variety of economic, environmental, and social impacts. To limit the impacts of the project, a multi-faceted approach must be undertaken. The Project Impact Model (Figure 2.1) denotes the major impacts that a project will affect. Depending upon the type of project each of the impacts will be of a 34
different duration. Three phases are necessary to acquire the resource. The first is to obtain drilling leases, which encompass the economic and social impact. The second is determining how best to extract the resource from the leased land, which involves the environmental and biodiversity impacts. The third phase is the production stage or project impact. Each of these phases will involve different individuals for varying amounts of time. Some of these individuals will be in the area for a short duration; others may well become permanent members of the community. Each of these impacts needs to be taken into consideration before a project commencing, and may be guided by federal, state, and local, regulations.
Figure 2.1 Project Impact Model
(Center for Good Governance 2006)
Those that engage in the removal of natural resources need to be mindful of how the environment and biodiversity will be affected as well as the human stakeholders. The development of an area needs to meet the needs of many, not just that of the company such that social and ecological equilibrium is maintained. Sustainable development through the extraction of natural resources is defined as the development that meets the needs of the present without
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compromising the ability of future generations (World Commission on Environment and
Development 1987).
The extraction of natural resources attracts a wide variety of individuals into an area
(Berger and Beckman 2010). The sudden surge in population can significantly affect the fragile equilibrium of both the environment and the long-time inhabitants. The lure of turning a quick profit through the exploitation and extracting of the natural resource and the potential commercial opportunity is very attractive. The social, as well as the environmental impacts of the location, can lead to a stretching of the social fabric and the degradation of the biodiversity.
Often, the expansion of the built environment and the inadequate infrastructure cannot keep pace with the burgeoning population, which also includes a variety of sociological disturbances.
2.5 Regional Shocks
Regional shocks refer to the high-income growth – boomtown, or a low, losing incoming growth town or region – zombie (zero or falling income) or ghost (losing population) (Pritchett et al. 2006). A sudden shock within a community has a significant impact that has the potential to change the community’s social capital. Three different types of shocks can alter the social fabric and economy of a region, though a combination of shocks can occur simultaneously. The types of shocks include 1) a downturn in the national economy, 2) a change in the industry that had driven the local economy (caused by technology changes, or the demand for the product decreases), and 3) a major external event that occurs that was not due to environmental factors
(Pritchett et al. 2006). In this research, the second shock is relevant. Due to technological advances within the non-renewable natural resources energy extraction industry, more efficient and profitable processes allowed for expansion in the mining of previously inaccessible oil sands 36
and oil shale. This shock necessitated the need for an increase in workers and ancillary supporting businesses, which led to a rapid population rise in the rural communities. The geography of a location is not necessarily relevant to the in-migration of a population into or out of a specific region, but local factors predating the boom can lead to a lower quality of life and social capital during the boom, which is referred to as “corrosive community” reactions
(Freudenberg and Jones 1991). What is relevant to the in-migration is the economic desirability or lack thereof. In the case of the exploitation of non-renewable natural resources, the attractiveness of increased employment opportunities and high wages generally occurs in a geographically isolated location. Other shocks to the region include housing availability and costs, limited infrastructure, increased traffic, elevated criminal activity, limited social services, and a change in the social fabric. Depending upon the type of economic activity, a reverse shock to the community would find the region experiencing a reverse migration, otherwise known as a bust. Should a bust occur, new economic activities or attractors need to be developed so that the region can sustain the livability factor and maintain the economic base.
The diffusion and advancement of technology further facilitate in-migration to the region of the resource and enhances extraction of the resource. The peripheral areas, once seemingly isolated from the hub of economic activity, soon find themselves, like their sister cities, bursting at the seams. Individuals seeking lower rent, less crime, or a less frenetic pace of life migrate to the less populated but still close urban areas. Amidon, North Dakota, once known as being in the least populated county in the state had experienced a rapid increase in population. The once underutilized mobile home park was full and more individuals were seeking assistance from the food bank.
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The impacts of region-specific shocks to productivity are influenced by the economic policies imposed by governmental agencies at the federal, state, and local levels. The productivity of the economy as defined by geographical location is due to cumulative factors, such as the type of location, level of available technology, and the size of the population.
Although in-migration is to be expected, the community is not necessarily prepared for this shock.
A variety of social, environmental, infrastructural struggles and financial obstacles arise due to the escalating economic and extraction activities. The opportunities in a boom community are highly attractive to those who live in areas that are economically depressed and who have marketable skills. The ability for the region to maintain its level of productivity is dependent upon the inertia of the force, centripetal, outward force inertia or centrifugal, inward force inertia that is the catalyst for economic prosperity. Any shift of the intensity of the activity or the associated scale of the activity influences the spatial distribution of the population. The economic activity that attracts a sudden influx of workers, such as the drilling for a non- renewable resource, such as the oil sands or the shale oil, also commands a wage that is significantly higher than the local economy can provide. The attraction of high wages can lead to a depopulation of one region, enabling, and leading to a boom in another location. A reduction of the production can modify the economic climate causing a decline in wages which can, in turn, leads to a bust. To forestall a total bust, the institutions within the community must take a proactive approach to encourage and develop new economic activities.
As Malamud (1984) indicates, and as Bunker (1984) echoes, there are a variety of boomtown scenarios. Each will affect the region differently depending upon the extraction activity and means of production. Both authors indicate that an extraction process is more 38
volatile than a production-based activity, due to the fluctuating price of the commodity and the level of technology necessary to extract the resource. Though Malamud (1984) does not delve into the degradation of the environment at length, Bunker (1984) states “…the exploitation of natural resources uses and destroys values which cannot be calculated in terms of labor or capital.” Regional and global integration through the extractive process and worldwide distribution facilitates co-dependencies which can either expedite economic prosperity or economic collapse. Bunker (1984) indicates there is a “low ratio of both labor and capital to value so that it may produce rapid rises in regional incomes, followed by equally rapid collapses.”
Land-use changes that coincide with the rapid expansion of large-scale development, specifically those in sparsely populated rural environs, change not only the human population but that of the flora and fauna as well. The loss and fragmentation of wildlife habitations and disruption of flyway and greenway migratory corridors will alter the wildlife migration patterns, habitat sanctuaries, food sources, and reproduction (Freudenburg and Gramling 1992; Northrup and Wittemyer 2013). The loss of the wildlife habitat corridors, increased pollution of the air, water, and noise are very real and calculable (Hughes 2013). Morton et al. (2015) discuss the non-market costs associated with the destruction of wildlife habitat, fishing, and the degradation of the quality of life that one enjoys when in natural environments. Due to the loss of the habitat corridors animals (e.g., greater sage grouse, porcupines, deer, and pheasants) are forced to cross roadways where they are subject to being injured or killed by the increased traffic.
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2.6 Social Disruption
There are a variety of factors are associated with social disruption, community satisfaction, quality of life and subjective well-being such as the length of time that the resident has been in the community (long-time vs. newcomer, but the meaning of these terms are entirely community and group specific), age, employment, and social capital. Long-time residents are often satisfied with the status quo. They believe that the streets are fine, the items available at the grocery store are adequate, the schools are fine, and they enjoy a low crime rate. However, newcomers, having lived in different communities, may find that the available goods and services do not meet their expectations. Thus they may be less satisfied with the available community offerings.
To measure the attitudes and perceptions of disruption and well-being such as allowing the focus of the study to change, budget constraints for financing the study, the phase of the boom not being conducive to research, or the lack of ability to collect data promptly have hindered investigations. Another aspect that needs to be considered is whether the community had experienced a boom in the past (Belsie 1989). Those that have experienced a boom may have been inoculated against the upcoming disruption, and thus do not perceive it as something to be unduly concerned. Other individuals may find the disruption to be extremely unsettling, emotionally, economically, and socially, thus may experience a rollercoaster existence.
The problem triangle (Figure 2.2) illustrates the consequences of the instability in the area that is experiencing the boom. Should one aspect fail, the other two are soon to follow.
Kohrs (1974) and Gilmore (1976) indicate that the new residents come to realize that although the long-term residents are satisfied with the available social services; their expectations are not
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met. The lack of inadequate goods and services that include the lack of housing has been known to lead to familial discord (Kohrs 1974).
Figure 2.2 Problem Triangle
(Gilmore 1976)
The problem triangle explains the changes in the quality of life, the attitudes towards the impending boom will affect varying aspects of the community and the surrounding region differently. Areas that experience a rapid growth directly associated with an abundance of natural resources are subject to ‘curse of natural resources,' this applies to RMWB and the
Bakken Play. These geographically diverse and resource-rich areas experienced the creation of new economic and employment opportunities, not just for the residents but globally. At the local level, the allure of a huge paycheck draws students to cease their education to seek employment in the oil fields (Cunningham 2014).
Communities that experienced rapid growth, such as the natural resource boomtowns in the 1970s and 1980s were examined to determine if the “social disruption hypothesis” did indeed apply, considering the conflicting empirical evidence (Wilkinson et al. 1982; Krannich and
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Greider 1984). Wilkinson et al. (1982) reviewed several prior studies and found them lacking in citations to ‘support their allegations, assertions, questionable interpretation of empirical data, over-generalizations, and absence of controls in measures of relationships (pp 278). Krannich and Greider (1984) analyzed the responses of attitude and perception of well-being based on three separate dependent variables in a non-boom community – stable conventional community residents and boom – a mobile home park residents and conventional housing communities. The three indicators of well-being consisted of 1) perceived stress in their lives; 2) integration into the community; and 3) symptoms of psychological distress. The conclusion of the study was not statistically significant. The residents of the mobile home park reported less stress but were less integrated into the community; the two conventional housing areas reported similar integration and low stress. However, the boom town conventional housing community reported lower stress than that of the non-boom conventional community. Thus, in this study, no evidence of the social disruption hypothesis was in evidence. In their conclusion, it was noted that not all individuals would respond similarly to a boomtown environment, that the attitudes and perception of well-being will vary across the community. Anderson and Theodori (2009) looked at social disruption at two different sites in the Texas Barnett Shale. Unlike earlier research, this study sought out local leadership to obtain their attitudes and perspectives regarding social disruption through convenience sampling and semi-structured interviews. The respondents identified positive and negative impacts associated with the unconventional energy resource extraction. Recommendation for future research is to obtain the attitudes and perspectives from community leaders at the local and county levels and compare their insights. Depending upon the focus of the research a myriad of approaches can be taken to understand the association between the disruption of the community and the phenomena. 42
Gilmore (1984) has identified four stages that the community will likely experience prior to a boom cycle:
1. Enthusiasm
Elation - the community longed for a boost in the economy and new development has finally arrived. Due to the rapid growth of the company and workers, and the influx of equipment, the negative impacts are overlooked or not discussed.
For communities that have experienced stagnation in economic growth, the positive aspects of the impending development are highlighted. It is possible that there is little information and knowledge that is conveyed by the industry about the negative impacts that will be experienced by the community. It is important to note that there are a variety of circumstances that may hasten the development of the industry such as a lesser or greater demand for the resources and technology. In either case, the rapidity of the in-migration of workers will be dependent upon those factors.
2. Uncertainty
What is the over-arching cost to the community? How is the community going to pay for the inadequate infrastructure? Is it possible to receive monetary help from the federal, state or local government? At this juncture, a division appears between those who are experiencing positive effects due to the extraction process (e.g., mineral right owners, specialty shops, and lodging establishments that are reaping huge profits), and other segments of the community which are experiencing negative impacts (e.g., social services, schools, landowners, fire, and police). Not only is there wariness between the established local community members and newcomers but also a division between the established local community members. There is a
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division between those that believe that the development though disruptive is good for the community and those that believe that any development is to the detriment of the community.
As the project commences, the negative aspects of the project begin to emerge, such as an increase in traffic, rent, the inability to retain employees that are lured to the new project paying better wages, and increases in crime. If the community has not experienced a “boom,” they may not understand how to cope with the new residents and look to governmental agencies for assistance. Some residents may come to realize that the development has changed the characteristics of the community.
3. Near Panic
The homogeneity of the community dissipates which changes the social cohesiveness.
Fear of the rapid change leads to a fear of the newcomers, and both real and perceived social disruption is experienced (Anderson and Theodori 2008; Park and Stokowski 2009). The community leaders come to the realization that the revenue intake is not adequate to meet the constant need to repair or upgrade the stressed infrastructure (Little 1977).
The rapid pace of the development prevents fiscal resources from keeping up with the overwhelming changes and financial stresses in the community. Also, the fast pace of the in- migration strains the schools (if families have accompanied the workers), and housing becomes scarce and more expensive. Even if the community has prepared a comprehensive plan, those plans may not have taken into consideration the change in community needs. A revamping of a comprehensive plan must take into account the continuing up-tick of the development and any possible economic downturn.
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4. Adaptation
The community realizes that there is little to be done but to either accept the situation or move. The bottom line is that the economy is good for some (e.g., real estate agents and land agents, those companies support the extraction companies and mineral owners) and not for others. The housing shortage becomes severe, and the bucolic community is a fast-fading memory.
As the development progresses, the governmental and community members move to accept the situation, identify strategies to navigate and meet the challenges of a rapidly changing community landscape. Through planning and forward thinking, strategies and mitigation efforts concerning the impacts of increasing traffic, schools, crime, and environmental factors are developed. Though the community and its surrounding region have changed, there is evidence that the community will survive.
In neighborhoods, cities, and regions that experience an unsettling amount of crime, several factors must be examined. These include the following: external sources of disruption, socioeconomic status, residential mobility, racial heterogeneity, and family disruption. It is also important to examine the close ties within neighborhoods by asking, “How well do neighbors know each other? How many organizations do they belong?” These queries identify social cohesiveness and community bonds, thus indicating that the newcomers understand the social norms of the community.
Another factor that accounts for the increased level of crime relates to the unsupervised youth (Freudenberg 1984). Engaging in criminal behavior, especially among the young people in boomtown situations (possibly influenced by the “have” versus “have-not” attitude) often
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leads individuals to engage in activities that they would otherwise avoid (Weischeit and Wells
1996).
As one resident indicated, “The younger workers have big trucks and seem to have more money than sense.” (RMWB, Homemaker #2, 2012, pers. comm., 15 July). These workers' attitudes and behaviors are less than conducive to a family oriented neighborhood. The behavior of the younger workers may be learned behavior from within the group, which conform to the emerging motivations and attitudes of new found wealth and mimic techniques for obtaining the desired object(s). Boomtown situations have the propensity to attract registered sex offenders
(Berger and Beckman 2010). Workers are needed, and there is often a lack of due diligence in conducting background checks. Due to the increased population and the lack of a registry, these individuals may go unnoticed. The anomie that is produced results in a lack of standards that may allow for antisocial behavior. However, Shaw and McKay (1969) formalized the theory of social disorganization in respect to low socioeconomic status (SES) neighborhoods. Although the
SES in boomtowns is often high some segments of the population, there exists a perceived lack of the cohesiveness of a tightly knit community due to the high mobility factor. Measures of social disorganization include the following:
1) The proportion of rentals increases as opposed to home ownership, and there is an increased disparity between the incomes of the various factions within the neighborhoods. The high wages of the newcomers versus many of the long-term residents with lower incomes due to their lack of marketable skills. Increasing rents are especially hard on the elderly who often live on a fixed income. This disparity can cause envy and social unrest.
2) The neighborhood might experience a deterioration of maintenance – front yards become unruly. Owner occupied homes become rentals; such was the case in RMWB. 46
3) There is a lack of community/neighborhood linkage, and perhaps a lack of family structure. For example, there may be many unrelated renters within one home due to a lack of housing.
Families that move into a community where there is a lack of engaging opportunities for youth may experience a higher crime rate. Another risk is a lack of formal and informal social control that arises when the neighbors do not know each other, and often both parents are working, which further complicates the ability to develop friendships. Sampson and Grove
(1989) reported similar results in that there is a lack of social control and a lack of collective efficacy of communities. Kohrs (1974) indicated in his presentation very similar findings in
Gillette, Wyoming, though his findings reported depression and other psychological maladies.
The lack of formal community ties, and thus a lack of community social norms and community friendships, can increase criminal activity, and the prevention of crime is made much more complicated.
Social disruption hypothesizes that with the rapid rise in population, the connectivity between the established local community members and newcomers is diminished (Shaw and
McKay 1969). The needs of those that are socially integrated into the community are vastly different from those that are transient. Their study showed that neighborhoods with more renters than owners, and apartments that cater to short-term occupants, are highly disorganized and socially disconnected. This is associated with an increase in crime, and the literature is mixed over why this occurs. Several studies indicate that the rise in crime and social disorganization is proportional to that of the increase in population. Other studies suggest that there is merely a perception of an increase in crime based on having been a victim or gaining knowledge of crime via an acquaintance or through the media (Sun et al. 2004). 47
Boomtown social disorganization (Figure 2.3) (Sun et al. 2004) explores the integration of various activities and factors that are associated with disruptions in communities that experience tremendous development activity. The adaptation of the Sampson and Groves (1989) model (Figure: 2.3) illustrates the predicted connections, and the dotted lines denote those indicators of social disruption that had not been previously studied. Their analysis of the data (a compilation of over 8000 interviews concluded between 1983 and 1990, in 36 neighborhoods, in seven states) that areas experiencing high mobility did not necessarily experience weak social ties, and that those who move frequently understand how difficult it is to gain knowledge about a new community. Their conclusion implies that depending on the neighborhood, the type of social control (informal and formal), the SES, and how the data is collected and analyzed; found that there are still gaps in the literature that need to be discussed. Critical realism speaks to the generative mechanisms that allow for investigation in areas of social disruption.
Figure 2.3 Path Model of Social Disorganization
(Sun et al. 2004)
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Generally, rural communities are small and depending upon how integrated not all individuals will be known to each other; prior to a boom, the density of acquaintanceships within a rural community had been overstated (Freudenburg 1986b). Newcomers are often met with suspicion and are not necessarily included within established social circles. There are exceptions to this: some organizations, such as religious and community service organizations, embrace newcomers. The long-term residents may feel a sense of displacement, a lack of relevance, and decreased community influence.
Traditional thinking has been that boomtown environments are associated with the four
D’s – dirt, depression, divorce, and delinquency (Kohrs 1974). The social disorganization described by Kohrs (1974) is comparable to the rapid growth of Billings, Wyoming railroad boomtown in 1881. The problems that were reported acknowledged a lack of social connections and a disruptive environment that purportedly led to fear, anxiety, and a diminished quality of life. The high density of the living conditions (multiple unrelated workers within a rental) has been reported to increase the lack of connectivity significantly.
Various coping mechanisms exist that allow trailing spouses to “hit the ground running” as far as being able to integrate into a new community. They realize that they can become overwhelmed by the lack of amenities, community support, and understand that becoming socially integrated is necessary but not always feasible. Wives that possess high social competence have the ability to navigate the chaos of the boomtown will be able to manage their children as well as their social connections, and perhaps negate the emotional damage with which boomtowns are associated. Spouses that are not emotionally steeled may become depressed and familial tensions may rise, thus living in a boomtown community may become
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difficult. Children that live in this type of familial environment have been known to become disruptive and are prone to delinquency (Kohrs 1974; Sun et al. 2004).
While Kohrs (1974) spoke to the social disorganization of a boomtown community, which has been discussed. The analysis of Freudenburg and Jones (1991) reviewed several studies of criminal behavior in boomtown communities. Freudenburg and Jones (1991) divide their findings results into three categories. The first study was conducted at the county level and the second looked at victimization questionnaires. These produced inconclusive results as to whether there were any actual changes within the social fabric due to the rapid influx of workers.
The third study was a comparison of 23 rapid growth communities, which did signal a change in criminal activities. There was social disharmony, and a lack of informal social control as the population rose, producing stressors on the various segments of the social fabric and environment.
When a new resource extraction site has been discovered, it would be beneficial to all parties if the community were given the luxury of time and notification so that financial and social arrangements and agreements can be implemented (Power et al. 1980; Malamud 1984;
Jacquet 2009). Through advanced planning, defining where the expanding housing stock will be developed, and upgrading the utilities and social services, both the in-migrating workers and the residents will encounter less strife, and there will be less impact on the local environment.
2.7 U.S.A. - National Energy Policy
The National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 (NEPA) required all federal governmental agencies to prepare both an EAs and EISs. The SIA stems from the 1969 passage
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of the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA Pub. L. 91-190, 42 U.S.C. 4321-4347). The stated purposes of NEPA are,
To declare a national policy which will encourage productive and enjoyable harmony between man and his environment; to promote efforts which will prevent or eliminate damage to the environment and biosphere and stimulate the health and welfare of man; to enrich the understanding of the ecological systems and natural resources important to the Nation; and to establish a Council on Environmental Quality (Sec. 2 [42 USC § 4321]).
NEPA states that environmental factors are to be protected, and economic implications are in the forefront because they are visible and quantifiable. Though the human factors are to be
“interpreted comprehensively,” often many of the social factors, which are included in the directive, are overlooked or are not recognized until such time that they become immediately evident (Kohrs 1974; Gilmore 1976; Little 1977).
The purpose of the EIS is to recognize the environmental impacts both negative and positive (National Environmental Policy Act 1969). Such a report allows decision makers, stakeholders, and other interested parties to detect and predict the unique and relevant outcomes of any given project.
The key requirement of an SIA is to ascertain immediate and long-term social impacts.
The assessment needs to identify the planned change that has been proposed by either a private or a public developer. The assessment will include the social, economic, and any potential and or identifiable environmental changes. The SIA also includes seeking out the stakeholders and involving them in the decision-making processes. The community is expected to benefit from the knowledge gained including the scale and phases of the processes to be conducted.
Cortese and Jones (1977) show that most the SIAs completed were inadequately conducted and that they did not produce information regarding social impacts but focused on the 51
economic impacts. These studies found that not all members of the community respond negatively to the expanding population. Some members respond positively to the increasing economic opportunities in ancillary industries, as well as increasing property values and lower unemployment rates. However, since the time of these studies, extraction technology has vastly improved. The ability to extract the resources in greater quantities and with more reliability with new mining technologies on greater scales has increased the number of workers engaged in the mining activity in general. Seven steps are taken when conducting an SIA (Figure 2.4). These steps aid in the development of the project, to identify ramifications, and to minimize adverse outcomes. The SIA prioritizes, analyzes, and uses social information to identify those areas that are appropriate for developmental interventions.
Figure 2.4 Seven Stages for Conducting a Social Impact Assessment
(Misra 2004)
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The policy contained within the five pages of NEPA indicates that anthropogenic changes have profound implications on the environment. One area that the policy identifies is resource exploitation, section 102 (C)(iv) relates to this, which in conjunction with technological advances, has had an impact on environmental quality. The NEPA continues to advocate for a harmonious existence between man and nature for present and future generations. Within NEPA the following sections guide the approach to the assessment: Section 102 (A) an “integrated use of the natural and social sciences” is to be utilized, Section 102 (C) (ii) any adverse environmental effects which cannot be avoided should the proposal be implemented, Section 102
(C) (iii) alternatives to the proposed action, Section 102 (C) (iv) the relationship between local short-term uses of man's environment and the maintenance and enhancement of long-term productivity. Also, Section 102 (B) identifies and develops methods and procedures, in consultation with the Council on Environmental Quality established by Title II of this Act, which will ensure that presently unquantified environmental amenities and values may be given appropriate consideration in decision-making along with economic and technical considerations.
The first ten years after the passing of NEPA saw a rise in the utilization of the EIS but not the use of the SIA. EISs are conducted to ascertain the impact of a project based on the proposed impact to the environment. Very little attention was given as to how the society played a role in the altered environment. The role of the SIA in the context of NEPA is to provide a basis for review of all potential impacts on the quality of life and to identify any potential hazards. The literature reveals that the SIA is often associated with large energy-related construction projects that are in rural and remote regions. The SIA is thus a policy-driven way to provide an avenue for public input and public participation to consider the future and attempt to lessen or mitigate any negative outcomes from proposed project. The analysis that is required 53
takes into consideration the conditions, causes, and consequences of the technological impact
(Wolf 1977).
From the beginning, the phraseology within NEPA was not clear as to the extent or content of what was required or expected regarding the social impact. Freudenburg (1986b) identifies three distinct eras, 1969-1975, 1975-1980, 1981-1986 in respect to the evolution of
NEPA and the implementation of SIA. The first era consisted of the EIS focusing on biophysical aspects of federal projects. The second era witnessed the rise of guidelines that facilitated the standardization of the SIA using social science methodology, empirical analyses, and associated techniques (Freudenburg, 1986b). The third occurred during the Reagan administration, (1981 to
1989) when environmental considerations were not of significantly evaluated for due to political reasons and because of a national emphasis on the development of energy resources, especially coal, gas, and oil. Due to the rollback of environmental regulations and oversight, the use of the
SIA many projects was severely curtailed. Thus fewer in-depth analyses were analyzed.
Freudenburg (1986b) recognizes two events that expedited and encouraged the expansion and the refocusing of the SIA. The first were two international conferences that allowed for the practitioners of SIAs to exchange methodologies and philosophies. Second, a dearth of data and experienced individuals were unavailable to blaze the path as to how to perform and report substantive and impactful SIAs until the late 1970s and early 1980s. During this time interest in the investigations on boomtowns and the associated consequences of the impact of energy extraction.
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2.8 Practicing Social Impact Assessment (SIA)
In practice, the SIA is used to identify and predict any consequences of changes in the environment of the project by broadly assessing the impact on the community (Freudenburg
1986b). A review of the literature indicates that SIAs have encompassed topics as varied as natural disasters, highway construction, forestry, recreation, relocation, and energy resource development (Freudenburg 1986b; Burdge and Taylor 2012). The SIA seeks the participation of the public and other interested parties, which include the federal, state, and local governmental agencies, input on a project, specifically energy related projects. There are three distinct aspects of the SIA that use policy and science (Freudenburg 1986b). First, the SIA focuses on the technological development and has the potential to modify the biophysical environment. Second, the SIA seeks to anticipate unintended consequences of the project to the environment, the social fabric, and well-being of the individual and community (e.g., cultural, social, demographic, and economic). Third, the SIA is a planning tool that seeks to evaluate, minimize the negative consequences of the project and identify positive outcomes.
The Council on Environmental Quality has been tasked to oversee and execute the development of environmental policies and initiatives under NEPA. NEPA established the
Council on Environmental Quality (CEQ). Executive Order 11514, March 5, 1970, states, in part, that CEQ is responsible for (1) recommending to the President policies on environmental quality and seek resolution of significant environmental issues, (2) coordinating Federal programs relating to environmental quality, and (3) issuing guidelines to Federal agencies for preparation of EISs. CEQ I issued revised guideline preparation of EISs on August 1, 1973.
Energy resource extraction can be both a blessing and curse to the community and the environment. Historically boomtowns were associated with stories of lawlessness, haphazard 55
development, and a lack of environmental stewardship. In some ways, this scenario has not changed since the days of the gold rush in California in 1849 and later in the Klondike in 1897.
The impacts that occur during the rapid growth of the community are positive and adverse. The notion of “get in and get out rich” leaves the urban habitat and environment to contend with a myriad of problems, the least of which is being able to sustain the livelihood of remaining community members once the boom has ceased (Dotson 2008). These companies are viewed as a salvation for some communities that are seeking a means to expand their economic base and for some communities to retain and boost their population, thus not becoming a zombie or ghost town. For some individuals, the resource extraction companies are a means to obtain long sought-after employment. If there is a lack of economic opportunities for the local youth, they will leave to seek employment elsewhere. The Bakken Play boom has created a reverse migration that enticed many individuals that left due to a lack of economic opportunities to return (Cohen 2015). The Bakken Play boom provided opportunities for individuals to return it also precipitated an out-migration of long-term residents. Some of these anchors of the community have left by design, having sold their homes or have been priced out of the market.
Though conducting an SIA, in the United States or CEAA in Canada, is not always mandated providing an opportunity for public participation and public involvement would have anticipated the needs of all the community members (Burdge and Taylor 2012).
In Energy Boomtowns and Natural Gas, Jeffrey Jacquet (2009) refers to Markussen’s
(1978) findings that there are identifiable markers that the local community and residents typically experience during this rapid expansion. These seven markers include:
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1) Jurisdictional unevenness: this refers to the disproportionate impact where the actual extraction process is taking place, in the work environment as compared to where the individuals may live – the urban environment
2) New Comers vs. Established local community members: those that live in the area may not support the additional expenses and a possible tax increase to upgrade infrastructures, such as public utilities, roads, schools, and police.
3) Insufficient control of land use: the lack of local control and decision-making capabilities associated with governmental holdings that have an impact at the local level
4) Severity of growth: despite preparedness at the local level, the rapid inflow of newcomers overwhelms the capacity of assimilation, thus driving down the quality of life
5) Volatile production patterns: due to the uncertainty of the longevity of the energy development, the ability of the local businesses and governmental agencies to make long-term plans and adjustments are substantially hampered
6) Monopoly of information: the amount and type of information that is released by the controlling agency or company can be limited, devoid of substance or is misleading
7) Risk: the local government agencies that need a cash infusion to improve or to build an infrastructure to support the volume of newcomers often are seen as a bad financial risk by the financial sector. Therefore, agencies that would otherwise loan funds or support a bond are less willing to do so or demand a higher percentage or premium to support such endeavors.
The combining of Markussen’s (1978) markers and that of Gilmore (1976) provide an expanded overview of the various stresses of the community.
Provided the local government can overcome these seven markers, the likelihood of sustaining a viable and robust community improves dramatically. Gary Malamud (1984) 57
indicates that if urban planners seek out and engage identifiable subgroups within the greater population, that an organized and well-planned analysis of the specific needs of the community will be greatly enhanced. Malamud (1984) further states that the various means by which these needs can be met are through analyzing the urban area, the geography of the area, the demographics, and social characteristics of the population. Without this analysis, it is impossible to ascertain and project the short and long-term needs of the population. The SIA will identify social indicators that are unique to any given segment of the population (Turner 1997; Angell and Parking, 2010; IAIA 2011, Burdge and Taylor 2012). The SIA can include how the population felt about their urban environment before the boom, how connected the individual feels to the community, and can detect environmental and emotional stressors that would otherwise not be observed. It is through this type of analysis that small towns experiencing rapid growth, and the subsequent loss of population due to the ceasing of the extraction and revenue, can project and protect their ability to sustain themselves long after the economic engine that drove the boom has left.
A comprehensive plan is often undertaken to assist the municipality and governmental agencies anticipate the future needs of the community. Power et al. (1980) refers to a boomtown urban model that allows and assists in the modeling of a rapidly expanding population. BOOM1 stems from the work done at the Los Alamos Scientific Laboratory as per the 1975 U.S, Coal
Assessment Act (Ford 1976). This predictive model was specifically designed to assist local governmental agencies and companies in understanding the impact on local communities when large influxes of individuals are anticipated which places stressors upon the local community.
Out of BOOM1 came BOOMH – a housing model that specifically targets the housing sector in areas that are experiencing a low housing accessibility (Figure 2.5) (Power et al. 1980). 58
Figure 2.5 The Five Sectors of Boom 1 and an example of a Feedback Loop
(Power et al. 1980)
Fort McMurray used this predictive model, to lessen the causal effects of a lack of housing stock. The model anticipated the needs of company supplied housing for job site workers and their families. The ability to predict an increase in the population allows for
“prebuilding and front-end financing which holds down the pricing” (Power et al. 1980). This model was employed successfully in anticipation of Syncrude’s expansion phase in 1973-1979.
However, the housing project did not aid those not associated with the Syncrude project. Thus those individuals were in competition with other community members and those that in-migrated looking for employment. This housing plan did not utilize an SIA; however, the housing model did seek to lessen one of the most difficult impacts associated with any project, housing.
Besides a shortage of housing, there are other documented adverse effects of the boomtown syndrome such as an increase in alcoholism, suicide, and child/spousal abuse (Khors
1974; Power et al. 1980; Malamud 1984). Brown et al. (1989) indicate that the boomtown
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syndrome does not adversely affect all members of a community. The use of an SIA, during the urban planning phase employ strategies that will continue to satisfy the members of the community, and institute strategies that will support those that have experienced the negative effects of a rapid expansion of the population. Brown et al. (1989) conducted an eleven-year longitudinal study on a single community pre- and post-boom that contained an SIA questionnaire in Delta, Utah. The findings revealed that there was significant social disruption during the rapid expansion phase but that there was a gradual return – rebound - to the pre-boom level of community population and satisfaction.
With the return to the pre-boom levels regarding population and satisfaction, the residents can enjoy the benefits of the improved built environment, such as better schools, civic centers, and expanded fire and police departments. However, these benefits come with continuing costs that were well supported during the boom era. The robust economic base that encouraged the expansion of these services now must find a way to support these obligations with a lower tax base. Though, as Brown et al. (1989) shows, the attitudes professed by some residents are subject to interpretation. It is possible that those who indicate satisfaction are those who lived in the area pre-bust.
Given the potential lack of economic resources, the surrounding community must find another source to stabilize the local economy. The reputation of Gillette, Wyoming was tarnished by the report by clinical psychologist Eldean Kohrs (1974), when the Gillette
Syndrome became synonymous with the boomtown syndrome and all its manifestations. The forward thinking of then-mayor Mike Enzi found that a bold approach to the long-term sustainability of Gillette was through urban planning. He along with other community members found that students would purposely get themselves suspended so that they could work in the 60
mine, suspension from school became in school suspension. By doing so, suspension became a punishment instead of a prize. Housing, one of the main problems of a boomtown, was quickly relieved with the building of new planned subdivisions, as well as recreational parks, and the upgrading of the infrastructure (Payne 2010). Through these progressive efforts, Gillette stabilized the fluctuating and social ills that accompany the bulging population through overcoming some of the usual obstacles that plague boomtowns. This allowed for a future of sustainability and flexibility in the ensuing years once the extractable resource was exhausted
(Power et al. 1980; Payne 2010). Gillette experienced another energy boom between 2007-2008, which increased the population and stressed the infrastructures. Due to the brevity of the boom, unemployment rose, and workers left the area. However, Gillette had implemented a variety of strategies to weather the uncertainties of the energy sector (Patterson 2016). These would include enticing technology companies to relocate workers, such as Google, Facebook, and Atlas
Carbon LLC, offering low-cost access to community recreational facilities, encouraging business diversity that will encourage visitors to spend money and residents to remain and support the community. The most innovative aspect of the diversification is the development and expansion of the community college that offers a variety of amenities for students and community members, as well as a variety of associate’s degrees. The creativity that the leadership of Gillette had used to moderate the boom-bust cycles that play havoc with the fiscal and emotional health of the community is laudable.
2.9 USA, SIA
The SIA utilizes the theory of Parson (1938), by not looking at “all the facts” but looking at selected fact, those that are thought to be “important.” The normative behavior of a society is 61
established over time, and thus, the culture understands what is important, what is expected of the community members, and what the consequences are should any infractions occur. Force is not required if the behavior is internalized, and thus, the society is self-regulatory. With an influx of individuals, the norms of behavior are not culturally ingrained, thus, integration into an ordered culture is problematic (e.g., a lack of shared values) (Ellis 1971). To undertake an SIA, it is necessary to understand the history and composition of the community are at the heart of understanding how it will respond to a project. The SIA seeks out important sociological and community facts that the project that may very well disrupt, thus recognize areas where steps could be taken to prevent any “shattering of a society” that may occur (Ellis 1971).
If the community is heterogeneous in nature, like any large community or neighborhood, then the gesellschaft, formal social control, is applied, and explicit rules of behavior (laws and guidelines) are enforced. These rules and regulations are to normalize norms of behaviors. In small rural homogenous communities, the application of gemeinschaft or informal social order/control may be more applicable due to close social networks and a shared common knowledge. These individuals are community centered, cooperative, and there is mutual trust.
During a boom cycle, informal forms of behavior may give way to formal modes of behavior. One of the police officers that I spoke with said that prior to the boom that infractions were often overlooked or dealt with on an informal basis (Bakken Play, Police officer, 2012, pers. comm., 5 August). As the increase in the population rose, and infractions increased, it was no longer possible nor appropriate not to issue citations and tickets (Bakken Play, Police officer,
2012, pers. comm., 5 August). Once the project has ceased the construction phase and or is at the height of the production, or has shut down, and some of “extra” individuals will have moved out the community. Therefore equilibrium will be reached. The original inhabitants and perhaps 62
some of those that have settled will remain, and gemeinschaft will once again become the avenue of social control and behavior.
The SIA can identify and assist the community through the various social transformational aspects that will be encountered. Perhaps the community will become stronger due to the introduction of the new members of the community with their new attitudes and ideas that accompany them. If the community is completely fractured due to a “bust,” the community may fail to exist, becoming a ghost town (Gulliford 1989).
Within the scope of the NEPA, the SIA is a three-pronged approach: 1) a focus on the consequences of technological developments, 2) a focus on unintended consequences of the development, and 3) a planning tool to anticipate, avoid, and minimize unintended consequences to a community. By extension, it would be beneficial to all parties that the development companies utilize the SIA regardless of the NEPA requirements. The primary goal is avoiding or minimizing adverse impact that might fall on the community. The SIA assists with policy objectives and analysis to identify and emphasize the vulnerability of subgroups within the community.
Finsterbusch (1985) identifies five basic types of policy research.
1) Problem identification: “What is the problem?”
2) Policy development: “What should be done?”
3) Impact assessment: “Which alternative is best?”
4) Program evaluation: “Is the program worthwhile?”
5) Program improvement: “How can it be improved?”
I detected sub-questions of above basic types of policy research that should be included.
1) What are the parameters of the problem(s) that need to be discussed? 63
2) How is the population expected to react?
3) What has the research showed to be the best course of action to lessen any negative impacts to a specific location?
4) What policies have been recommended, instituted, or rejected?
Though these additional queries are of interest, they are not within the scope of this research, and thus should be pursued in the future.
Freudenburg (1986b) indicates that SIAs might possess a bias towards a specific project that would be due to the selectivity of the data that is utilized. Wilkinson et al. (1982) and
Albrecht et al. (1982) find that there are, “Flaws in scholarship … apparent in this literature in citations of undocumented assertions as evidence, questionable interpretation of empirical data, overgeneralization of conclusions, and absence of controls in measures of relationships.”. This raises the question as to what if any pressures were applied that would not have produced an accurate and appropriate SIA (Albrecht et al. 1982; Wilkinson et al. 1982; Freudenberg 1986b).
The public and other interested parties, such as non-profits, tribal authorities, federal and state authorities, and the company itself are necessary components in showing areas that produce negative and positive outcomes. Burdge and Robertson (1990) indicate that although NEPA directs that the EIS is to include an SIA, historically 86 percent did not. A study in 1975 found that only 24 SIAs had been conducted in Canada (Boothroyd 1978:131 in Freudenberg 1986b).
Freudenberg (1986b) indicates that SIAs failed to include or under-reported aspects of the community, such as the socioeconomic dimension, crime, culture, and many also failed to identify jurisdictional decision-making stakeholders. Freudenburg (1986b) indicates that if social scientists had been involved in the preparation of an EIS and the subsequent SIA, the subsequent negative impacts would not have occurred. One important aspect of the SIA is that 64
no two are alike, each project is unique thus the SIA must be tailored to each situation. Though
Freudenburg (1986b) does a commendable presentation of the data, he ignores the ethical component of his review of the SIA literature (Howitt 2005).
Freudenburg (1986b) stated that Murdock (1984) indicated that socioeconomic and social impacts could not be investigated separately. The interrelated issues of the infrastructure, (e.g., public utilities, roads, and schools) and the social disruption to the community have unfortunately often been viewed as separate areas of investigation. Prior to the implementation of a project, a pre-construction assessment should be undertaken. This proactive approach can identify possible impacts. If the project is undertaken, another assessment should be conducted during construction. Through these measures, other areas that were not previously recognized as being harmful, and steps could be taken to mitigate the impact. Finally, once the project is no longer expanding, an assessment of the community’s well-being and the future of the development can be undertaken. If decommissioning is imminent, an assessment should be conducted immediately to determine what impacts are imminent. It is through these proactive measures that any cumulative impacts, either positive or negative, will be acknowledged.
A community in the larger sense is defined by boundaries, which though defined on a map, are redefined by its members. In respect to conducting an SIA, the literature does not necessarily specify which variables are to be included in a study, which further complicates its completion (Freudenburg 1986b).
There are, however, known variables that can be identified as having a potential impact for all SIAs. The following are not to be considered an exhaustive list of variables but should be contemplated when conducting an SIA: social, cultural, political, policy, environmental, and fiscal factors. Using TEK, through public participation, is integral in recognizing variables of 65
local interest, furthering the identification of nebulous boundaries, utilizing their unique perspectives, and historical knowledge.
The methods social scientists use to glean necessary information about a proposed project’s guidelines include questionnaires, demographic projections, governmental data, and field research techniques (Freudenburg 1986a). As each project has its unique characteristics so too does the community in which the project will take place. The degree to which the individual perceives the changes within their community is vast and as diverse as the variety of individuals and groups of individuals that form the community
A rapid rise in a population is dependent upon a rapid industrial growth and most often does, lead to a disruption in the long-established and stable social fabric of the community. This was found to be true in the Bakken Play. Individuals on a fixed income, such as retirees or school teachers, find that their income is not able to meet increased rent costs (which have been known to triple due to higher housing demand) and are often forced to vacate (Cortese and Jones
1977; Wascalus 2012). For property owners, increasing property taxes can lead to the pressure to sell a long-held property, causing anxiety, anger, and fear of leaving one’s home, farm, or business.
To lessen crime, disorder, and fear within the community, it is incumbent upon the police department to engage the community in Community Policing, Problem Oriented Policing, and hot spot policing. By adopting these policing modalities, a renewed sense of security and increased confidence in the police department is attainable (Weisburd and Eck 2004). The rapid explosion of the population affects other areas of the community. These would include schools, housing, roads, utilities, recreational centers, and the environment. School boards must anticipate how many new students will arrive at the inception of a new school year. They must 66
decide whether the board can afford to build new school facilities to accommodate the incoming students, or rent mobile classrooms, hire new teachers and whether there is sufficient and adequate housing for the employees (P.B.S. NewsHour 2012).
Housing becomes a primary struggle for locals and newcomers alike. Established local community members are displaced by those that can afford the higher rents demanded.
Regardless of whether the new workers are temporary or permanent, there can be multiple individuals living in cramped quarters, sharing a room and bed, otherwise known as “hot bedding.” When one individual leaves for work, another seeks sleep in the same bed. I encountered this scenario when I was in Fort McMurray. A construction worker that I met at the same hotel that where I was staying shared a room with three co-workers. As each worked a different shift, each had the room to himself. As he said, “It wasn’t ideal, but it was better than nothing.” If he and the other workers had not agreed to this situation, he would have had to return to Nova Scotia (RMWB, Sheetrock installer 2012, pers. comm., 14 July). In a separate conversation, a restaurant manager, at the same hotel, said he had a good paying job at a local extraction company, but he still had to work part-time to cover his expenses (RMWB, Extraction company employee and Restaurant Manager 2012, pers. comm., 13 July). The BOOMH model that was undertaken had not kept up with the burgeoning Fort McMurray population in 2012.
The population had overtaken the ability to accommodate the influx of workers and their families.
An individual engaged in commerce, depending upon the activity, might not be able to retain or find workers that are qualified. In the case of the Bakken Play, there were so few individuals to fill so many vacancies that even those that did not have the requisite qualifications were hired or were working in unsafe environments (U.S. Department of Labor 2013). Business 67
owners are often left with the problem of reducing their business hours due to a lack of employees, hiring temporary foreign workers, or in an extreme case, closing their doors permanently (Cortese and Jones 1977; Horwath 2012). Due to the higher wages that were obtainable elsewhere, Walmart offered higher, than the minimum, wages to attract, and hopefully, retain employees (Photo 2.1).
Photo 2.1 Walmart in Williston, North Dakota
(Photo by Author 2012)
The SIA process begins with the identification of the type of action to be taken. There are several types of flow charts that can be followed based on specifications that have been identified by the type of project (Table 2.2 and Table 2.3). These can assist in highlighting any cultural, social, well-being, health and safety shortcomings, uncertainties, and facilitate the planning process (Becker 2001; Esteves and Vanclay 2009; Burdge and Taylor 2012).
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Table 2.2 SIA of a Large-Scale Project Large Scale: The Initial Phase in a Social Impact Assessment Project 1. Problem analysis and communication strategy 2. System analysis 3. Baseline analysis 4. Trend analysis and monitoring design 5. Project design
The Main Phase in a Social Impact Assessment Project 1. Scenario design 2. Design of strategies 3. Assessment of impacts 4. Ranking of strategies 5. Mitigation of negative impacts 6. Reporting 7. Stimulation of implementation 8. Auditing and ex-post evaluation (Becker 2001)
Table 2.3 Participatory SIA Process with a Social Development Orientation
(Esteves and Vanclay 2009)
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Regardless of the approach taken, analyzing past literature of a similar project is helpful.
Identifying various community in totality and its subgroups recognize unique needs and requirements that can be discussed. Attitudes and perceptions that are gleaned at the macro level through the application of a questionnaire and in conjunction with interviews serve to obtain information from interested organizations, individuals, and other stakeholders within and associated with the community. These areas of concern are then identified, and their impacts are noted (Becker 2001; Burdge and Taylor 2012; World Bank 2012). Since there is no single way to approach a project, developing three to five strategies that undergo several iterations to highlight possible interests, problems, and flaws of the SIA are suggested. The resulting actions will either lessen any negative impacts or enhance the positive aspects of the project, perhaps both
(Freudenberg 1986b; Burdge and Taylor 2012). Freudenberg (1986b) states that SIAs have been produced that contain pro- and anti-development biases; however, there were no examples given to support this statement.
There is the possibility that “perceived” versus “real” impacts will be recognized based on the EIS and SIA as was the case of Metropolitan Edison Co., People Against Nuclear Energy,
460 U.S. 766, 103 S. Ct. 1556 (1983). A ruling by the United States federal court Supreme
Court found that the “hypothesized” conclusions of an EIS and SIA and a lack of “a sufficiently close causal connection” between resuming the production of nuclear energy and possible negative impacts did not constitute a requirement for the protection of an EIS or SIA. Guidelines support this ruling as outlined in NEPA, which was designed to protect and mitigate any environment and socioeconomic impacts at the federal and state levels. "Social and economic impacts by themselves do not require preparation of an EIS," but an EIS must be prepared because of environmental impacts if the social and bio-environmental impacts are “interrelated” 70
to discuss "all of these impacts on the human environment.” (NEPA 1969). Thus, a robust, pertinent, and specific EIS and SIA will alert community members and governmental officials of expected effects (NEPA 1969).
The application of the SIA has been far reaching. Freudenburg (1986b) recognizes that the SIA has been utilized for massive projects that include highway improvement and expansion, energy development, and technology proliferation. These projects, though disparate, have far- reaching consequences at the national, state, and local levels. In regions that are undergoing transformations due to technological advancements that have facilitated the extraction of natural resources that 30 years ago, were unattainable. Thus, stable rural communities experience a change in the density and types of acquaintanceships, one method of maintaining support and familiarity is through social buffering (Freudenberg 1986a; Gulliford 1989). The ripple effect of these projects has affected the social fabric in ways that were once unimaginable (Schmidt-
Soltau 2006). Thus, conducting an SIA would alert the community members, stakeholders, and other interested parties to the impending social and environmental changes. Conducting an SIA that includes public participation and public involvement provides an avenue for brainstorming between divergent groups of the community to find ways to support and maintain acquaintanceships and forge new ones.
2.10 Canada, SIA
Freudenburg (1986b) and Burdge and Taylor (2012) cite the 1973 Berger Commission that became Canadian Environmental Protection Act, 1999 (CEPA 1999) is the Canadian similar in many facets to NEPA, whereas these Acts seek to protect the environment and the well-being of its people. The Berger Commission recognized adverse social, economic, and environmental 71
impacts of the MacKenzie Pipeline construction. The Commission delayed the construction for a decade to allow interested parties to voice their concerns. This delay allowed the First Nations to prepare their communities for the impacts of the pipeline construction. The ability to forecast possible intended and unintended consequences of the project is the foremost goal in the use of the SIA (Berger 1977). Like NEPA, the Berger Commission report, and subsequently the CEPA
1999, sought to protect and mitigate impact to the flora and fauna habitats and the social fabric of the Canadian society.
The CEPA 1999 serves to protect and enhance communities and to use resources responsibly, so as not to degrade the environment or negatively affect the health of the community, and the society as a whole. These environmental regulations seek to sustain economic growth while protecting the environment and discuss the concerns of the citizens. If a project has been found to need an EIS, the protocol will include a Terms of Reference, which is produced by the developer and the Alberta Environment. The report is much like that needed by
NEPA’s EIS, which, depending upon the project includes an SIA. Some of the included sections of the report are: effects on the First Nations, whether “man camps” should be constructed in anticipation of in-migration of workers, what economic impacts can be anticipated, and any other social impacts that are of concern. A publication entitled Wood Buffalo Work Camp Report
(Government of Albert 2012c) provided concise descriptions of the two different types of work camps, open and closed, as well alternative types of housing, which informs and guides the company and community of the various kinds of accommodations that would impact the community, long and short term.
The CEPA 1999 oversees Canadian federal lands above and below the surface, which includes waterways, the ocean, and the seabed. In Alberta, as required by law, an SIA is 72
incorporated within the EIS process, which is governed by the Environmental Protection and
Enhancement Act (AEPEA; RSA 2000E-12). There are four parts to this legislation: the first is as mentioned; the second identifies the regulation of the Environmental Assessment Process; the third identifies which projects meet the requirements for assessment, and the fourth identifies the mechanism for appeals through the Environmental Appeals Board.
In Alberta, the Regional Sustainable Development Strategy for the Athabasca Oil Sands
Area (RSDS) had collaborated to meet the challenges of managing the environment, cumulative effects, and promote sustainable development. Within the RMWB, the RSDS was instituted to collect information, to focus on potential environmental problems, and to plan for a management system that is adaptable to the changing needs of the project as necessary. The RSDS identified three categories, containing 14 themes that pertain to a project, and are organized from most urgent to least urgent. By utilizing this hierarchal system, problems and concerns can be addressed and recommendations offered over a five-year period (Table 2.4). Of the three
Category A is the most labor intensive which entails the in-depth examination of the problem, exploring various options for mediation, identifying goals, and the administration of the goals.
Categories B and C further focuses on the targeted areas of concern. Some assessments are necessary to ascertain if the goals that were identified are achievable. By year five the identified problem(s) of concern will have to be resolved. If not, then the process will be assessed, and a new plan will be instituted. The systems that are set in place are straightforward and adaptable to a variety of events.
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Table 2.4 RSDS Plan of Action Category A Category B Category C
1. Sustainable 6. Access 11. End pit lake ecosystems management water quality 2. Cumulative 7. Cumulative 12 Impacts on impacts on impacts on fish surface water wildlife 8. Effects of tailing quality 3. Soil and plant pond emissions 13. Impacts on species diversity 9. Effects of acid ground water 4. Effects of air deposition on quantity emissions on sensitive receptors 14. Impacts on human health, 10. Impacts on ground water wildlife, and surface water quality vegetation quality 5. Bioaccumulation of heavy metals
(Alberta Environment and Alberta Sustainable Resource Development 2001)
The Alberta provincial government undertook the development of a Comprehensive
Regional Infrastructure Sustainability Plan for the Athabasca Oil Sands (CRISP, AOSA 2015) which is an extensive and thorough guide to inform, support, and successfully implement the various economic, environmental, social, and infrastructure developments associated with the oil sands. The development of this 20-year vision offers various stakeholders and interested parties’ technical assistance, guidance, and recommendations about how the extraction of the oil sands can influence growth and development. The development of the oil sands and the surrounding communities are interconnected through technology and the economic climate until such time that the resource has been exhausted. At the current rate of extraction, the resource is expected to be exhausted in the 50 years. However, should the extractive technology become more efficient and cost effective the longevity of the oil sands could be extended (Comprehensive Regional
Infrastructure Sustainability Plan Athabasca Oil Sands Area 2011). The CRISP, AOSA (2015) 74
serves the communities, environment, and the various legislatures by providing a roadmap for future development.
In addition to CRISP, AOSA (2015) Canada uses four diverse types of impact assessments that are not mutually exclusive but can be used in conjunction to optimize a positive project outcome in the three oil sands areas, the Athabasca, Peace River, and Cold Lake and throughout the country. The impact assessments are Health Impact Assessment (HIA),
Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA), Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA), and Risk
Assessment (RA). They contain explicit frameworks that are to be taken into consideration, depending upon the project. These assessments identify the values that are taken into consideration when assessing the impact, along with any legal components that pertain to a specific province or territory. Besides identifying the policy implementation criteria’s, the impact assessments seeks to establish and clarify schedules, relevant reporting authorities, identifiable impacts due to development, procedures, and aims of the project. The Canadian impact assessment is straightforward, clear, and concise as to how to embark on any development that takes into consideration land-use, cost, feasibility, and public policies.
(National Collaborating Centre for Healthy Public Policy, Four Types of Impact Assessments
2012).
The use of these policies, guidelines, and recommendations offers the developers of the oils sands and other projects with the tools to unearth potential intentional and unintentional consequences that affect all aspects of the environment and well-being of the community.
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2.11 Summary: Social Impact Assessment and Critical Realism
Upon the undertaking of a project of any kind, such as the extraction of a non-renewable resource intended and unintended occurrences will occur. Under United States regulations,
NEPA is invoked on only those projects that occur on federal lands, endangers the habitat of a recognized species of plant or animal, or a project that uses federal money. Under the auspices of NEPA when completing an EIS, the SIA component is to be undertaken if a project is thought to affect the environmental, social, or cultural make-up of a community. Upon the completion of the SIA identifiable mitigation factors are undertaken to limit the impacts of the community.
Under Canadian law, the removal of non-renewable resources are fully regulated, whereby SIAs are actively completed and are readily available at the local libraries, government offices, and on-line. RMWB has applied an ecosystem-based approach to identify and mitigate any concerns that are unique to their region. This approach seeks to find a balance between all the systems, social, economic, and the environment. This macro level approach facilitates the participation of a variety of alliances whose interests are similar in scope (CEAA 2015).
When identifying concerns and conditions that will affect the society unexpected and confounding sociocultural manifestations will emerge at the micro and macro scales. The impacts which would otherwise not be known, are brought to the forefront. It is through these revelations that policy makers can better discuss the future and circumvent any cumulative impacts that might otherwise occur.
Knowledge is fallible, but through the lens of critical realism, there is the ability to identify the causality of the event(s). The knowledge that an individual possesses acquired through the empirical thus can claim a that the experience or knowledge is indeed fact.
However, the experience may be interpreted differently by the community members and 76
communities, and the means or systems that guided the occurrence, which circles back to the empirical, the experience that was perceived as having happened. The reality that is understood and acted upon is ever changing and thus is constantly being rediscovered and changes the social structure, often unobserved. The application of realism allows an open system within the social realm to detect, explain, and develop explanations for the change. It is through these revelations that policy makers can better direct the future and circumvent any short-term or cumulative impacts.
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Chapter 3
3.1 Introduction – Study Sites
The Earth tells the tale of what has come about through natural and anthropogenic modifications. The use of available resources changes over time due to the structure of the community, the needs of the society, accessibility of the resources, and the availability of technology.
Changes to the social fabric and or environment can occur because of the identification of a coveted resource and ensuing exploitation. In some cases, the resource can be a safe harbor, good soil, access to adequate water, or in the case of the areas surrounding RMWB, Alberta,
Canada and western North Dakota, U.S.A. petroleum products (Map 3.1). The First Nations, as they are known, in the RMWB area had been exploiting the seeping oil from the Athabasca for generations, and the indigenous population in the Bakken Play used the oil shale for heat and light. However, as technology progressed the ability to commercially extract the resources that were elusive, challenging, and expensive to obtain. Once technology evolved, these areas experienced a rapid expansion of the population and subsequent displacement of the indigenous population and a transformation of their lifestyles.
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Map 3.1 Maps of the Canadian and United Non-renewable Energy Deposits RMWB, Fort McMurray, Alberta, Canada
Bakken Play and Three Affiliated Tribes, Fort Berthold Indian Reservation, North Dakota, United States
(TCA 2016)
The Gillette or boomtown syndrome is exemplified in the two sites that are examined.
These changes include increased traffic, demand for housing increases as do the prices, even mobile home parks fill to capacity, the influx of new businesses to support the economic engine come into the community, or businesses close due to the inability to hire and retain employees, together these changes transform the social structures (Kohrs 1974; Hunter, Krannich and Smith
2002; Horwath 2012; Horwitz 2014).
In the Bakken Play, any workers obtain motor homes and campers that are then allowed to park at the work site or on land that has been made available by the land owner. As one resident of Watford City said, “Some of these guys show up without a plan, they sleep in their cars for a few months until they can save up enough to buy a camper. Then upgrade their living
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situation to a motor home, apartment, or house to the point that their families can join them.”
(Bakken Play, Welcome Center volunteer, Williston, 2012 pers. comm., 16 June). The “man camps,” living accommodations, for single workers, are provided by the company, or are privately owned, are often used year-round, which can pose health and safety problems (Photo
3.1 and Photo 3.2) (Kramer 2013). The development of new camps were denied in Williams
County and Mountrail County but were being built in McKenzie County, North Dakota
(Sulzberger 2011). The reasons cited by community leaders for rejecting the “man camp” developments are due to a lack of zoning regulations that dictate if, how, when, and where the camps can be built. Other reasons include a lack of infrastructure and fear that the temporary housing units will be abandoned once when the demand ceases (Oldham 2015, Healy 2016,
Donovan 2015).
Photo 3.1 Western North Dakota: A Man Camp that is Composed of a Mix of Privately Owned Motorhomes, Company Provided Housing, and Equipment
(Photo by Author 2012)
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Photo 3.2 RMWB a Private Fly-in/Fly-out Worker Camp 25 miles North of Fort McMurray, Alberta, Canada
(FIFO Mining Company 2015)
Traffic congestion frequently occurs, increasing frustration, and stress in these rural boomtown environments. In RMWB mid-morning heavy congestion, as well as the heavy equipment, precipitated the building of a new bridge across the Athabasca River in addition to a bypass that would take commuter traffic off the city streets in and around the area around Fort
McMurray. The construction of the new bridge across the Athabasca River will support the increasing traffic and heavy equipment associated with the extraction of the oil sands (Photo
3.3). The local electric grid and other public utilities are in constant need of repair and upgrading. The school districts have to decide if they are going to hire new teachers. Where are, the new teachers going to live and how are they going to afford the ever-increasing rents so that they stay, which includes the new public servants as well. In as much as the local schools, police, and fire department have concerns as to how they are going to aid with housing, buying or renting equipment. There is also the specialized training that the first responders need to treat
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the increasing traumas due to vehicular or oil rig accidents and deaths (Gollan 2015). Traumas due to the hazards of working in the oil fields have affected the hospitals. So too is traffic a constant source of conversation and aggravation in the Bakken Play. The traffic entering Watford
City, though governed by traffic lights was hard to maneuver through, as well as dangerous
(Photo 3.4). The city council in conjunction with the state determined that a bypass to alleviate the congestion through Watford City to the oil fields in Williston was necessary (Donovan
2014a).
Photo 3.3 Mid-Morning Traffic, RWMB, Alberta New bridge construction over the Athabasca River
(Photo by Author 2011)
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Photo 3.4 Mid-Morning Traffic Watford City, North Dakota
(Photo by Author 2012) The reality of a boom scenario is that influx of newcomers may not be as readily accepted into the social fabric of the community or are outright rejected by some of the community members. Due to the unique skill sets the newcomers have, they may be perceived as the winners in the rapidly expanding economy. Other winners may be the businesses that can obtain, retain employees, and cater to the increasing demand for goods and services.
The extraction of the non-renewable resources in the surrounding areas of RMWB and the Bakken Play requires specialized workers and support personnel. The secondary economic activity (e.g., manufacturing and processing) in turn leads to the expansion of the tertiary level of economic activities (e.g., retail, transportation, and maintenance) that further spurs employment opportunities, but also contribute a variety of community stressors. The quaternary sector involves the expansion of the state and local governing bodies in developing regulations and guidelines to protect the population (e.g., schools, culture, and government) and the environment
(e.g., air, water, flora, and fauna).
It is prudent for those that are at the forefront of the economic powerhouse, such as the companies and governing bodies, to work with the community to understand how profoundly the
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community will be altered. Some transformations will be subtle, perhaps so much so that they will be all but imperceptible. However, to those that are intimately familiar with the community, subtle changes such as the locking of one's doors at home, that previously remained unlocked, represents a significant cultural shift (Bakken Play, Retired long-term Resident, 2012, pers. comm., 8 June). Then there will be perceptible changes, which come with a burgeoning community expansion, such as new neighbors, new attendees at church, and new items at the grocery store. What happens does not take place in isolation, but has a rippling effect across the spectrum of the community.
The extraction of the oil sands in RMWB is not without its attractors of high wages and employment, but it is also fraught negatively with dynamic social and economic changes that are associated with the boomtown development. The same holds true for the extraction of the oil shale in the Bakken Play. These two extraction sites, though thousands of miles apart are similar in their struggles to maintain a healthy community. The conducting of an SIA, either through governmental requirement or even if it is not required, could describe areas of stress. Strategies can then be employed to lessen the hardships that are bound to affect the community.
Crime has often been associated with resource extraction boomtowns. RMWB and the
Bakken Play are no exceptions. Ruddell et al. (2014) finds that the policing agencies in both
RMWB and the Bakken Play encounter very similar problems, such as increased drunk drivers, traffic, and calls for service, as well as a generalized increase in crime (e.g., drugs and prostitution). Police departments in the Bakken Play have difficulty in recruiting and retaining officers (Bakken Play, Police officer, 2012, pers. comm., 10 July). In several departments, the officers are younger than 30, housing is difficult to obtain, and the salaries offered by the police department are lower than those offered by the extraction companies. However, in Watford City, 84
North Dakota police Chief Wellen had housing built for police officers and offered a competitive salary (Dalrymple 2013b).
3.2 Regional Municipality of Wood Buffalo (RMWB), Fort McMurray, Alberta, Canada
Photo 3.5 Photo Boomtown Casino Fort McMurray, Alberta, Canada Located in the Central Business District
(Photo by Author 2012)
Fort McMurray is a truly desirable location to live and work that provides a variety of outdoor and cultural activities, as well as employment opportunities. It is one of the several towns within the RMWB and has become the epicenter of the oil sands extraction (Photo 3.5).
The oil sands are in the northeastern section of the Province of Alberta, Canada within RMWB approximately 320 miles from Edmonton, Alberta (Photo 3.6).
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Photo 3.6 Sequential Views of Oil Sands Extraction RMWB, Alberta, Canada
(Cotter 2005)
The explorer, trader, and soldier Peter Pond first described the oil sands in the late 1870s
(Gough 1983; Alberta Culture and Tourism 2015). Though these energy products are being commercially extracted today, they were well known to the First Nations centuries before commercial extraction. He described the various First Nations tribes using the seeping “tar,” which had no visible origin, to waterproof their canoes (Alberta Culture and Tourism 2015).
The energy resource, is now extracted via steam injection or open pit mining, is found in three distinct deposits in the providence of Alberta, Canada; the Athabasca, Peace River, and
Cold Lake. The Athabasca oil sand, situated in the RMWB region, is one of the largest deposits in the world, contains 1.7 trillion barrels of recoverable oil (Government of Alberta 2012).
Within the identified oil sands area, the Suncor, Syncrude, and Albian Sands companies authorized to extract the resource. Only three percent of the available oil sands due to its depth is extracted (Government of Alberta 2012a) (Map 3.1). The McMurray Formation, within the
Athabasca, is up to 450 feet thick, consisting of marine plant, exoskeleton layers, shale, and sandstone that formed during the Cretaceous and Devonian periods (Figure 3.1) (RAMP 2002.
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Due to natural erosion seepage occurs along the Athabasca River at Boiler Rapids near Fort
McMurray and along McKay River, a rainbow sheen is often observed.
Map 3.2 Boreal Forest, Mineable and Mined Areas
(Government of Alberta 2012a)
Figure 3.1 Depiction of Athabasca Oil Sands Region: East-West Geological Cross- Section
(RAMP 2002)
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Over the past one hundred years, the extraction of these energy resources has waxed and waned, depending upon the available technology. The early extractive machines required frequent if not daily maintenance due to the friction of the oil sands against the metal extraction teeth. Today’s machines are four stories high, and the extraction is quick and efficient with little downtime.
The oil sands are within the boreal wetland which is one of the largest carbon storage footprints in the world (Rooney et al. 2011). The energy companies have followed the rules and regulations set forth by the Alberta Provincial government as to the best practices to minimize the environmental impacts. The extractive process transforms the Boreal wetland landscape and thus changes its use. One measure that is used to lessen the impact includes using the developed roads to coordinate the logging of areas that are slated for oil sands removal which saves time, money, and diminishes the disturbance to the wildlife.
3.2.1 RMWB Reclamation
In December 2010, the extraction of the oil sands had come under considerable scrutiny due to a report by The Royal Society of Canada (2010). At that time funds were put aside for the very purpose of reclaiming the land however those funds have since been found to be inadequate, and the local population may have to partially fund the reclamation process. In The Royal
Society of Canada Expert Panel (2010) the Auditor General of Alberta had commented on the situation for surface mines and noted, “…the current systems lack a reasonable, systematic risk management approach to avoid claims on the public purse arising from inadequate financial security. The same concern applies to in situ projects.” (pp 11). Thus, far the extraction companies have embraced the reclamation of the disturbed Boreal wetland. 88
Once the resource has been exhausted, restoration is open to interpretation, availability of funding, and societal needs. The reclamation policies of the U.S. Department of the Interior
(2013) state that after the resources have been extracted and exhausted, the land is to be restored to the best possible usage and as close to the natural setting as possible.
In Canada, the policies and procedures for reclamation of the land once the oil sands have been removed state: “We will mitigate our impact on the land while maintaining regional ecosystems and biodiversity. We will progressively reclaim all lands affected by oil sands operations, returning them to productive landscapes” (Canadians for a Sustainable Society 2013).
The area that is to be put back into wildlife usage goes through a series of evaluations, backfilling, and replanting. Richens, Bergstrom, and Purdy (2015) discuss the decades-long remedial and reclamation process of the Suncor company tailing Pond 1 that had been in production from 1967 through 1997 (Photo 3.7, Photo 3.8, and Figure 3.9). During a tour of the
Suncor Company site, I visited the Wapisiw Lookout. The settling pond reclamation started in
1997, and by 2009, the final phase of restoration commenced. In 2010 the project required the lining of the pond, filling the cavity with coarse tailings that acted as a base, and utilizing 65,000 truckloads of “reclaimed material” to a layer of 20 inches. The process required the removal of the tailing water and debris from Pond 1 that was two miles in circumference and 350 feet deep.
Earthen swales were incorporated to divert water, and low-lying areas were used as wetlands
(Photo 10). Many of the plants were locally sourced as well as the use of transplanted pine seedlings. A variety of grasses and local vegetation had been planted, but it was also noted that the wind, possibly avian, and terrestrial faunal scat had contributed a variety of seeds in the area as well. Old trees, otherwise known as snags, were placed roots up, to encourage the local raptors and other birds to nest and perch (Photo 11). There had been sightings indicating that 89
local fauna had returned to graze and burrow, and raptors had returned to hunt. In another location, the soil that had been stored off-site in one location had sunk, becoming a pond with a rich biodiverse habitat, which attracted a variety of migratory and local fowl, as well as other aquatic animals (Fiedler 2014). The Royal Society of Canada (2010) indicated that with appropriate and thoughtful reclamation in addition to the input from the First Nations that the land has the potential to return to “traditional land use.”
Photo 3.7 Photo 3.8 Suncor Pond 1, 1989, early usage Suncor Pond 1, 2011, reclaimed
(Riebeek 2011)
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Photo 3.9 Suncor Pond 1, 2010, prior to reclamation RMWB
(Suncor.com 2015)
Photo 3.10 Suncor Pond 1, 2012, Post-Reclamation RMWB
(Suncor.com 2015)
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Photo 3.11 Suncor Pond 1, 2012, Wapisiw Lookout, Post-Reclamation, RMWB
(Photo by Author 2012)
The Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences speculated that the pine trees planted in 2011 have the potential of being harvested in several decades (Rooney et al. 2011).
Thus, another economic avenue becomes available to the community, in addition to the extraction of the oil sands.
In The Sustainable Development Paradox, Kruger and Gibbs (2007) found that if economic pressures are brought to bear, then social and ecological transformations will occur. In the case of the Barcelona, Spain airport, a new wetland was created elsewhere to replace the one that was destroyed during the expansion of the airport (pg. 142). This transformation will not
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restore the habitats that were destroyed but will serve the purpose of allowing the local flora and fauna to migrate naturally and eventually inhabit the area. Such is the case in Canada.
Unfortunately, unintended consequences occur. In 2006, approximately 600 waterfowl died when they mistook a settling pond for a place to rest (Photo 3.12). Due to this unintended consequence through the extraction of the oil sands, Syncrude, an oil sands extraction company, settled with the government for $250,000 that was allotted to train First Nations students to
“monitor” waterfowl about their usage of trailing ponds. However, there was no indication as to how the students were to monitor the birds or how they were to keep them out of the settling ponds (The Royal Society of Canada Expert Panel 2010). This is but one report of bird deaths.
Photo 3.12 Photo of a Suncor Settling Pond RWMB
(Photo by Author, 2012)
3.2.2 RMWB Environmental Concerns
The undertaken by The Royal Society of Canada (2010) that sought to determine if the
Athabasca River water contained contaminants. The study proved negative and indicated that the amount of water that was being drawn for mining operations would not affect the wetlands or aquatic wildlife. A presentation by Environment Canada brought forth concerns regarding the 93
impact of the wildlife, and the communities, along the Athabasca River (De Souza 2011). These concerns, from the scientific community, contradict previously presented views that the oil sand extraction did pose environmental degradation. Significant contamination of the water increased greenhouse gas emissions, and social problems were noted. This presentation, done in “secret,” by all indications that the extraction does pose significant and long-lasting effects due to pollution associated with mining, not just in the RMWB, but throughout Canada (Austin 2011;
De Souza 2011). The presentation was acquired through the Canadian Freedom of Information
Act.
The Canadian landscapes, waterways, and airsheds are under enormous pressure, as are the residents. Though scientific evidence thus far is borderline regarding whether there are health compromises due to environmental problems, the boomtown syndrome is taking its toll despite a strong community. With planning, those effects can be reversed (Payne 2010). The sustainability of these communities is entirely within their reach. RMWB has taken steps to utilize and exploit the economic environment, but with continued interagency cooperation between the oil companies, the Provincial government and the Cultural Environmental
Management Association, the ability to reclaim the land to a level of sustainability continues to be attainable (CEMA 2011).
In 2008, five percent of the greenhouse gas production in Canada had been attributed to the extraction of the oil sands; there were efforts to reduce the emissions. Though continuing the extraction of the oil sands will further release greenhouse gas into the environment. Though efforts have been made to reduce the release, as per the Copenhagen Accord, it is the opinion of
The Royal Society of Canada (2010) these efforts have not had the desired effects. The monitoring of other emissions and pollutants is ongoing. Except for a noxious odor, the air 94
quality had not experienced any significant impact. In addition, the report found that the pace of the extraction was faster than the regulations could oversee. Due to the uncertainties, the continuation of monitoring of the Athabasca River will continue as well as groundwater. The report states, “Because contradictory studies have been published, the current uncertainties that exist need to be resolved to restore public confidence in the management of regional water resources.” (pg.3). The report continues to identify that reclamation effort of the land and wetlands had been slow to commence. The extraction companies have stated that the reclamation process takes years, if not decades to complete which the report supports.
3.2.3 Urban Environment
The areas that are experiencing an expansion of their rural communities and economic growth are geographically isolated. With the expansion of community development caused by the extraction of a natural resource, the social network of a stable community becomes stretched and unstable, thus resulting in a decline of psychological well-being and social networks.
Though the some of the community members may experience social degradation, the overall economic base may experience a rapid rise in income. This is due to the influx of migrant workers specific to the extraction process whose income facilitates an increase in rents and those arriving regard the area as a gateway to gain economic freedom (Mikisew 2011).
The Royal Society of Canada (2010) takes aim at the socio-economic impact of the boomtown syndrome has had on the RMWB community. This plan was instituted that outlined controlled growth patterns, thus avoiding the boomtown syndrome. However, the EIA report did not reference any health impacts. Also, the report failed to discuss “international development projects.” 95
An urban plan for Fort McMurray, Canada was undertaken in the mid-1970s to determine the local and regional impact though extraction had begun at the end of the 1960s. The energy crisis during the 1970s made the extraction of the oil sands economically practical and the urban plan was instituted (Government of Alberta 2012b). The Comprehensive Regional Infrastructure
Sustainability Plan (2015) further delineated the future development of the region.
3.2.4 First Nations
A new governing body occurred with the inception of the British North American Act,
Section 91(24) states that the Canadian government is to be held responsible for the Indians and their lands (Canada, Indigenous, and Northern Affairs Canada 2011). In 1869, the Canadian government obtained control of what had been referred to as Rupert’s Land Charter, which encompassed the Northwest Territories. During the ensuing decades, numerous treaties were negotiated which included the Indian Act of 1876, which further secured the sanctity of and governmental protection of indigenous rights. This included the management of identified Indian land, resources, and the promoting of “civilization” (Canada, Indigenous and Northern Affairs
Canada, 2011). Prior to the Indian Act of 1876, the Treaty of 1871 states that no land could be occupied or developed before it being was ceded to the government. The treaty was to ensure that the First Nations peoples were compensated (Alberta Culture and Tourism 2015). In 1899 the Treaty Eight was signed, and the First Nations tribes were under the impression that it supported peace and prosperity between themselves and the settlers that gave the land to the
Canadian government (Madill 1986; Mikisew Group of Companies 2011). The Canadian government expected that the Treaty Eight was to promote and protect the economic interests of the settlers and the government, not the economic, political, and cultural traditions of the tribes. 96
To this day, Treaty Eight has had a rippling effect on the relationship between the First Nations and the government of Canada.
The Office of Energy in the Alberta government encourage First Nations communities to engage in dialogue regarding any concerns about the extraction of the oil sands, its environmental, and sociocultural impacts. There is a mechanism in place through the Aboriginal
Relations Branch that can discuss any activities for which the community has filed a claim.
These claims could include the rights to hunt, fish, and contested of the possible exclusion of entitlements as outlined in the three treaties of 1867, which witnessed the creation of the
Dominion of Canada.
The Alberta Energy Commission also set forth policies that assist those of the First
Nations with employment training and placement. As their lands have been utilized for resource extraction, their source of traditional sustainable resources, such as deer, fish, and other woodland products were no longer available. Through the efforts of the Energy Commission, the individuals that have sought assistance are now able to participate to a greater degree in the energy resource field either directly by working for an extraction company or through other commercial means (Alberta Energy 2010).
The Alberta Government and the CEMA (2011) have appointed a coordinator to facilitate communication between the First Nations and those that are extracting the natural resources. The
Government of Alberta deemed that it was prudent and ethically appropriate to consult with the
First Nations. The institution of the First Nations Consultation Policy on Land Management and
Resource Development sought to engage in the development of policy guidelines for land use.
This agreement was designed to forestall or lessen any adverse environmental impacts. Though this agreement does not have any legal standing, it allows all the parties to engage in a 97
productive dialogue regarding the extraction of resources. The Canadian government has taken the stance of:
"CEMA has acknowledged that the Supreme Court of Canada has ruled that the Crown has a legal duty to consult Aboriginal people, and where appropriate to accommodate when the Crown has real or constructive knowledge of the potential existence of Aboriginal rights or title, and the Crown contemplates possible conduct that might adversely affect those rights, whether those rights have been established (proven in court or agreed to in treaties) or whether there is only the potential for rights to exist (Gov. Can 2008).”
There is more oversight today with respect to the development of the oil sands than in
1970 when Jim Broucher, the current chief of the Chipewyan, discovered that an oil company extracting surface bitumen had destroyed the cabin of his grandfather, as he stated, “…with no notice or discussion…” (Kunzig 2011). As he reported, the First Nations attempted to forestall the extraction of the oil sands but found that the effort was futile. Instead of continuously working against the oil and gas companies, Broucher and other members of the First Nations began to work cooperatively with the companies, so as not to miss the ability to profit from the extraction of the oil sands. They formed the Fort McKay Group of Companies that offer employment to tribal members and supports a health clinic, a youth center, and below-market- rate rental homes (Kunzig 2011). The First Nations companies that worked with and offered services for the oil company received an income of $85 million in 2007 (Kunzig 2011).
In addition to the Fort McKay Group of Companies, the Mikisew Group of Companies was formed response to economic pressures that ensued from the expansion of the oil sands. The consortium of seven businesses, which includes a motel, energy services, an industrial supply petroleum delivery service, a fleet management company, and a property development company, relies on mutual support. Their interactions with other domestic and foreign companies help to
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sustain their economic viability. This entrepreneurial spirit is a direct result of the oil sands development and the community cooperation. The various entities comprising the Mikisew
Group of Companies are situated in Edmonton, Alberta, as well as in Fort McMurray and Fort
Chipewyan, Alberta, Canada. They have attempted to exploit their unique and varied companies collectively. Through these efforts, the companies are better able to serve their community through a variety of community outreach activities and sponsorship. The individuals controlling these companies, as well as the leadership of the Mikisew Tribe, have been able to excel socially, culturally, and financially. Their successes allow for the advancement of other tribal members and the community through economic and social networks.
3.2.5 RMWB Social Impact
Another problem with a rapidly expanding population is the inability of the infrastructure to keep up with the demand. Some of the roads within the city limits of Fort McMurray were under construction to upgrade the water and sewer lines. The boomtown syndrome effects on
Fort McMurray are numerous. These include increased crime, homelessness, suicide, alcoholism, and child/wife abuse (Regional Municipality of Wood Buffalo 2012).
In 2011 Fort McMurray experienced the rapid expansion of the oil sands development.
The individuals that I interviewed spoke about congested traffic, drug usage, and rowdy neighbors, but they also spoke of opportunities. Decent wages exist for those that could find employment and housing. For those that have long-term ties to Fort McMurray employment can be obtained in the oil sands industrial complex. A high school student can obtain a part-time position while in high school and upon graduation obtain full-time work with an annual income of $100,000 (Canadian Dollars) (Modjeski 2012). They can live at home until such time that 99
they can purchase a vehicle, a home, and, other markers of a successful individual. Those that do not have that type of social network connections find the cost of purchasing a home to be close to $400,000 (2013 Canadian Dollars). Available housing, like in most boomtowns, was near zero.
News of readily available employment and high wages attract individuals to the oil sands.
Those that have technical skills can obtain employment as soon as they arrive, much like that in
North Dakota. The pull factor of the stories that spoke about boomtown employment that was all but guaranteed; unfortunately, this is was not always the case, the timing was always paramount
(Gulliford 1989). The reality of working in an economically and technological sensitive area is that some individuals are laid off, some are injured and probably should have left but hoped that another job could be obtained, and others suffer from mental or addiction conditions and do not have the ability to seek assistance (Richter, Dashora, and Jarvis 2015). The community continues to change according to the economic climate, and the individuals that remain in the area. Others continue to arrive, thinking that the economic boom is continuing. They arrive without financial support or employment skills to survive until employment can be obtained (Gulliford 1989).
Homelessness or inadequate housing is one of the many problems that are associated with a boomtown scenario (Gulliford 1989). Housing First (2013) is instrumental in aiding individuals in moving people off the street with the goal of eradicating homelessness in Fort McMurray by
2020 (McDermott 2013). Another program that seeks to end homeless in Fort McMurray is
Center of Hope, which is a drop-in center that offers counseling, access to showers, food, and safety. These are but two organizations that have reached out to the community to fill a gap that was not created by the boom but is exuberated by the boom.
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3.2.6 RMWB Crime
Crime is a concern in RMWB. In 2003, the North West Mounted Police in Fort
McMurray and Fort Chipewyan Department coalesced into the largest geographic policing jurisdiction in Canada (RMWB 2012). This action provides greater policing coverage and allows for the integration and sharing of pertinent and prompt information. In 2011 Fort
McMurray, which is in situated within RMWB had been ranked as the eighth most dangerous city in Canada. This location had also ranked eleventh in the country as having the most homicides, aggravated assaults, motor vehicle theft, and DUIs which were culled from the 2002-
2012 Canadian Statistics (Boyd 2012). Though boomtowns are associated with an increase in crime, these statistics show an overall decrease in the types of crimes except for cocaine use
(Table 3.1). These results, though not stated within the report by Boyd (2012) are possibly the results of the combining of the two police departments. An interesting aspect of the reported crimes would be to ascertain whether new-comers or long-term residents committed the crimes.
Though the number and types of crimes have decreased the attitudes and perceptions of the individuals that reside in RMWB remain unfazed that there is a significant crime within their community.
Table 3.1 RMWB Reported Crimes 2012, Per 1000 Population Number Violent Murder and Forcible Robbery Aggravated Property Burglary Larceny Motor Arson of Crime nonnegligent rape assault crime -theft vehicle Crimes manslaughter theft 1412 N/A N/A 55 797 2986 172 N/A 392 N/A (Boyd 2012)
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3.2.7 RMWB Demographic
The urban service population of RMWB is highlighted in the population chart (Figure
3.10). As showed, the population of Fort McMurray split into different geographic locations.
There was a population increase of 11.6 percent in the number of workers associated with the various projects between 2010 and 2012 with an average age of 30. There are approximately 10 percent more men (55 percent) than women (45 percent) (RMWB, Municipal Census 2012,
2013) (Graph 3.1). Approximately, 20,000 are thought to be non-permanent residents as they commute either by drive-in/drive/out or fly-in/fly-out. Many of these individuals will return to their home of record or move on to other places of employment when the economic environment changes or their term of employment ceases. In addition to the in-migration of individuals from around the world the indigenous Cree, Chipewyan, Dené, and Métis people also reside.
Graph 3.1 RMWB, Alberta, Canada Population Pyramid, 2012
(Boyd 2012)
The Municipal Census data was used rather than the Federal Census data for 2011 because of Federal data inconsistencies (Table 3.2). The discrepancy between the Federal
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Municipal data was due to the Federal data not counting individuals that are not permanent community members, such as commuters and students, who had historically been included in the census (Boyd 2012).
Table 3.2 RMWB Census 2013 2010 2011 2012 2012 Municipal Federal Municipal Census Municipal Census Census Census (extrapolation to a (extrapolated to a 100% F 95% completion completion rate) rate)
Urban Service Area: 76,797 61,374 72,944 76,009 Abasand Heights, Beacon Hill, Gregoire, Lower Townsite, Thickwood Heights, Timberlea, Waterways, hotels/motels, care facilities, and urban campgrounds Rural Service Area: 4,216 4,191 4,192 4,216 Anzac, Conklin, Draper, Fort Chipewyan, Fort Fitzgerald, Fort Mackay, Gregoire Lake Estates, Janvier, Saprae Creek Estates, and rural campgrounds Project 23,325 N/A 39,271 39,271 Accommodations: Work camps and work campgrounds Total 104,338 65,565 116,407 119,496 (RWMB Census 2013)
RMWB 2012 census reported Canadian in-migration to Fort McMurray urban and rural service areas. The individuals from within Alberta Province comprised the largest percentage of in-migration into RMWB. The smallest percent of in-migration were from Nunavut Territory
(Table 3.3).
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Table 3.3 Province of Origin, Percentage of Canadian In-migration
(Boyd 2012)
The 2012 census reported that there were 5,253 foreign migrants (Graph 3.2) (Boyd
2012). Wingrove and Mackrael (2012) indicate there were 3,000 Somali living within the
RMWB. Though the census reported that 234 individuals were from Eastern Africa, the Somali population had not been included (Map 3.3).
Graph 3.2 RMWB, Non-Canadian Region of Origin by Percentage, Census, 2012
(Boyd 2012)
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Map 3.3 Population by Region of Origin, Census 2012, RMWB
(RMWB Municipal Census 2013
A cooperative working arrangement was established between the Syncrude Oil Company,
Fort McMurray, and the Alberta Province to provide housing to accommodate the 39,271 single temporary workers (Graph 3.3). Arranging for the single workers to live in their company provided housing reduce various pressures on the RMWB community. Though living in company housing is isolating there are opportunities for interaction among the other employees.
However, many of the companies have instituted strict rules including forbidding alcohol, drugs on the premise and limiting men from visiting the women’s quarters after 10:30 pm. Other company camps are not nearly as strict, where alcohol and drugs are readily available. Workers
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that live on site have the capability of saving money, but the result of being so isolated is emotionally and mentally challenging (Government of Alberta 2012c).
Graph 3.3 RWMB Percentage of the Population that are Residing in the Project Accommodations by Province, Census 2012
(RMWB Municipal Census 2012)
Newcomers often look for community amenities. In Fort McMurray, The McDonald
Island Park, Syncrude Community Leisure Center, and the Shell Place are the largest recreation center in Canada. These state-of-the-art centers had become a hub for community activities containing a library, the Syncrude year-round aquatic center, meeting rooms, baseball diamond, and a snack bar. To facilitate ease of getting to and from buses traverse the Fort McMurray community picking up and dropping off the community members at designated locations, should they not wish to drive (Photo 3.13).
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Photo 3.13 McDonald Island Park, Suncor Community Leisure Center and Shell Place, RMWB
(Fort McMurray Tourism 2014)
3.2.8 RMWB Economics
The extraction of the tar sands plays out in the global arena. After Saudi Arabia and
Venezuela Canada has the third largest oil reserves (173 billion barrels) of which 9 percent or
168 billion barrels are in three in situ recoverable deposits in Alberta. The economic volatility of the oil sands resource is contingent upon the technological capabilities to extract the resource and the political climate (Alberta Oil Sands Industry, Quarterly Update 2013). In 2012 the Financial
Post reported that 71 percent of the oil sands production is foreign owned and provides for
100,000 jobs (Financial Times 10 May 2012). The 2015 economic downturn has not spared the oil sands of the Athabasca (Austen 2015; Cattaneo 2015). Part of the retrenching of oil production stems from OPEC and the increased production of U.S. oil shale (Cattaneo 2015).
With the recent downturn businesses, have had to lay off individuals while increasing productivity (Berkow 2015b). The airport in Fort McMurray had over 1 million individuals pass 107
through in 2014 while in 2015 860 thousand individuals have passed through (Berkow 2015a).
In 2015, with a price per barrel at less than $40, from a high of nearly $100, makes long-term urban planning difficult.
The Shell Place a $127 million-dollar recreation and entertainment facilities has failed to entice a capacity crowd. The building of new or expanding existing facilities are not just for today but are projected as being utilized in the future. Other recreational facilities have been undertaken, such as an outdoor amphitheater and sports arena. City Councilor Tyran Ault indicated that there was not a long-term plan for the economic development of Fort McMurray post-oil sand (Berkow 2015a). Many of the oil sands production companies are either shutting down or continuing despite the low commodity price, and the revenue stream has been significantly curtailed. Renata D’Aliesio (2015), finds that the economic downturn has produced layoffs, in particular among the commuters associated with the oil sands extraction who lacked community ties. The construction of new schools continues, both public and private, and there were no layoffs of instructors or ancillary personnel for the 2015 school year. The forecast of incoming students remains strong, with a 2015 population of over 1,400 children under the age of one year in the Fort McMurray area.
Previous slowdowns of the extraction of oil sands due to the drop in price per barrel have occurred. However, the economic climate is not viewed as a “bust” but merely a slowdown. The slowdown will allow the community of Fort McMurray and the surrounding communities to catch up on infrastructure and other projects (Austen 2015). The Canadian energy extractors and producers find that through a reduction in the workforce, the slowing or curtailing of expansion projects, and the continuation of the refining of the oil sands with the current infrastructure will continue to service their loans and operations. Local businesses that support the extraction 108
processes have laid off employees. The recent economic downturn caused one Fort McMurray business to reach out to the community via social media. By doing so, former customers are returning and, as the business owner reflected that new customers were walking through the door
(Huncar 2016). Jameson Berkow (2015b) calls attention that for the economic environment to return to pre-bust levels the price per barrel would have to be close to the boom period of $100 per barrel. He further states that it is necessary to look to other economic investments and industries, saying “What are we going to do instead of putting all of our eggs in the oil sands basket? We need to look at other solutions and look at reducing the greenhouse gasses.” Berkow
(2015b) further states that alternative economic avenues need to be pursued to offset the loss of income from the oil sands and its eventual exhaustion.
Fort McMurray Mayor Melissa Blake said, "We've got to come back into a more realistic realm of the cost of living for people. That is going to be one of the things that will make us more resilient. The price of oil always goes up and down, but when we go down, we seem to have to learn the same lessons over and over. “(Huncar 2016).
3.3 The Bakken Play, North Dakota, U.S.A.
3.3.1 The Bakken Play - Williston Basin and Bakken Formation
The Williston Basin Formation comprises the Bakken Play, encompasses a portion of
Saskatchewan, Alberta, and Manitoba, Canada in addition to extending into Montana and North
Dakota, U.S.A. (USGS 2013). During the day trucks haul oil and fracking water along the back roads of North Dakota, at night the flaring of natural gas, which is considered a disposable byproduct of the fracking process, illuminates the night sky of the Bakken Play (Photo 3.14).
The natural gas is flared due to an inability to lay pipelines to the wells due to a variety of 109
obstacles which include obtaining permission from the landowner, abiding by zoning regulations, labor shortages, getting the pipelines to the wells, and that natural gas is not an economic commodity. Though it is easier and more cost-effective to flare of natural gas, which burns off the methane. The burning of the gas contributes to global warming. The North Dakota
Industrial Commission had set a target of a 26 percent reduction of flaring by the end of 2014 to an overall reduction of flaring 80 percent by 2020. The balance of the gas is to either trucked out as the oil is and sold or used for some other purpose (U.S. Energy Information Administration
2014).
Photo 3.14 Bakken Oil Field Nighttime Gas Flaring
(google.com 2015)
The Bakken Play encompasses 16 counties in the west-northwest section of North Dakota that includes the Reservation of the Three Affiliated Tribes (MHA Nation), Fort Berthold Indian
Reservation.
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The profile of North Dakota, specifically the Bakken Play, is defined by the United States
Geographical System (USGS) as being comprised of unconventional oil and gas geologically locked within the Devonian Three Forks Formation and Devonian and Mississippian Bakken
Formation in the Williston Basin Province of North Dakota, Montana, and South Dakota (Figure
3.2) (USGS 2008).
Figure 3.2 Cross Section of the Bakken Play
(google.com 2016)
The USGS 2008 estimates that 4000 wells have been drilled, though not all are in production. The North Dakota Department of Mineral Resources had estimated the Bakken formation encompasses 232,000-square-miles and contains approximately 7.4 billion barrels of oil which to extract are dependent on the available technology (Department of the Interior 2013).
As the drilling approaches the center of the Bakken Play, the greater the amount of identifiable oil shale is encountered. Approximately 13,748 wells have been installed in North Dakota from
1951 through 2015 which are clustered in the north-western section of the state (Map 3.5 and
Map 3.6) (Department of the Interior 2013).
The Bakken Play formation is different from other energy-rich formations due to the oil being locked or trapped within a tight rock formation. Development of hydraulic fracking allows the oil that is trapped in the shale to seep from cracked rock formation and flow up into the well 111
(USGS 2013). Based on the United States Geological Service, it is the largest unconventional oil basin that has been surveyed in the continental United States (USGS 2013). The wells that have been put into production have an average lifespan of 30 years. However, some wells have been
“fracked” several times, thus extending their productivity. Every well required approximately
110 individuals to support the operation from construction through maintenance until the well is in production. During the first year of operation, approximately 2,000 trips delivering equipment and hauling way fluids will be made (Briody 2013). Trucks that tend the oil pads travel off the main roads onto packed scoria, otherwise known as clinker, lined roads, a locally abundant sedimentary rock which has been hardened through heat. It is inflammable thus considered safe to be utilized near the well pads (Photo 3.15).
Map 3.4 Drilling Productivity Report: Seven Regions of Tight Oil and Shale Gas 2001 – 2014
(U.S. Energy Information Administration. 2016)
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Map 3.5 Bakken Shale of Original Oil in Place Estimates in Billions of Barrel, North Dakota, U.S.A.
(dmr.ng.gov 2014)
Map 3.6 North Dakota Oil Wells from 1950 through 2013
(Caraher 2013)
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Photo 3.15 A Road of Scoria Leading to an Oil Pad, Bakken Play
(Photo by Author 2012)
Many ranchers have voiced concern about the dust that is kicked up by the heavy trucks that settle on the pastures, hay, and the backs of the cattle, which has been linked to “dust pneumonia (AGWEEK 20 February 2014) (Photo 3.16). Other ranchers in the oil country have had cattle killed by trucks while moving between unfenced open ranges at an estimated loss of
$25,000 (Knutson 2014).
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Photo 3.16 Road Dust which has been Attributed to Cattle Pneumonia, Bakken Play
(Wood 2014)
3.3.2 North Dakota Revenue
When the price of oil was $100 per barrel, North Dakota’s budget, and tax revenue was
$8 billion (Bosman 2015). The price per barrel was $53.05 on 15 January 2016 which will provide tax revenue of $4, billion, half of that was produced during the prior year (Bosman
2015). The Legislature has determined that the western counties most impacted by the boom will receive $2.5 billion, over a two-year period, which is earmarked for roads, schools, and other projects (North Dakota Office of the Governor 2013). The locally generated revenue goes directly to the state and does not become available to the local governmental agencies unless an application is submitted.
Due to the impact on the infrastructure, North Dakota implemented the Oil Impact Fund which was disbursed quarterly. These funds are accessible through grants to counties, fire 115
districts, school districts, and other entities that seek to alleviate any health, welfare, or safety concerns directly due to the development of oil and gas. Between 2007 and 2017 $529 million have been disbursed which can be used for salaries, equipment, renovation, or the upgrading of facilities. In 2015 over $272 million was distributed to Fort Berthold. The North Dakota
Legislature passed Resolution No. 3054 in 2010 that established the Legacy Fund that aside 30 percent of the production of oil and gas revenue starting in 2010, none of the accumulated funds were to be spent until 2017. The generated revenue, with a two-thirds vote, can be spent for the good of North Dakota. At the end of 2016, the Legacy Fund had received deposits of over $4 billion dollars (nd.gov 2011). North Dakota also has set aside funding for Outdoor Heritage
Fund, Resource Trust Fund, and Veterans Postwar Trust Fund. These and the other 38 funds are meant to support, protect, and facilitate the health and happiness of the residents and environment (Nowatzki 2016).
3.3.3 North Dakota Crime
Law enforcement officials indicate that the rise in the population in the oil producing counties was in line with the increase in criminal activities, many of which are attributed with those associated with the oil shale extraction (North Dakota, Attorney General 2013). In 2015 the Bakken Strike Force was instituted to curb crime through the combined efforts of federal, state, and local law enforcement agencies (North Dakota, Attorney General 2013).
Like many regions that experience a rapid rise in the population, many services are stretched in North Dakota. The crime rate had soared in the western section of North Dakota to the point where officers do not have the time to attend to traditional calls for service. Jack Healy
(2013) indicates that the crime rate has increased by 32 percent since 2005. In his article, Healy 116
(2013) cites a rise in drug trafficking, calls for service, domestic violence, and homicides. In
2013 two homicides occurred, one homicide had been solved, while the other remains unsolved.
These crimes took place miles apart and were thought to be committed by individuals that were not residents of the community (Healy 2013). In 2012 a teacher from Montana was kidnapped and murdered by two individuals that were traveling from Colorado to North Dakota looking for employment (Lohr 2012; Brown, M. 2015). Jack Healy (2013) and Steven Mufson (2012) have both reported residents saying about their North Dakota communities, “We were a community that never locked our doors. That’s all changed.”
Police departments voluntarily report crimes on an annual basis to the FBI. These crimes are organized according to the UCR (Unified Crimes Report) which are identified as Part I: aggravated assault, forcible rape, murder, robbery, arson, burglary, larceny-theft, and motor vehicle theft and Part II: loitering, embezzlement, forgery/counterfeiting, disorderly conduct, driving under the influence, drug offenses, fraud, gambling, liquor offenses, offenses against the family, prostitution, public drunkenness, runaways, sex offenses, stolen property, vandalism, vagrancy, and weapons offenses . The reported crimes assigned to 12 of the 16 counties that are associated with resource extraction, Divide, Dunn, Morton, and Slope counties did not volunteer their crime statistics (Table 3.4). Property crimes are the highest reported crime, with Ward
County reporting the highest number of offenses.
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Table 3.4 UCR Reported Crimes in North Dakota Resource Extraction Counties Per 1000 Population
(USDJ, 2012, data compiled by author 2015)
3.3.4 North Dakota Social Impact
At the beginning of the boom through early 2015 the influx of individuals seeking employment found themselves looking for scarce housing. Rents in the western section of North
Dakota became exorbitant; trailer park slots were non-existent, and many people lived in their vehicles (Bakken Play, Manager, Tourism Office, Watford City, 2012, pers. comm., 17
November). A church in Dickinson, North Dakota that was situated across from the unemployment office allowed several men to set up tents in a far corner of their lot allowing them the use of their facilities (Bakken Play, Manager, Unemployment Office, 2012, pers. comm., 16 November).
In Amidon, North Dakota, one of the least populated county in the state, a mobile home park that had usually been under-utilized was filled to capacity. Many of the individuals that parked their mobile home or trailer in Amidon, North Dakota traveled to Williston, North Dakota for work, a 290-mile round trip. The long round trip drive puts the worker at risk of falling
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asleep at the wheel, encountering wandering animals, not to mention other vehicles, and during the winter dealing with unpredictable weather events.
Many individuals came to the Bakken Play seeking work, often without any financial backing or housing. I befriended a couple from Amidon, North Dakota who are the grandchildren of homesteaders and whose ties run deep within the community. They were very generous with their time and facilitated connections between individuals that needed housing, emotional support, and appropriate social service agencies. This couple assisted several in- migration individuals in obtaining employment, medical care, and access to the local food bank.
I helped local volunteers at the Amidon Community Cupboard, Amidon, North Dakota, a partner of The Great Plains Food Bank. The volunteers were well-informed residents that had the first-hand experience witnessing the food insecurities of both the long-term residents and newcomers bridge their economic gaps. This couple wrote grants, among other fundraising activities, in the hopes of obtaining larger refrigerators and freezers to improve storage to meet the increasing demand for assistance (Photo 3.17). I was told that one newcomer that they had aided several months prior had returned the favor and had sent a donation in support of the food bank (Bakken Play, Retired long-term residents 2012, pers. comm., 26 August).
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Photo 3.17 Prairie Senior Citizens Center and Food Bank Amidon, North Dakota
(Photo by Author, 2012)
North Dakota ranching is still a focus of income and employment that offers a safety net should an oil boom turn into a bust. During my back road travels, I encountered a family moving their cattle from one pasture to another using horses and ATVs. Although they declined to participate in the research, they were more than happy just to pass the time of day and have a photo taken of their activities (Photo 3.18). Though many ranchers and farmers allow drilling on their property, they continue to engage in their primary economic activity. These sources of income are used to bridge any economic downturns or busts, in this case, the planting of winter wheat (Photo 3.19).
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Photo 3.18 Bakken Play Cattle Ranchers Using Horses and ATV
(Photo by Author 2012)
Photo 3.19 Bakken Play Winter Wheat Fields with Agriculture Equipment
(Photo by Author 2012)
In 1960 the Discovery Cycle (boom) and then in 1980 the Price Cycle (boom) occurred
(Figure 3.3). It is during these times that cities such as Belfield began to improve the infrastructure by selling bonds and raising taxes. The boom started quickly, and just as quickly the bust occurred. In Belfield, North Dakota, a boom in the late 1970s spurred a selling of $2.1 million bonds between 1981 and 1982 to finance infrastructure updates. Unfortunately, a rapid
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economic downturn in 1984 through 1985 left the town 2 million in debt, which led to the shuttering of businesses, and left the city council contemplated filing for Chapter 9 (Belsie, 1989;
Aubrey1990). The state of North Dakota does not allow its cities to file for bankruptcy.
However, it does allow its municipalities other remedies to fulfill its fiscal obligations. In 1991 the Belfield, North Dakota settled its debt with its bondholders (North Dakota Legislative
Council 2014). With the downturn, the businesses that supported the tax base began to shutter.
The last grocery store closed in the mid-1990s, forcing the residents of Belfield, Amidon and the surrounding areas to drive 20 miles or more to Dickinson (Photo 3.20). In 2011 Belfield, a slow revitalization began. A few businesses were opening, such as a laundromat, mechanic shop, and bar.
Figure 3.3 Wells Drilled Between 1950 and 2000 Coincide with a Bust Between 1981 and 1982: Discovery 1960 and Price 1980 Cycles
(NDGS 2014)
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Photo 3.20 Mid-day Main Street, Belfield, North Dakota
(Photo by Author 2011)
I spoke to several Belfield, North Dakota residents, who had gone through the bust in the
1980s and they were concerned about the town over extending finically and ending up like the last boom/bust cycle in the 1980s (Bakken Play, Retired postal worker, 2012, pers. comm., 12
September). Another concern was the traffic, due to the heavy vehicles and use some of the roads had been resurfaced, the kicked-up red dust from the scoria created breathing problem, and getting across N-85 to access 94 could take 15-20 minutes waiting for the traffic light to change
(Bakken Play, Retired postal worker 2012, pers. comm., 12 September). I experienced the traffic problems first hand in cities of Belfield, Watford City, Williston, and Dickinson, North Dakota.
3.3.5 Temporary Workers
At the beginning of 2012, the booming economy precipitated a rapid in-migration of individuals looking for work in the oil fields. For small businesses, the inability to compete with the oil field pay caused some to hire subcontractors instead of direct hires (Davies 2012). A lack of child care become a barrier for those that wished to seek employment. In 2012, the North
Dakota Child Care Aware (2015) found that day care was needed for 2,500 children but were 123
only capable of finding slots for 441 in Williams County, due to a lack of licensed day care facilities, the high cost of the day care, flexible hours, infant care, and high staff turnover
(Finneman 2012).
To offset the lack of employees willing to fill minimum wage jobs companies sought international students to work the summer months on a J-1 guest visa (The Bismarck Tribune
2012). I met two students from Romania in Williston and another from China, in Dickinson, all employed at fast food establishments with a salary of $7.35 per hour. During my brief conversations with these students, I found that they were excited to be having an American experience. None of them were willing to compare their salaries in North Dakota to that of their respective countries. However, they indicated that they could make more money in the three to four months working in North Dakota than they could in their respective countries (Bakken Play,
Fast food workers 2012, pers. comm., 20 September). The benefits to the employer are that the students are assigned to them for a fixed period, the program pays the J-1 workers’ taxes, and assists the students in obtaining housing. There is an oversight by the sponsor and the State
Department to make sure that the international students live in safe quarters, have adequate funds to live, and to make sure that the students were not exploited (Paul 2014). I also met a rancher in
Dickinson that said that she hired J-1 visa workers to help during the summer. She usually hired local summer workers but found that they had taken jobs working in the oil fields (Bakken Play,
Ranch owner 2012, pers. comm., 9 September).
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3.4 Fort Berthold Indian Reservation, North Dakota Three Affiliated Tribes (Mandan, Hidatsa, and Arikara Nation – MAH Nation)
3.4.1 History and Sovereignty Map 3.7 MHA Migratory Paths North Dakota Studies 2016)The Three
Affiliated Tribes (MHA Nation) reside on the Fort
Berthold Indian Reservation, which is in the heart of the Bakken Play surrounded by six of the oil counties. Though the reservation sits atop a vast oil shale economic powerhouse, the MHA Nation had not had the ability to tap this resource, until recently.
Having migrated from different regions, they nestled along the river banks of the Missouri
Rivers, though their villages were close the tribes retained their individual identities, culture, and languages (Map 3.7).
Tribal lore says that the Arikara are also known as the Spanish were directed northwest by
Mother Corn, a sacred entity, from the Texas Gulf (North Dakota Studies 2016) coast to the northern section of the Missouri River. The Mandan are believed to be the first tribe to have settled along the Missouri River bank having migrated from the Ohio Valley. In the early 1600s, the tribe was known as the Hidatsa, which translates to “willows” migrated west
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from an area close to Devils Lake, also known as Spirit Lake settling near the Arikara and the
Mandan (North Dakota Studies 2016).
In 1934, the constitution of the MHA Nation was created, along with the rights of self- organization of their tribal lands and affairs through the 1934 Indian Reorganization Act. During the construction of Lake Sakakawea or as it is referred to as Garrison Dam between 1947 and
1953, the tribal members were relocated, and a land readjustment was conducted in accordance with Public Law 437 (Map 3.8). With the flooding of the river valley, 156,000 acres were taken, their economic base changed from hunting and fishing to raising crops and livestock, and their independence vanished, which was in violation of the treaty agreement of 1886 and subsequent discussions through 1891 (Cross 2011).
In 1961, tribal members bought Reservation Lands (Map 3.9). In 1964, the Economic
Opportunity Act was instituted which allowed the members to not only participate in but also control, their economic development (Fort Berthold Library 2013).
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Map 3.8 Fort Berthold Reservation: Historical Villages Under and Current Cities Around Lake Sakakawea
(google.com 2015)
Map 3.9 North Dakota: Federal Lands and Indian Reservations
(worldofmaps.net 2014)
3.4.2 Three Affiliated Tribes, Fort Berthold Demographics
The total population of North Dakota increased from 642,200 in 2000 to 672,591 in 2010, an increase of 4.6 percent. The North Dakota Indian Affairs Commission in 2000 reported a
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population of 5,915 of which 3,986 are Native Americans. In 2010 the population on the
Reservation increased to 6,342 of which 4,556 are Native Indians. The census reported that there were 12,204 enrolled members of the MHA Nation (North Dakota Indian Affairs Commission
2014). These increases represent individuals that have found work on the reservation, such as oil workers, and individuals that are tribal members returning home (Fort Berthold, MHA Member, retired, 2012, pers. comm., 31 October; Fort Berthold, MHA Member, retired military, 2012, pers. comm., 1 November)
3.4.3 Three Affiliated Tribes Development of Oil Shale
The commercial oil extraction in North Dakota began in the 1970s but failed to drill on the reservation (Crane-Murdoch 2012a). Under the Indian Mineral Development Act of 1982
(IMDA), the tribes engaged in mineral development that allowed for local control of the resources and self-sufficiency. Under this Act, the tribes can control and exercise their rights to develop reservation land, such as the exploitation of energy resources. Due to its location, Fort
Berthold Indian Reservation became the epicenter of the Bakken oil shale extraction industry.
Tribal members who were allotted land, and those that were permitted to purchase land and mineral rights on the reservation, were positioned to manage their resources. Though the IMDA the bureaucratic maze at the federal, state, and local levels and a lack of effective staffing precluded any exploitation of the resources. On the cusp of the oil boom in 2004, Energy Policy
Act of 2005 was passed which furthered the economic goal of self-sufficiency but not at the expense of the culture, or the environment. The Energy Policy Act of 2005 transferred the control of the development of the resources to the MHA Nation and individual land owners. The
U.S. Department of the Interior; Indian Affairs provides aid (e.g. negotiation, investing, and 128
developing of their resources) that are vast and varied, focusing on the needs of the allottees and the tribe. Having control of the minerals provided the land-owning individuals the ability to set a policy of self-determination, to better their lives, and to secure maximum financial return (Indian
Mineral Development Act of 1982; Energy Policy Act of 2005).
Being a tribal member and a U.S. citizen offers them a myriad of options to develop the resources on their own and with the assistance of the Federal government. The MHA Nation had the eyes of the world upon them. How they regulate and manage the extraction of the oil shale will become a model for others to follow. The Chief of the Three Affiliated Tribes, Tex Hall has stated:
“We have worldwide attention on our tribal lands, the largest oil producing areas in the current economic indicators forecasts predict even higher levels of development. We are a sovereign nation, recognized by treaty with the government of the United States. Our sovereignty, our independence, can be maximized by the number of barrels of oil taken from our Mother Earth, sovereignty by the barrel. The potential is for her to obtain financial independence for our nation, education for our youth, and independence. We need to learn how to minimize negative consequences, such as environmental and other issues, as well as the massive influx of truck traffic on our roads and highways and we need to maximize the benefits. We are here to learn and to educate others on what we have experienced. We welcome your input and comments as we navigate this new trail in our history (MHA, 2013).”
As of 2017, there have been 1,700 oil and gas leases granted, and within the next ten years, another 1000 are expected to be drilled (BIA 2017). Though the federal regulatory entities are concerned with the development of oil and gas, the final ruling as stated by the EPA specified that although the State of North Dakota does have an interest in the drilling on Fort Berthold,
“…the state does not have the jurisdiction over development” (Electronic Code of Federal
Register 2012). To retain and expand the revenue generated by the extraction, Chief Tex Hall and the Secretary of the Interior Ken Salazar approved the building of an oil refinery on the 129
reservation. In 2012, this plan was submitted into the Federal Register as having passed all the requirements of NEPA about the production of oil and natural gas. There was a determination that no SIA was to be included as it was determined that the social networks, cultural sites, or the community would not be affected (Federal Register 2012). However, within this document, the emissions from the refinery are specifically identified as needing regulation. The impacts that were found did not fall under the auspices of the EPA. As a sovereign entity, the inherent authority of the tribe to regulate the activities that occur within their falls under their authority.
In 2012 the United States Department of the Interior, BIA under the NEPA reviewed and accepted a FONSI and concluded that an EA was not required in respect to the laying of additional piping to carry oil. (United States Department of Interior Bureau of Indian Affairs
2012).
The MAH Nation has witnessed the boom and bust cycles that have surrounded their lands, they have also seen the social and environmental changes off the reservation as well. Due to the rapidity of the boom, they too have suffered from the boomtown syndrome. The typical symptoms include an increase in traffic, which destroy roads, a lack of housing, drug usage, drunk drivers, and illegal dumping.
3.4.4 Three Affiliated Tribes Land Ownership
A documentary by Discovery (2013) highlighted Parshall, North Dakota, in Boomtown, which emphasized experiences by surface landowners versus those that own the mineral rights.
Should an individual own only the land rights and not the mineral rights, then the owner of the mineral rights supersede that of the landowner. Compensation is made to the landowner for the taking of land to install a road in addition to the well site (Knutson 2014). Those that own the 130
mineral rights and the land are fortunate enough have more authority to direct the drilling and monitor the environmental impact. If in the future, the well ceases to be productive then there is a clause in the lease that states that a reclamation process is to be instituted and paid by the oil producers. One individual that I spoke with said that he had a well capped ten years ago, and he was waiting for the reclamation process to begin (Bakken Play, Retired rancher 2013, pers. comm., 10 November).
The Allotment Act of 1888 gave 160 acres to each male head of household, and 60 acres to non-head of household males. Since that time the heirs have received fractional land, not an actual parcel. Thus, many individuals can lay claim to the 160 acres of land (U.S. Government
Publishing Office 1998). Currently, Fort Berthold Indian Reservation consists of 988,000 acres which are divided into four land statuses; this encompasses over 1,500 square miles and six counties. The Fort Berthold Indian Reservation consists of 378,604 acres (38.32 percent) of allotted land, 79,233 acres (8 percent) of tribal land, 3,280 acres (.33 percent) of Government
Land, and 526,883 acres (53.32 percent) of private land, respectively. The Secretary of the
Interior may enter into an agreement with an individual landowner, or if one or more of the heirs cannot be located, then the majority of landowners can decide if entering into a drilling lease is advisable. Non-Indian landowners do not have to reach a consensus to agree to the leasing of their parcel (Bureau of Indian Affairs 2006).
Because of the economic climate on Fort Berthold had dramatically changed employment opportunities the tribal employment office has placed 200 enrolled members in a variety of training opportunities (Crane-Murdoch 2012b). There are more jobs available than can be offered to tribal members due to their inability secure a commercial driver’s license or working
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on a drilling rig stemming from a history of drug charges or driving violations (Crane-Murdoch
2012b; Fort Berthold, MHA Member, Retired housewife 2012, pers. comm., 1 November).
Some members of the tribe do not reap the same economic benefits that tribal allottee members and fee landholder members enjoy (Map 3.10). The term fee land has two differentiations. The first is reservation land that is owned by the federal government but is held in trust for a specific tribal member or tribe. This land cannot be sold without the express permission of the Federal Government. The second type of fee land is that which has been re- purchased from non-tribal members; not unlike the land that has occurred off the reservation.
I was invited to attend a meeting of the allottee MHA Land Owners Association. They voiced confusion and concerns regarding the existing regulations regarding the leasing and drilling. In addition, they were frustrated with the lack of prompt and pertinent information especially from Chief, Tex Hall. Many voiced their concern about his lack of honesty and credibility. Other discussions included the changes in land-use and the changes in their culture.
Additionally, the Tribal Energy Resource Agreement (TERA) refinery that had been approved but decisions concerning how the refined oil was to be sold, how the transportation costs were to be deducted from the royalty checks, and to how the compensation for lost grazing lands was to be determined (Fort Berthold, MHA Allottee meeting 2012, pers. comm., 1 November).
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Map 3.10 Fort Berthold Reservation: Surface Ownership
(Crane-Murdoch 2012a)
To avoid untoward fiscal ramifications of energy extraction, the MAH Nation must develop regulatory structures and oversight checks and balances to avoid squandering their energy produced revenue. A variety of avenues that would assist the MAH Members would include providing loans for new businesses development, improving the social capital, health access, education, and mentorships that will ensure that the future is secure and stable. Doing so will further adhere to the Treaty of 1886 and the federal enactments regarding the indigenous people becoming economically self-sufficient. Encouraging tribal membership involvement fruitful dialogue will solidify the assertion that there is a balance of power, culturally, socially, and politically.
Becoming self-deterministic lessens the ability of external entities such as companies and governmental agencies to take advantage of MHA Member naiveté. An example of less than ideal negotiations resulted when the MHA leadership and the State of North Dakota agreed in
2008 to a total tax of 11.5 percent, 6.5 percent on the extraction and 5 percent, on production to be paid by the oil companies (Dalrymple 2013a). Dalrymple (2013a) reported that over a five- year period, beginning in 2008, the state would receive 80 percent and MHA Members would 133
receive 20 percent of all revenues from the wells on fee lands. From this, the state realized
$445.4 million with $315.3 million going to MHA Nation (MacPherson 2013).
A new agreement came into effect, MacPherson (2013) reported that the difference between the two agreements affirms that the state will receive $176.8 million (2013) versus
$113.4 million (2012). MHA Nation will receive $131.8 million (2013) versus $74.6 million
(2012). As of 2014, the reservation had between 1,000 and 1,200 productive wells (Graph 3.4).
As the number of wells increased oil production decreased, this is partly due to the number of wells that have been completed and brought into production before the economic downturn.
Graph 3.4 Fort Berthold Reservation Active Well Counts Versus Oil Production Rate as of 2014
(Nemec 2015)
At the MHA Nation’s Oil and Gas Expo, which was held on 23 April 2014, MHA Nation
Chairman Tex Hall said that the tax in oil revenue collected was $184 million (Toliver 2014).
From the tax revenue, medical care would improve, housing for clinic staff would be built, an expansion of the ambulance service would occur, and road maintenance would be discussed.
The increased revenue will aid in offering housing, jobs, and a better future for its members. 134
However, as Chief Tex Hall said due to the rush to drill on sovereign lands had put stress on the infrastructure and its citizens, causing safety, and created health challenges.
The sustainability of the tribal natural resources, economic development, and cultural identity has been of concern for the past several decades (World Commission on Environment and Development 1987). This report highlights how and why biological diversity in a tropical environment is paramount for the protection of the livelihoods of the indigenous people. This is also the case not only for the MHA Nation but also for those that may not be a member of the tribe but can be included due to their long history and habitation within the area.
The author of the Brundtland Commission raises the Cassandra-Cornucopia debate has once again. The Cassandra factions identify that the degradation of the environment perpetrated by humankind threatens the biodiversity of the planet. In the Commission’s opinion, it is not too late for a reversal of the degradation and destruction. In contrast, the Cornucopia faction indicates that through advancing technology, any problems that do arise will be resolved, and thus the environment is sustainable.
This leads to the heart of the Brundtland Commission report. Within the tropics, (though this scenario could be apropos for any location) there are those that utilize the land and those that have the money and power to change the land use. The tropics, like most environments, are very vulnerable to land-use change as the biodiversity is as fragile as the land. The “have nots” do not possess the resources to curtail or influence any land-use change. Traditional land that had been used for sustaining the population and their culture would be significantly altered, thus changing their way of life. Three research foci were identified that sought to unite agendas that sustain development and global change through research on land-use change: human society, biophysical, and spatial-temporal diversity. 135
Four methods of studying land-use are discussed within the report. First an emphasis on the constraint and structural approach: equity, equality, and empowerment by being wary of imperialism, colonialism, and capitalism. The second approach is that of opportunity, including operation, production, and the efficient use of the land. The third approach to land-use is termed
Environmental Impact, Population, Affluence, and Technology (IPAT) which seeks to identify environmental changes. Analysis of social relations is the fourth method for explaining how the land-use change will alter how the inhabitants cope with the incursion of technological changes, habitation degradation, the removal of resources, and the lack of empowerment. Various problems with land-use change (e.g. economic, social, and environmental), and the methods by which the changes occur can be identified and monitored through quantitative and qualitative means, such as an SIA.
3.4.5 Three Affiliated Tribes Tribal Administration
A one-stop office has been created to assist with the energy development on the Fort
Berthold Reservation, which facilitates the leasing of land, responding to inquiries, and assure the mineral owners that they receive the optimal economic benefit. In addition to the resources provided by the MHA Nation the BIA, BLM, and the EPA are positioned to facilitate and protect the interests of the tribe and its resources (Murdoch 2012; Cross 2011). A cooperative inter- jurisdictional agreement between North Dakota and the MHA Nation allows for better management of the resources and to protect their interests as well as those of the state. Through this cooperation, the rules and regulations of the federal government will be abided. Due to its sovereignty, the MHA Nation can institute and regulate environmental statutes that may exceed that of the state and federal statutes (Cross 2011). 136
I reached out to the MHA Nation Tribal Administration to speak with the media relations officer about the project. I was told that an overwhelming volume of requests for interviews had been made and was I denied (Photo 3.21). I was also informed that I did not have permission to speak to any tribal members unless the project had been vetted. I left the information with the administrator who said that she would contact me, that has yet to happen. I had confirmed appointments with several MHA members; when I called to cancel and inform them of what I had been told, they expressed a desire to participate. Thus they consented, and the project continued.
Photo 3.21 MHA Nation, Tribal Administration Office, New Town, North Dakota
(Photo by Author 2013)
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3.4.6 Three Affiliated Tribes: Social and Environmental Impact
Parshall, North Dakota was a sleepy little cattle town that was on the brink of becoming a ghost town, but due to the drilling on the reservation, it revived. Some of the businesses have benefited from the increased revenue, but many are cautious not to expand too quickly for fear that there will be a bust to match the boom. Within the community, a rift had begun to occur, between community members that welcomed the gas and oil industry into their midst and those that did not (Fort Berthold, MHA tribal member, Retired housewife, 2012, pers. comm., 1
November). Some of the individuals regard the drilling as a cessation of their way of life; others were anxious to receive the royalties that the drilling brings.
New Town, North Dakota has not avoided the traffic problems that the rest of the Bakken
Play has experienced (Photo 3.22). One MAH Member said that tribal government does not serve the community by keeping it clean and safe. However, the Parshall officials do make an effort to maintain a sense of community and its desirability. This particular MAH Member was well informed, connected within her community, and had witnessed the changes within the community. She said that though SIAs were not required that she felt that they would benefit the community as a whole and also help the MAH Members (Fort Berthold, MHA Member, Retired housewife, 2012 pers. comm., 1 November).
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Photo 3.22 Commuter and oil shale workers going into New Town, North Dakota
(Horwitz 2014)
The Discovery (2013) documentary reported that the gas and oil companies worked without impunity laying their pipes within pastures and not securing the oil derricks against grazing cattle. Due to a lack of security around one drill pad, a rancher found a heifer whose death was attributed to the consumption of the fracking fluids. The cattle ranchers that own both the mineral rights and surface land rights worry about the volume of water that was being used.
The rate of water extraction is not sustainable from their point of view though the documentary did not explain how the ranchers came to this conclusion. It is entirely possible that through their
TEK, they possessed knowledge about changes in the environment that would otherwise go unnoticed. Though they enjoy the monthly oil checks, they also wish to continue ranching.
Many continue to ranch to hedge their bets against another bust. One of the byproducts of fracking is salt water and gas (Song 2014). Though there are regulations regarding the transportation via pipe or truck, fluid leaks occur due both off and on the MHA Nation land.
Some of these are due to accidents, some are intentional discharge, and others are due to natural
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causes, such as lightning strikes. The oil companies try to dilute the spills; however, the land becomes sterile if the salt water is spilled, the oil is easier to remediate but still causes environmental harm. On MHA Nation land a saltwater spill occurred that threatened a water supply, the contamination was contained (Guerin 2014).
The lack of social justice towards indigenous cultures have been deemphasized when the need for resources by others outweighs their cultural and economic needs (Fort Berthold, MHA
Allottee meeting 2012, pers. comm., 1 November). In recent years, there has been a greater ethical approach to the extraction of resources and the need to consider the cultural and environmental impact (Lertzman and Vredenburg 2005). Lertzman and Vredenburg (2005) indicate the needs of the indigenous people are to be respected and appreciated, as they were the original caretakers of the environment. To “power share” with them in the extraction and manipulation of the biosphere and the ecological environment is to the benefit of all parties.
Also, the mutual understanding of the extraction process allows the indigenous culture and environment support the concepts of sustainable development through TEK (Lertzman and
Vredenburg 2005). The ability of these two entities, those that wish to exploit the resources and the indigenous cultures, to engage in substantive discussion and planning regarding the management of the natural resources is one where the appreciation of the culture involved and the managed extraction process leads to cross-cultural understanding. Though the historical environment is disrupted, both have an interest in taking part in the best methods to maintain the environment and the stewardship of the resources. In the past, the TEK was discounted. It is to the benefit of the industrial complex that TEK is understood and respected.
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3.4.7 Three Affiliated Tribes: Crime
The tribal police have had to revamp their approach to criminal activities from what had been the occasional drunk driver and drug bust. Sari Horwitz (2014), a reporter for The
Washington Post found that the Three Affiliated Tribal police department consisting of 20 officers, cannot keep up with the 90 percent increase in the drug trade and increased alcohol- related disturbances. With the development of drilling on tribal land, more people, with more money, has resulted in increased criminal activities including prostitution, gang activities, alcohol abuse, and drug trade (Table 3.5) (Crane-Murdoch 2012a). Fort Berthold Indian
Reservation comes under various jurisdictions complicates policing (Table 3.6). Fort Berthold law enforcement officer, Grace Her Many Horses, said that sexual assaults had increased 75 percent, though the number could be higher as many women do not report attacks (Buckley
2014). The Spirit Lake Nation and Crow Creek Sioux Tribe judge, Ruth Hopkins states, “Tribal law enforcement and courts don’t hold the necessary jurisdiction to keep out, to incarcerate and to punish these outsiders.” (Alex 2015).
Table 3.5 Fort Berthold Crime UCR 2012 Per 1000 Population
(UCR 2012, compiled by Author 2014)
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Table 3.6 Jurisdiction for Crimes Committed in Indian Country
(Washington Post 2015)
The goal of the Bureau of Justice Statistics is to increase overall funding for data keeping and to follow tribal reporting agencies across different tribal justice systems (U.S. Department of
Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics 2012). This mechanism allows for transparency of crimes that are occurring on tribal lands. The Department of Justice encourages tribes to release their crime data through the Tribal Data Exchange Process, which compiles the data that will be analyzed which will allow for tracking criminal activities. This data will not only inform the local, state, federal, and other tribal policing agencies but to also the various tribal agencies to become eligible for the Edward Byrne Memorial Justice Assistance Grant Program (Figure 3.4).
This program provides funding to support numerous initiatives, programs, and system upgrades that are of interest to local, state, and tribal jurisdictions. The funding from the JAG encourages and promotes the use of all data from all aspects of the criminal justice arena to develop policy and programs. In 2009, Fort Berthold police department was the recipient of $22,156 from JAG
(DOJ, 2013).
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Figure 3.4 Edward Byrne Memorial Justice Assistance Grant Program, Tribal Data Exchange Process
(U.S. Department of Justice 2015)
Fort Berthold encompasses six counties associated with natural resource extraction in
2012 (Table 3.7). Of the six counties, five reported crime data; Dunn County did not. Submitting crime data to the FBI is on a voluntary basis. Because of this and the method by which the reporting agency compiles the crime data, the UCR has been acknowledged to incomplete the report, yet, the UCR data provides useful information (UCR 2016).
Table 3.7 UCR for five of the six counties that are associated with Fort Berthold, UCR 2012 Per 1000 Population
(UCR 2012, compiled by Author 2015).
Fort Berthold is an island amidst the Bakken Play. Individuals on the reservation have had access, but not the financial resources, to obtain the drugs, “More money and more people 143
equal more crime.” (Horwitz 2014). With a higher employment rate and outsiders bringing in illegal drugs, the epidemic of methamphetamine and heroin use has increased. Any crimes committed by non-Indians are processed and transferred to other policing authorities. Tribal members that commit infractions are dealt with by the Indian law enforcement. However, there are instances where collaborative law enforcement operations have been undertaken to curtail illegal activities (Rupkalvis 2013).
“BE PATIENT – SLOW DOWN” (Photo 3.23) truly describes the attitude which should be taken when driving through the Bakken Play, regardless of the weather. Driving from one community to another posed more than a few risks, from ice and snow, the large equipment, and on a rare occurrence roadkill, porcupine, bovine, and deer (Photo 3.24).
Photo 3.23 “Be Patient” Traveling from Photo 3.24 Truck accidents one of many from Mandaree to Watford City, Watford City, North Dakota North Dakota
(Photo by Author 2012) (Photo by Author 2012)
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3.4.8 Three Affiliated Tribes: Communities on Fort Berthold Reservation
3.4.8.1 New Town, North Dakota
Population: 1,722 (2002), 2,363 (2013) (City-data.com 2013)
Median household income: $29,524 (2000), 53,877 (2013) (City-data.com 2013)
Census: 74.0 percent Native American, 17.7 percent White, 1.0 percent African
American (City-data. com 2013)
New Town, North Dakota is a bustling community, having a bridge that goes over Lake
Sakakawea (Photo 3.25). Along the main thoroughfare, there are many retail businesses and governmental offices. I went to the USDI (United States Department of the Interior) in New
Town, North Dakota to speak to their media representative about the project (Photo 3.26). I was referred to the MHA Tribal Administration (Photo 3.27).
Photo 3.25 4 Bears Bridge over Lake Sakakawea (Garrison Dam)
(Photo by Author 2012)
Photo 3.26 United State Department of the Interior, Fort Berthold
(Photo by Author 2012) 145
Photo 3.27 MHA Tribal Administration
(Photo by Linda Narnum 2012)
The MHA Tribal Administrative offices are next to the 4 Bears Casino. The 4 Bears
Casino is what one would expect with slot machines, crap tables, a large restaurant, hotel that caters to the oil field workers and employs many residents. (Photo 3.28)
Photo 3.28 4 Bears Casino
(Photo by Linda Narnum 2012)
3.4.8.2 Parshall, North Dakota
Parshall, North Dakota (Photo 2.29)
Population: 903 (2010), 1,216 (2013) (U.S. Census Bureau 2014)
Income: $25,933 (2000), $42,646 (2014) (U.S. Census Bureau 2014)
Demographics: 78.4 percent Native Americans, 8.9 percent White and 1.6 percent
African American (U.S. Census Bureau 2014)
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Parshall, North Dakota is located east of New Town, North Dakota where I visited one of the MAH Members at her home which is situated in a quiet residential neighborhood (Photo
3.48). There are many retail establishments along the main street (Google Earth.com 2014).
This community has ready access to a variety of retail establishments (Photo 3.30), and social services (Photo 3.31).
Photo 3.29 Parshall, North Dakota Residential Area
(Google Earth 2014)
Photo 3.30 Parshall, North Dakota, retail businesses
(Google Earth 2014)
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Photo 3.31 Three Affiliated Tribal Police Vehicle
(Photo by Author 2012)
3.4.8.3 Mandaree, North Dakota
Population: 588 (2000), 829 (2014) (U.S. Census Bureau 2014)
Income: $$33,576 (2011), $37,611 (2013) (U.S. Census Bureau 2014)
Demographics: American Indian 96.1 percent, White 3 percent (U.S. Census Bureau 2014)
Mandaree, North Dakota is much more rural than either New Town or Parshall. This community would be considered a food desert. The closest grocery store in either New Town or
Watford City, North Dakota is more than 60 miles round trip, therefore most of the residents
“shop” at the gas station (Photo 3.32). There is a local medical clinic situated within the community as well as an elementary, middle, and high school (Photo 3.33).
Photo 3.32 Gas Station and Grocery Store. Mandaree, North Dakota
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(Photo by Author 2012)
Photo 3.33 Elementary School, Mandaree, North Dakota
(Photo by Author 2012)
I found the MAH Members friendly and very concerned about how the drilling was affecting their communities. It was hard not to notice the heavy vehicles associated with the extraction processes, road construction, the flaring lit the night skies, and cattle roamed across the unfenced snow-covered landscape.
The well-being of the individuals that live and work in these geographically diverse regions can only be achieved through sustainable development, security, satisfaction, and the quality of the environment.
The MHA Nation is awash with resources. Though the tribe only has access to a fraction of their historic lands, which in 1851 consisted of more than 12 million acres, they consider themselves the ‘Keepers of the Earth,’ who are tasked to protect and cherish that which they have been given. As some have said, “The money is wonderful, but what is happening to the land, is it worth it?” (Brown, C. 2015) (Photo 34).
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Photo 3.34 Mandaree, North Dakota
(Photo by Author 2012)
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Chapter 4
4.1 Introduction - Results
Phillip (1998) indicates that the use of mixed models “represents a poly-vocal approach” using a variety of strategies, and thus uncovers “different truths.” Pursuing a mixed methods approach uses qualitative descriptions, symbolism, and presents the reality that the individuals and the community members assign. The individuals that took part in this study shared their attitudes, perceptions, experiences of living in a natural resource community. Their ruminations and interactions within the social and historical context that form their knowledge of reality and understanding of their world provides an insight that would not have been captured.
Qualitative research seeks to understand the human condition and experiences that make sense and are plausible. A criticism of qualitative research is the inability to replicate the study.
The cause of the occurrence is short-lived. Thus the timing of the study is short-lived too, plus the respondents may not be available for follow-ups. Because knowledge is a constantly evolving process of production, the facts, and perceptions of the experiences, the observed, and unobserved, will change. Knowledge is transitive it is time and location dependent. Thus, other researchers will not have access to the same experience nor the same interviewees. Still another criticism of qualitative research is justification. How can the research be justified without quantification? Another concern is the attitude and authority that the empirical research frames.
The knowledge that an individual possesses is the result of the overlap of belief and truth. How knowledge is obtained is through experience, the exchange of information, curiosity, organizing and reorganizing the constant sources of everyday data. Employing qualitative research methods within the scope of social geography utilizes numerous methods to elaborate the daily activity
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patterns and opinions of its citizens, here, specifically those within the RMWB in Alberta,
Canada, and the Bakken Play, located in western North Dakota.
Baxter and Eyles (1996), in a review of previous qualitative research, note that very basic and relevant elaboration on the methods of recruitment, the number of interviewees, and the rationale for some being chosen while others being excluded from the research add to the rigor of the findings. For those whose quotations are used and for those omitted, an explanation is in order. This ensures that there are no misinterpretations or omissions in the interviews and ensures confirmation and validation of the qualitative narrative. As Baxter and Eyles (1996) further find that there is no model as to how many quotes should be used, but a discussion of the relevance of the quotes is necessary to offer clarity to the reader. The identification of appropriate and similar literature to either confirm or refute the findings of the research serves to verify the rationale of the undertaken research.
4.1.1 Validity
The most traditional method of establishing validity is established through triangulation, which is defined as corroborating evidence from different individuals, the use of various types of data (e.g., observational of the phenomena and interviews), and the use of different methods of data collection (e.g., documents and interviews) (Moran-Ellis et al. 2006). The temporal and geographical aspect of the social world will be reflected in the response of the interviewee. The ability to extract the actual knowledge of an external reality is not possible because the interviewee constructs or frames their truth. When interviewing, it is necessary to be mindful that memory is subject to being partial, is subject to the audience, and thus is potentially flawed.
From a critical realist perspective, the production of knowledge is influenced by and through 152
language, both oral and written (Easton 2010). This is not to say that the interviewee is inventing a memory or experience, but memory and knowledge can be rewritten based on differences of life experiences and time, and thus is fallible. The unintended consequence of conducting interviews is the possibility of unearthing unsettling events of the interviewee. The interviewee, of course, has the option of not answering or ceasing the interview.
4.1.2. Trustworthiness
Each participant is deemed to have answered to the best of their ability and their perception of reality. Phillips and Carr (2006) state that for trustworthy interpretations of an interview to occur the interview must:
1. Represent multiple perspectives
2. Include articulated description of context, relationships, and methods
3. Practice self-reflexivity
4. Result in extensive exploration and analysis of the data
5. Acknowledge that the interviewee realizes their limitations/knowledge
6. Are tentative
7. Result in meaningful action.
The purpose of using the mixed method approach in this research was to show the experiences of those that have knowledge of the changes within the communities that are associated with the extraction of non-renewable resources.
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4.2 Methodology
A case study, according to Yin (1981), “… can be used for exploratory purposes as well.”
(pg. 97-98). A combination of the natural and cultural landscape composes the social landscape.
Due to the very nature of the extraction process, the social landscape of these energy-rich community’s changes. As mentioned above the purpose of this study is to compare the communities of RMWB and the Bakken Play.
Freudenberg (1986b) indicates that a questionnaire can be effectively used, he suggests no recommendations as to the content or number of questions, the types of questions, or how to structure the questionnaire. As each project is unique and, therefore, each questionnaire is tailored according to the focus of the research. Because these two geographic areas studied are involved in the non-renewable extractive process, the same questionnaire was used.
For this research, a questionnaire was administered followed by in-depth, face-to-face interview. The informants were chosen randomly and through snowball referrals. The interview gave the interviewees an added outlet for including observations and other details that provided rich insight into the experiences of the individuals at the local level. The interviews continued until no additional information was gleaned. The quantitative responses were organized by the community (RMWB, Bakken Pay, North Dakota and Fort Berthold). The qualitative responses were grouped by the question and divided by respondents. Among the communities, a total of
100 questionnaires and interviews were obtained. These include 40 questionnaires that obtained from the RMWB, Fort McMurray, Alberta, Canada and 39 from the Bakken Play, 16 from Fort
Berthold. The remaining five questionnaires were excluded from the research for not meeting the criteria. Additionally, seven interviews were conducted; these individuals did not want to
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complete the questionnaire. The qualitative responses included in the paper were used based on the relevance to the subject matter.
This research uses the term community in a variety of manners. The term community needs to be defined which is:
1) A geographical locality where people live
2) A set of organizations and institutions that enable residents to meet their needs
3) The interrelated actions through which residents attend their common interests
4) Community is fluid, dynamic, and is ever changing
In this instance, the term community incorporates regions that include the oil sands located in RMWB, Fort McMurray, Alberta, Canada, and the oil shale in the Bakken Play whose expanse encompasses several cities, counties, and Fort Berthold Indian Reservation in western
North Dakota.
4.3 Research Strategies
There are a variety of research strategies that could have been undertaken. These include grounded theory, archival, ethnography, and case study. Grounded theory seeks to develop a hypothesis and prove or disprove it with collected data, which is then compared to previously obtained data, if available. Extracting data from archival records, and compiling the resulting documents, which may be housed in a variety of locations could prove to be time-consuming and costly. Conducting an ethnography based study consists of studying a society and furnishes a detailed description of the daily activities from the perspective of the culture. Engaging in a case study is a qualitative endeavor that allows the researcher to obtain relevant data from interviewees, through direct observation, participation, and interviews. There are a variety of 155
methods upon which case studies may be conducted including an illustrative case study which is descriptive, an exploratory case study which seeks to identify areas prior to undertaking a larger study, and a cumulative case study which as the name implies combines many studies that have been undertaken which are generalizable. The final type of case study, a critical instance case study, examines several sites that can be used to generalize an event or assertion.
The questionnaire was designed to gather a variety of diverse types of information that was intended to allow each participant to express their unique attitudes, perspectives, knowledge of reality. There was a gathering of demographic data that permits the comparison of one set of gathered data to another, the Canadian versus the United States data, the latter which is further divided into the Bakken Play and Fort Berthold data sets. The open-ended questions provide the participant to elaborate and identify areas of their interest or concern. This also allows the interviewees to define further and explain their unique point of view. The second type of measurement was presented. The respondent’s options on the questionnaire were Strongly
Disagree to Strongly Agree, which allows for a comparison between the locations. This type of question measures the attitudes, perceptions, and well-being in relation to a variety of social and environmental stressors. Of course, the interviewee is under no obligation to answer any questions in which they are uncomfortable or are unable.
Observer-as-participant, as opposed to full participation, is appropriate for understanding the participant’s interaction with their environment on a daily basis. Provided there are a large number of qualitative responses to a particular question a word cloud will be generated. Word clouds do not provide or accurately reflect the context, but merely the frequency of words used.
Using a word cloud provides a rich visualization of the responses that would otherwise be lost in the narrative. The text is “cleaned” by the removal of prepositions and conjunctions. Variations 156
of the same word’s context will need to be consistent, such as “I don’t know” or “I have no idea” to be counted as” unknown”; another example is “I would think so” or “probably” to be equivalent to “yes.” The word cloud is meant to affirm the qualitative responses through a visual frequency that can highlight topics and themes (McNaught and Lam 2010).
4.4 Data Collection
A mixed methods approach allows for a sampling strategy that uses the creativity of the researcher (Teddlie and Yu 2007). Random, snowball, purposive, and convenience sampling allows for a greater depth of focus and understanding the occurrence under investigation.
Sampling represents the breadth of knowledge and information of the population. (Teddlie and
Yu 2007).
Pursuant to the approval of the University of Cincinnati Institutional Review Board
(IRB), I intended on collecting a total of up to 100 questionnaires and interviews from the identified geographic areas. The number of questionnaires and interviews would not necessarily evenly divided between the study sites. Finsterbusch (1985) finds that conducting a mini questionnaire of 20 to 100 individuals can provide a rich overview of the project. The sampling methods were to include random and snowball samples from a pool of individuals that are over the age of 18. The sampling consisted of men and women, though the sex ratios of these samples will not be 1.00. Completing the questionnaire took 15-20 minutes to complete, and the interview took about 30 minutes to complete. Though the IRB states that newspaper advertisement seeking interviewees or posting a Survey Monkey online could have been used, ultimately it was decided that it would not be possible to ascertain the validity and reliability of those that responded in such a manner. 157
Everyone that took part was read the Recruitment Transcript as per the University of
Cincinnati IRB protocol. In addition, each was provided with a business card with my contact information and a copy of the Informed Consent and Confidentiality forms. Each interviewee submitted a signed Informed Consent that was labeled and secured.
4.5 Data Analysis
Areas that offer non-renewable natural resources are often sites that have experienced a rapid rise in the population, stress on the infrastructure and are experienced at the individual and community levels. How the individual reacts is dependent upon the perceived reality of the community member, the phase of the project, the potential longevity of the resource, and the length of time in the area.
It was the goal of this research to identify and discuss the attitudes and perceptions of the interviewees on various aspects of the dynamic changes within their environments. Though there are obvious adverse effects on the environment such as the oil pad construction, increased traffic, and pollution, however, there have been positive outcomes as well. Businesses have come into the region; mineral rights owners are enjoying an increase in income, and the state and local taxing authorities are experiencing an increase in revenue.
There is a fine line between negative and positive outcomes regarding the expansion of the resource extraction. There was an attraction of employment in the oil industry with its higher wages that was a beacon to many unemployed and underemployed locally and beyond. These individuals contributed to the community through economic interactions but also caused stressors on the infrastructure, including of course housing. The residents in RMWB and the
Bakken Play were experiencing an increase in rents and a robust home, apartment, and hotel 158
construction that was hard pressed to meet the needs of the population. The roads were under constant repair or under construction due to the increased heavy vehicles and traffic. The community of Fort McMurray much like the cities of Dickinson, Watford City, Williston, and
Fort Berthold Indian Reservation North Dakota were enjoying an economic boom. However,
Belfield was still experiencing the negative effects of the last bust.
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Chapter 5
5.1 Introduction - Data
This study utilized data reduction, data display, and data comparison (Collins et al. 2007).
Using a mixed methods approach bypasses the qualitative-quantitative paradigm. Each question is presented independently. The series of individual questions provide options for the participant to analyze their attitudes, perceptions, and well-being. The numeric assignment does not hold value but is a visible means of understanding the responses to the questionnaire of Strongly
Disagree, Disagree, Neutral, Agree, and Strongly Agree. They are presented in conjunction with the respondent’s qualitative responses.
The dichotomous responses were organized according to the location that they were obtained, RMWB, Bakken Play or Fort Berthold and in the categories Yes, No, or if the response was ambiguous put into an Unknown category. The qualitative responses were culled from the questionnaire and were presented as written by the respondents and organized by location.
Various questions have been combined or are omitted due to a lack of response.
5.2 Respondents Demographic Data
5.2.1 Age and Gender of Respondents
The participants had to be over 18 years of age, chosen randomly or obtained via snowball. Thus, it was not possible to anticipate the distribution of females and males based on age. Fourteen of the respondents failed to include their age, thus are not included (Graph 5.1).
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Graph 5.1 Gender and Age of Respondents
Males Females
5.2.2 Marital Status of Respondents
Given the large number of married respondents, the attitudes and perspectives of business and economic development, and crime might skew the results, as their responses will dominate.
This point of view was not explored in this project thus might call for additional research.
Married individuals may integrate into the community faster, as there is double the opportunity to make connections (Graph 5.2).
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Graph 5.2 Marital Status of Respondents
5.2.3 Average Length of Residency
The residents of the Bakken Play reported the longest length of residency. Several of the individuals from Fort Berthold had lived on the reservation in their younger years but had moved to pursue an education, joined the military or had followed their career off the reservation. These individuals had retired and returned after having fulfilled their professional aspirations. It is not surprising of the relatively short period of residency in RWMB. These individuals had either been recruited by various employees or had sought to take advantage of the economic opportunities (Graph 5.3).
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Graph 5.3 Average Length of Residency
Freudenburg (1986a) and Kasarda and Janowitz (1974) indicate that the length of time that the individual remains in a community the stronger and more attached the individual becomes. The term of residency fosters the building of the local economy through business networks and allows for significant effects on social ties and integration of newcomers. Adults are more apt to avoid areas that have negative connotations or are likely to find ways around areas that are congested (Kasarda and Janowitz 1974). Long-time residents that are integrated may not associate with newcomers on a regular basis due to ‘social buffering’ (Freudenberg
1984). Freudenberg (1984) indicates that the new youths may not integrate due to their having different attitudes and perceptions than the local youths and may be shunned. Freudenberg
(1984) indicates that adults that are new to a community integrate faster than their children do.
Kasarda and Janowitz (1974) and Freudenberg (1984) state that long-term residents choose to not engage with newcomers. As is mentioned by Jacquet (2009) this segment may be impacted more, and receive less attention and support, than any other segment of the population.
This may be due to their isolation resulting from their limited and fixed income and their
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avoiding driving because of concerns regarding the heavy truck traffic. The changing population demographics could also lead to elderly citizens isolating themselves due to fear of the changing landscape. Freudenburg (1986b) and Wascalus (2012) find that elderly community members do not fare well when their long-time community has been disrupted. As Brown et al. (2011) indicate, it is entirely possible that other factors may contribute to the psychological and social disruption in this age group. Many of the respondents sought out newcomers, engaging them in a variety of community activities which is counter to the previous research
During the fieldwork in Watford City, North Dakota I was told by one of my participants to head over to the pharmacy that had lunch counter (Bakken Play, Tourism Director 2012, pers. comm, 20 September). There I met several long-term elderly residents. They gladly chatted and told me about how housing prices had gone up, how the city had purchased an apartment building to accommodate senior citizens. This permits seniors to sell their property and remain within their community surrounded by family and lifelong friends. Many of them were born in
Watford City, North Dakota, raised their families, and had deep roots in the community. They told me that they walked to the lunch counter most days and were happy to welcome everyone to chat and to get to know the community. In fact, the day that I was there, a new resident of
Watford City, North Dakota was going to join them. She had been there the previous day and had met this lively and engaging senior citizen lunch crowd (Bakken Play, Retired Farmer 2012, pers. comm., 1 November). Though this group of senior citizens did not fall into the population described by Kasarda and Janowitz (1974), Freudenberg (1984) or Jacquet (2009).
I was befriended by long-term residents in Amidon, North Dakota where I stayed for a brief period. They actively befriended new residents in the community, engaged in church
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activities, and had deep multi-generational ties to the community. Thus my findings confirm that newcomers are integrating well.
The individuals that I met in RMWB were equally engaging. Several of the individuals that I spoke to had resided in RMWB for several years. They too had been befriended by long- term residents and found the community engaging. One individual had started volunteering at a local historical center and within days had been offered a full-time position (RMWB, Housewife
#2 2012, pers. comm., 14 July). I had met her when I visited the manager at Peter Pond
Shopping Mall to obtain permission to set up a table to obtain participants; due to the cost I was unable to do so. She invited me to her home to meet two other friends. One of the bus drivers was from Jamaica that had followed his then girlfriend, now wife to Fort McMurray 20 years earlier. Though he found the weather a bit daunting, he did find the community embracing of newcomers and had a successful career. (RMWB, Bus Driver, 2012, pers. comm., 14 July).
5.2.4 Mineral Rights Ownership
Only three identified themselves as having mineral rights. One Fort Berthold resident indicated that drilling was occurring on his land but declined to elaborate (Fort Berthold, Retired
Government Worker 2012, pers. comm., 31 October). The other two participants stated that they had been approached by various oil companies, but had refused their overtures to drill (Bakken
Play, Retired Administrator 2012, pers. comm., 1 November; Bakken Play, Retired Farmer 2012, pers. comm., 31 October). They said that they did not need the income and that their decedents could drill in the future if they so choose.
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5.2.5 Club and Organization Participation
The percentage of queried individuals for this project had a high involvement rate in various organizations. In RMWB 68 percent (two organizations on average), in the Bakken
Play, 82 percent (three organizations on average) reported being associated with a club or organization. Every respondent associated with Fort Berthold had a participation level at 100 percent, with everyone taking part in at least one organization or club. I did not ask what type of organization the individual was associated (Graph 5.4). Kasarda and Janowitz (1974) examined the social attachment in rural and urban communities. They found that long-term residents that had long-term ties to the community tended to be involved in more community activities, thus producing social capital. The social participation of the community members The density of the community, kinship, and social bonds also contributed to community involvement. In this instance, there is a high involvement of respondents within these communities.
Graph 5.4 Club and Organization Participation
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5.2.6 Median Incomes of Respondents
Out of the 95 respondents twenty-three individuals identified their income as being
$150,000 or higher, six individuals indicated their income was less than $20,000, and thirteen individuals declined to reveal their income. The balance of the respondent’s annual income fell between $60,000 and $39,000 (Graph 5.5).
The RMWB respondents reported a median income of over $90,000 per year. The
Bakken Play and Fort Berthold respondents reported their median incomes of between $39,000 and $ 59,999 annually.
Graph 5.5 Median Incomes of Respondents
5.2.7 Occupations of Respondents
These respondents reported a variety of occupations. In RMWB the occupations would include a sheet rock installer, hotel workers, three homemakers one of which worked at the
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historical society, a bus driver, a bar manager, and seven individuals that were engaged in the extraction process. In the Bakken Play the occupations would include five involved in agriculture, four retired, and seven that were working in the oil industry in varying capacities.
The remaining occupations included a retired wildlife biologist, retired geologist, two school teachers, three fast food workers a police chief, two police officers, a retired postal worker, a retired military truck driver, and an elementary principal. Other respondents declined to state their occupations. The diversity of the occupations allows for the presentation of a wide variety of attitudes and perspectives.
5.2.8 Respondents Educational Attainments
The high educational achievement indicated by RWMB and Bakken Play respondents are not surprising given the type of technology that is necessary to extract and process the resource
(Graph 5.6). The individuals from Fort Berthold Indian Reservation indicated that obtaining an education beyond high school was difficult, but not impossible. With drilling beginning on Fort
Berthold Indian Reservation, the educational and employment opportunities will increase.
Graph 5.6 Educational Attainments by Location
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5.3 Survey Questions
The following are the data reduction, data display, and data comparison responses. All of the qualitative write-ins are reported and divided into negative responses, positive responses, and then combined accordingly in a word clouds. Not all of the replies are represented in a word cloud due to the limited number of responses or a lack of replies. The word cloud is a visible representation of the data. If the word cloud had not been identified as being either positive or negative, it would be difficult to discern the attitudes and perspectives of the respondents.
5.3.1 Do you think that there should be more or less extraction in this area?
Table 5.1 Do you think that there should be more or less extraction in this area? Yes No No Response RMWB 54% 33% 13% Bakken Play 74% 10% 15% Fort Berthold 56% 31% 13%
Taken together the responses from the Bakken Play, and Fort Berthold, indicate that there should be more extraction. RMWB that responded at 54 percent versus 33 percent they felt that there should be more extraction. This is not a surprising response; the respondents live in
RWMB due to the employment opportunities associated with the oil sands extraction. Thirteen percent of the RMWB respondents had failed to answer this question. The respondents from the
Bakken Play responded even more favorably at 74 percent versus 10 percent with respect to the extraction. Fifteen percent of the Bakken Play respondents failed to answer this question. It is not surprising that the 56 percent of the Fort Berthold respondents wanted more extraction versus 31 percent. Thirteen percent of the Fort Berthold respondents failed to answer this question. The oil 169
shale extraction occurring on the Fort Berthold Indian Reservation will allow the tribal members to obtain long sought after economic independence, provide housing, education, and better medical services to the community. Only one individual on Fort Berthold indicated that they were mineral rights owner, that individual reported that more extraction was preferable. Overall the mean response towards more extraction was 61 percent versus 25 percent against more extraction in the respective locations.
RMWB - Positive attitudes and perspectives
Secure energy source to North America It ensures more prosperity for Albertans and Canadians New technology is available World peace, stability of supply Employs more jobs I believe that what it is there for, it is keeping millions of people employed and supporting families at the rate technology is going, everyone’s jobs are going to be taken over by computers, so make the money while you can If it can be done in an environmentally safe way, why not?? The world needs oil More More jobs and investment
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Figure 5.1 Do you think that there should be more or less energy extraction in this area? RMWB - Positive attitudes and perspectives
Their reality, their attitudes, and perceptions indicate that some of the positive indicators are technology, jobs, investments, environmentally safe, and prosperity. These individuals also suggest that supporting their families, security, peace and a secure energy source are of importance.
RMWB - Negative attitudes and perspectives
Because the native population knows that, there is a problem It is killing nature We should look into new forms of energy It is all ready started here. We are taking too much already We need to find another source of energy There should be a more environmentally efficient method. About the same as the infrastructure cannot handle more Our community resources and infrastructure is not equipped for more/influx of population There are more than enough in the area What we have now is enough
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Oil and gas wells are contaminating ground water and negatively impact roads infrastructure
Figure 5.2 Do you think that there should be more or less energy extraction in this area? RMWB - Negative attitudes and perspectives
The negative attitudes elicited indicated stressors on the infrastructure, an increase in population, energy, environmental stressors – contamination of water and land, and that more drilling is not necessary. Also, one individual indicated that the native people are aware of the negative impact of the extraction process.
Fort Berthold No Responses
Bakken Play - Positive Attitudes and Perspectives Plenty of water Pace of extraction is ok, more even pace It brings in more jobs More- USA needs energy – stop purchasing foreign oil More USA needs oil
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Figure 5.3 Do you think that there should be more or less energy extraction in this area? Bakken Play - Positive attitudes and perspectives
Though very few of the Bakken Play respondents contributed to this question but those that did indicate that employment opportunities are a positive outcome of the energy extraction production. The pace extraction process seems to be a positive, not too fast, nor too slow.
The reduction of the importation of oil from overseas is another positive outcome of the drilling of the oil shale.
Bakken Play - Negative attitudes and perspectives State should limit amount of extraction to slow the increase of the impact oil extraction has on the economy. For example: housing, schools, etc. Also, then the oil boom will last longer and not ruin smaller towns that cannot recover after the oil leaves For the local people it seems to fast I think coal should be used too and wind, not just oil
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Figure 5.4 Do you think that there should be more or less energy extraction in this area? Bakken Play - Negative attitudes and perspectives
Some of the respondents indicate that the extraction process is too fast, slowing it down will extend the life of the resource and will lessen the impact on the surrounding habitations.
Another respondent indicates that exploring alternative sources of energy should be pursued. The negative Bakken Play responses are in direct contrast to that of the positive Bakken Play responses. Both responses indicate that there should be slowed to allow the resource to last longer and not overwhelm the social fabric of the towns.
Fort Berthold No Responses
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Figure 5.5 Do you think that there should be more or less energy extraction in this area? RWMB, Bakken Play, and Fort Berthold - Positive attitudes and perspectives
Combining the positive and attitudes of the RMWB and Bakken Play identify the major qualitative themes, which are jobs, oil, technology, energy, employment, needs, the world, oil, and peace. These broad themes and subsequent ones, such as environmental, extraction, prosperity, stability Albertans, America, and prosperity to identify a few of the responses from the qualitative write-ins are important to the respondents.
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Figure 5.6 Do you think that there should be more energy extraction in this area? RMWB, Bakken Play, and Fort Berthold - Negative attitudes and perspectives
Merging the negative attitudes and perspectives of the RMWB and the Bakken Play similar topics from the previous clouds emerge. The negative topics in respect to the extraction process are oil, infrastructure, source, population, energy, enough, extraction. Comparing the two clouds, RWMB identifies the infrastructure, population, energy, contaminating, and influx as being negative. The Bakken Play identifies oil, extraction, people, fast, schools, towns, housing, and the economy as having negative impacts. Combining the two, infrastructure and population from RWMB and oil and extraction as highlighted by the respondents from the Bakken Play emerge. Through the combining of the two clouds, many subtopics are highlighted.
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5.3.2 Do you think the extraction process has been handled responsibly?
Table 5.2 Do you think the extraction process has been handled responsibly? Yes No No Response RMWB 60% 25% 15% Bakken Play 69% 21% 10% Fort Berthold 50% 25% 25%
According to the respondents, the extraction process has been handled responsibly. The
RMWB respondents indicated Yes at 60 percent and No at 25 percent with No Response at 15 percent. The Bakken Play respondent’s perception and attitudes towards the extraction are positive at 69 percent, No at 21 percent, and No Response at 10 percent. The positive Bakken
Play response was unexpectedly high compared to RMWB and Fort Berthold. The respondents from Fort Berthold too indicated Yes at 50 percent. Though this response was not as robust as those off the reservation, it does suggest that the respondents are comfortable with the handling of the extraction process, thus far. The RMWB and Fort Berthold respondents indicated No at 25 percent and the Bakken Play at 21 percent. Drilling on Fort Berthold was a new experience, though the residents had known of how the drilling had impacted the surrounding counties thus are acclimating to the new normal. I suspect that they are experiencing the four stages associated with the extraction process (Gilmore 1984). Though there was great enthusiasm to commence the drilling, there was uncertainty on the part of the community and the mineral owners regarding timely and pertinent information from the federal government, state, and Tex Hall,
Chief of the MHA Nation. The residents in RMWB, the Bakken Play, and Fort Berthold were adapting to a new way of existing within their communities.
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Positive Responses
RMWB
I strongly believe that the advances in technology have been a benefit. We have had some environmental incidents Some sites yes, some no In the early year’s reclamation was not a priority The redevelopment of the land Reclamation projects are gorgeous, surveys & ecology examined. Reintegration of wild life Safety is a very large! There are definitely accidents but there is with everything With the strict implementation of safety standards, most outcomes are successful Disturbed lands have been reclaimed, in most places to better condition than they were I believe so. Positive: increased economic development & financial Some environmental problems have arisen but I believe they are being corrected Jobs, jobs, job
Figure 5.7 Do you think that the extraction process has been handled responsibly? RMWB - Positive attitudes and perspectives
The respondents from the RMWB identify the following positive responses: belief, environmental, jobs, reclamation, and gorgeous. The projects that have occurred in respect to the 178
reclamation process have had a positive outcome. The reclaimed areas that I visited were in the early stages of reclamation but were visually appealing. Due to the extraction of the oil sands employment had increased. Though some may not find the boreal forest as visually appealing as the reclaimed settling ponds, the boreal forest is a complex ecosystem that stores carbon, moderates the climate due to its vast size, and harbors a sizeable diversity of flora and fauna. In addition, the extraction companies and the ancillary employment opportunities afforded many individuals opportunities that would otherwise not be available. The individual that indicated that in the early years’ reclamation was not a priority may not have realized that the process takes years to accomplish. Though there have been some environmental incidences, the companies and government have taken steps to mitigate and forestall any additional deaths to animals or workers.
Bakken Play
Good relationship with oil and gas commission Good economy –less unemployment Positive: lots of jobs Positive attitude towards the extraction process.
Figure 5.8 Do you think that the extraction process has been handled responsibly? Bakken Play - Positive attitudes and perspectives
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Though there are a few responses, the attitudes and perspectives of the respondents identify similar replies to that of the RMWB. The identified themes would be jobs/employment, good relationship with the oil companies, and the extraction process.
Fort Berthold No Responses
Figure 5.9 Do you think the extraction process has been handled responsibly? RMWB, Bakken Play, and Fort Berthold: Positive attitudes and perspectives
The positive responses reflect the environmental endeavors of the companies to their replies of the disruption of the landscape. Some of the respondents find that the reclaimed land is far more appealing than the Boreal forest. Though jobs are not a physical aspect of the extraction process, the ability for residents to obtain employment is a positive effect. The relationship with the extraction companies and the community generally are good. Some of the companies do community outreach, support local schools, and have been instrumental in the construction of recreational facilities. 180
Negative Responses
RMWB A lot of birds have died Negative Incident We spill too much harmful chemicals, such as the pond incident Possible water pollution, death of wildlife in area When transients are in town on days off. They can be trouble making. Transients are a nuisance on their shifts off when bused in town Recent pipeline incidents High wager in oil and gas impact on jails and other industries Environmental
Figure 5.10 Do you think the extraction process has been handled responsibly? RMWB - Negative attitudes and perspectives
The “pond incident” is in reference to where 1600 birds died in 2013 by mistaking a settling pond for a fresh water haven is still in the forefront of the respondent’s memories. The environment, in general, is of concern to the respondents as well. The other responses of note are the “transients,” the temporary workers, perhaps the homeless that have come to RMWB for work or are seeking employment. This is the first mention of the impact on the increasing jail population.
Bakken Play Don’t like accidents, spills, fires and fracking scary (seem to be hiding info from public) Bent iron can be fixed dead people can be replaced ND manages the risks well (The respondent may not have understood the question.) 181
Negative: man camps, no zoning, population has doubled Negative - Water wells gone bad; positive – is that some have shared with the economy Traffic, trucks speeding through town & passing violations – water problems, to many wells to fast Rules & regulation prohibit economical production The oil boom brought in more traffic and as a result of that the highway system (road dept. was not ready for the high traffic volume) Negative attitude towards the extraction process
Figure 5.11 Do you think the extraction process has been handled responsibly? Bakken Play - Negative attitudes and perspectives
The Bakken Play respondents identify fracking as a negative. Some of these are the increase in traffic which includes the trucks, accidents, and speeding. Other aspects are the increase in the population, the environmental impacts (i.e., water contamination and spillage of fracking fluid), fracking itself, the wells, fires, and the man camps. One individual indicated that pertinent information was being withheld from the public. What was interesting to note was that none of the respondents reported any fresh water wells of being contaminated.
Fort Berthold No Responses
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Figure 5.12 Do you think the extraction process has been handled responsibly? RMWB, Bakken Play, and Fort Berthold - Negative attitudes and perspectives
The negative consequences of the extraction of the non-renewable resources are identified as being water, transients, and traffic. The amount of water that is needed to frack one well is 2 to 10 million gallons. Other negative aspects are the impacts towards the wildlife, pollution, and man camps. The individuals from the man camps are not necessarily transients; there is a large homeless population in RWMB and the Bakken Play. Many of the respondents have identified that the increased traffic in these locations makes life difficult. There are speeding trucks, increased accidents, and harm to the social fabric of the communities. The responses of the community members to a boom is dependent upon prior experiences. The knowledge of the old-timers that survived previous boom and bust cycles is invaluable (Graph
5.7). They have critical knowledge of the subtle and nuanced events that would serve the officials to tap. Though times have changed, they have insights that would prove useful when
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completing a comprehensive plan, how the economic climate will affect the venerable, the senior citizens, the underemployed, and youths, in the community.
5.3.3 Was there an Energy Boom Prior to 2010?
Graph 5.7 Was there an Energy Boom Prior to 2010?
In the 1960s (Discovery Cycle) a boom and bust occurred and then again in the late
1980s (Price Cycle) North Dakota experienced a second boom-bust cycle (Meyer 2011). Due to the advancements in the extraction process, the current boom is known as the Technology Cycle.
The two previous boom-bust cycles in the Bakken Play caused the residents of these energy-rich communities continue to look upon ranching and farming as their stable means of income, but also relish the revenue and employment that stems from the drilling. The busts from the
Discovery and Price Cycles are still in the forefront of the Bakken Play respondents. Dickinson and Belfield were particularly hit hard economically when the prior busts occurred. The
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respondents from RMWB indicated that there had been boom-bust cycles. However, Mayor
Melissa Blake, said, “We’ve seen blips before.”
In the 1980s, Fort Berthold avoided drilling due to the regulations at the state, federal and tribal levels. However, when horizontal drilling started in the Bakken Play the MHA Nation took steps to assure their economic future by working with the federal, state, and local authorities to streamline the process of drilling accessibility (Meyer 2011).
The No Responses from Fort Berthold was not surprising as there was not any drilling on the reservation at the time. However, the individuals residing on the reservation might have lost jobs due to the economic downturns. The other individuals that responded No had lived in the area during the last downturn but perhaps worked in areas where they were not affected economically.
RMWB Credit Crunch Global economy, slowed no collapse Economy – oil shock crash
Bakken Play Or slowly more so 2002 Second one (boom) – 1979 81 and many subsequent Slow down because of technology and price Economy Boom in the 1970s, bust in the 1980s
Fort Berthold No Responses
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5.3.4 What kind of boom did you experience?
Table 5.3 What kind of boom did you experience? Oil Tar (Oil) Gas Land No Sands Speculation Responses RMWB 60% 12% 0 0 28% Bakken Play 74% 5% 8% 0 13% Fort Berthold 62% 13% 19% 6% 0 (Possibly confused with oil shale) The respondents indicate that they have experienced an oil boom in the past. It is interesting to note that 28 percent of the RMWB respondents failed to indicate the type of boom.
Given that the they have lived on average ten years in RMWB that having experienced an economic cycle would have been expected (Graph 5.3). In addition, it is possible that the RMWB residents view an oil boom a the same as a tar sands boom. It is not surprising that the Bakken
Play and Fort Berthold have experienced an oil boom given the various boom cycles and the length of time that the participants have lived in their communities (Graph 5.3).
The qualitative responses, though sparse, identify the respondents has having experienced housing and non-renewable resources booms in the past. Given the remoteness and a lack of sufficient housing in RMWB, it is not surprising. In addition, the extraction of non-renewable resources in the Bakken Play has been a source of employment. However, there have been significant bust cycles that have decimated local economies.
RMWB Housing prices
Bakken Play Energy, land speculation other uranium and coal Oil extraction Oil extraction
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Fort Berthold No Responses
5.3.5 How long did it take for the community to recover from the last bust?
Table 5.4 How long did it take for the community to recover from the last bust? Not In the Process Recovered, Another No Response Recovered of Recovery Better than Boom Ever Happened RMWB 20% 20% 15% 13% 33% Bakken Play 8% 21% 13% 28% 31% Fort Berthold 0% 6% 13% 25% 56%
This question is open to interpretation, the perceived reality of the respondent. The
Alberta, 2006 report identified eight areas that impacted the infrastructure and community
services that would allow for continued growth and livability in RMWB. Due to the increased
pace of the extraction of the oil sands increasing the housing stock, improving the roads and
other infrastructure became difficult. In late 2014 the economic atmosphere began to change.
The extraction process began to slow, projects stopped, and workers were laid off. Some of the
RMWB residents, such as Mayor Melissa Blake, did not see an economic slowdown as a bust but
merely a “blip” subject to a correction (Austen 2015; Huncar 2016). The RMWB respondents
indicate that the region has not recovered or in a recovering mode is interesting. The
comprehensive plan of RMWB indicates that there had never been a bust, but merely slight
declines in the extraction process, mostly due to the lack of technology to recover the resource
(Government of Alberta 2012b). This reinforces Mayor Blake’s outlook. Their comprehensive
plans indicate that, at the time of the gathering of the data that the oil sands extraction was
expanding and that the economic prospect was robust. The respondents from the Bakken Play
are what I would have expected given the bust that occurred in the late 1980s. At the time of my 187
fieldwork, Belfield, North Dakota had settled into a bedroom community for Dickinson, North
Dakota and the rest of the Bakken Play. Their downtown had not recovered from the exodus of businesses decades ago. Though the central business district had attracted a hand full of retail establishments, several businesses were surrounding Belfield, such as Thumpers, a gun and outdoor retail establishment and several trucking companies that were experiencing rapid growth in business (Bakken Play, Retail Business Owners 2012, pers. comm., 2 November).
Fort Berthold was experiencing a rapid influx of workers and enterprises. Up until 2012, there had not been any drilling on the Fort Berthold. In 2012 Tex Hall, Chief of the MHA
Nation paved the way for the building of a gas refinery on the reservation (Holdman 2013).
5.3.8 What did the government do to assist the community after the economic downturn?
The word clouds represent the qualitative responses from the respondents in RMWB and the
Bakken Play, which indicate that they were unaware of any action that the government had taken to prepare for a bust. The response of, ‘Was not prepared, energy dependent’ (RMWB,
Housewife #1, 2012, pers. comm., 6 July) and ‘We’re not prepared last time and much has changed’ (Fort Berthold, MHA Retired 2012, pers. comm., 1 November) echo each other.
RMWB
I believe in the government regulations This is a tough question since we are early in the boom They will lose a lot of money I am unable to be sure with the knowledge I have Our government would do that Because they are completely disorganized Too much staff turnovers, departments don’t communicate Keep it going, whatever it takes 188
Find jobs for those who came Was not prepared, energy dependent Pay into a recovery plan Take action No need but yes Not much Created jobs – urban development Nothing that I know about Nothing that I know of Don’t remember – check city of Calgary records (Calgary is the Province capital) In the process of helping the community
Figure 5.13 What did the government do to assist the community after the economic downturn? RWMB - Responses
The other theme that emerged indicated that the participant did not know if the local government attempted to support the economic base of the community. One respondent said,
“Don’t remember – check the city of Calgary records” (RMWB, Female 53 years old, 2012 pers.
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comm., 5 July). The prominent words in this cloud indicate that the perceptions are that the government should take a more proactive approach to weather an economic downturn, such as pay into a recovery plan.
Bakken Play More education Conservative attitude, caution I don’t know Ever present – daily conversations We weren’t prepared last time and much has not changed It is hard for the government to plan ahead Don’t know I don’t know Not much 2nd easier to get along, companies take the extra step, prevention and maintenance Surface owners assume the negative is going to happen, work with both surface and mineral owners Deep pockets make things happen, take advantage People over spent I don’t know The bonds were redeemed for pennies on the dollar to keep Belfield from going into bankruptcy. Raised taxes Manage
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Figure 5.14 What did the government do to assist the community after the economic downturn? Bakken Play - Responses
The Bakken Play respondents indicate that there was a lack of knowledge as to what the government, federal, state, or local was doing to endure an economic downturn. The individuals that responded seemed not to notice if their governing bodies were helpful in working through the last bust. There is an indication that the mineral rights owners will prevail an economic downturn by working with each other and the energy companies.
The overarching responses from the Bakken Play respondents indicated that the local government did nothing to support the community during the last bust, “Was not prepared, energy dependent” and “Nothing that I know of.” The city of Belfield, North Dakota had sold
$2.1 million in bonds in the 1980s Price Cycle boom to upgrade the infrastructure. The economy looked promising. However, the bust occurred so quickly that the tax base evaporated. North
Dakota does not allow their cities to file for bankruptcy. The state and the city of Belfield 191
worked together utilizing combinations of a state grant of $150,000, a levy, and the bondholders accepting a 55 percent return of the principal (North Dakota Legislative Council 2014).
Fort Berthold No Responses
5.3.7 Do you know if the local government is prepared for the next bust?
Table 5.5 Do you know if the local government is prepared for the next bust? No Yes No Responses RMWB 8% 63% 30% Bakken Play 26% 46% 28% Fort Berthold 0% 6% 94%
The responses from the participants indicate that there was little communication from the state or local authorities regarding the preparation for an evitable economic downturn. From the previous experience, it would seem prudent to prepare for the eventual downturn of the economy, given the quickness that a bust can occur, which would safeguard the local economy.
By developing other economic avenues to replace the oil industry tax revenue would protect and continue the vitality of the community, this would ensure that the community does not become a zombie or ghost town.
RMWB respondents are not hopeful that their government is prepared for another economic slowdown or downturn. The prediction was that as long as the extraction of the oil sands demand continues that the community will be able to sustain itself. The other aspect is that there is enough in situ resources to carry the community forward for several generations.
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As a respondent from the Bakken Play said, ‘We weren’t prepared last time and much has not changed.' However, another respondent from the Bakken Play also said ‘It is hard for the government to plan ahead.’ A comprehensive plan was developed in 2013 to address the rapid growth of Bakken Play which was designed to support various communities to manage growth along with long-term planning (Bangsund and Hodur 2013).
Williston, North Dakota, like so many others, experienced a boom in the 1970s and a bust in the 1980s. Though Williston had completed a comprehensive plan which began in 2008 and completed in 2010, it became obsolete by 2015 (The Associated Press 19 January 2015). Such is the case with communities that experience rapid growth; the boom happens so quickly that as good as a comprehensive plan is the growth outpaces the vision.
West of Fort Berthold Indian Reservation is McKenzie County. The county officials undertook a comprehensive plan in 2016 to pinpoint all the developed and undeveloped land, utilities, and roads. The plan was meant to locate projects that did not meet compliance standards and going forward making sure that new development met stricter guidelines. As the director of Planning and Zoning said, “The problem with the existing comprehensive plan is that planners come in, look at the big scale map, and highlight the area they want,” stated Talbert.
“It’s backwards here and we’re trying to correct the problem.” (Robinson 2016). Like many boom cities and counties in western North Dakota and RMWB the economic downturn or bust, depending upon one's point of view has allowed the governing agencies time to catch up with infrastructure insufficiencies.
A report by Steve Hargreaves (2015) finds that there are mixed responses as to whether the current economic environment is a passing phase or was it going to remain suppressed. The mayors of Williston and Watford City were optimistic that the downturn was a passing phase 193
(Dave 2014; Hageman 2015). Some of the oil workers that had their hours cut or had laid off were not as optimistic (Hargreaves 2015). In areas that are experiencing economic stress, either a boom or a bust, it is dependent upon one’s place in society, social capital, and their perception of reality that determines their social well-being.
RMWB They rely on the extracting to keep this town alive; I don’t believe they have thought that far ahead. There is enough oil in the ground here for another 100 years or more. To answer the question – not sure Very rural question I don’t believe it is prepared.
Bakken Play More education Conservative attitude, caution I don’t know Ever present – daily conversations We weren’t prepared last time and much has changed It is hard for the government to plan ahead Don’t know
Fort Berthold No Responses
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5.3.8 Did the local governments look to other communities to try to learn from their mistakes?
Table 5.6 Did the local governments look to other communities to try to learn from their mistakes? Yes No No Response RMWB 28% 30% 38% Bakken Play 43% 23% 31% Fort Berthold 25% 50% 43% The responses are very mixed. The reality of 43 percent of the Bakken Play respondents feel or know that the local governments looked to other communities; the respondents did not state how their knowledge came to be. However, the other sites are less knowledgeable of what their governing officials have done to weather a boom or bust. The respondents from MHA
Nation respond with a resounding No in respect to their knowledge of any conversations from other communities. From the information that I gathered at the 2013 Three Affiliated Allottee meeting was that information from the tribal authorities or state was limited and of little use.
These individuals looked to their leaders to obtain the best information possible to avoid the inevitable boom-bust cycle, by consulting with the surrounding communities, and those at the federal and state levels. RMWB and Fort Berthold are not as positive as the Bakken Play respondents. The individuals that did not respond either do not know what their officials are doing, the governing officials have not informed the residents of their plans or the community members are unaware of the published information (Table 5.6).
The mayor of Fort McMurray Melissa Blake said, “We’ve seen blips before.” Though the recent booming economy aided in the building of the city’s financial reserves, many businesses in Fort McMurray are under stress. The local food bank had seen a rise in residents using the food bank, assistance at the unemployment office is up, and homeowners are abandoning their
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homes due to a lack of sufficient income (Wildman 2016). The write-in responses from RMWB and the Bakken Play stress that the respondents were unaware of their government consulting with experts that could aid in weathering the bust cycle. One of the Bakken Play respondents indicated a level of preparedness on the part of the government. How this knowledge was obtained was not mentioned. It is possible that the governing officials have not informed the residents of their plans or that the community members are unaware of the published information. Given the amount of money that had been realized from the extraction sites and the history of quick and substantial economic downturns, it would seem prudent that the governing authorities protect their communities.
RMWB This community is very unique; 2008 was a slowdown not a downturn I don’t know – I don’t think so No idea Probably, don’t know
Bakken Play I don’t know I don’t think so The local government is being very cautious during this boom period. No major purchases, expansion, or other
Fort Berthold No Responses
5.3.9 Were consultants called in to help the community survive the bust?
Table 5.7 Were consultants called in to help the community survive the bust? No Yes No Responses RMWB 18% 30% 52% Bakken Play 18% 28% 55% Fort Berthold 19% 50% 31%
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The individuals that answered in the affirmative did not say how they became aware of the consultant’s existence, or what they were doing. The respondents replied in the negative in respect to consultants being approached to assist the community in weathering an economic downturn. It is entirely possible that there were consultants called in, but the community was not aware of their existence, and their efforts went unnoticed by the community. The high percentage of the respondents that failed to answer the question is of note. It would behoove the respondents to become more active in their community, and for the communities to better communicate with their constituents.
Williston, for example, utilized a consulting firm in 2014 to facilitate the development of a comprehensive plan, which would assist in navigating their way through the boom, between
2008 and 2010 a comprehensive plan was undertaken but was out of date by 2015 (The
Association Press 19 January 2015).
In 2008 Fort Berthold, in conjunction with the U.S. Department of the Interior,
Committee on Indian Affairs developed a Memoranda of Understanding whose intention was to streamline and facilitate the processing of documents to commence drilling. The agreement with
NEPA, BLM, and MMS among other agencies sought to ensure that the leasing of the Fort
Berthold mineral rights followed Federal regulations and respected the sovereignty of the Three
Affiliated Tribes (U.S. Government Publishing Office 1998; U.S. Department of the Interior
2008).
What type(s) of consultants were consulted?
RMWB I don’t know
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People and money, extract fast and more, push those out that cannot keep up use to be 5 major companies now 3
Bakken Play Consultants on site, staying in local motel (perhaps this respondent meant oil consultants) I would think so Maybe counselors
Fort Berthold No Responses
The few qualitative responses provided indicate that either the respondents have no knowledge of what mechanisms have been put in place, or are relying on the governmental leadership to pursue the best course of action to ensure the longevity of the resource and a secure future.
5.3.10 What is the most important economic issue facing your community now?
This question is subjective. Eight of the RMWB participants said that the retail shopping was an important economic issue. Three of the respondents specifically stated that the Peter
Pond Shopping Mall offered little retail options and that the prices were much higher than in
Edmonton. They planned on a long weekend in Edmonton a couple of times a month to purchase items that were either too expensive in RMWB or unavailable. They would take turns driving and if necessary, rent a trailer for large items such as couches, tables, and televisions.
They did make use of shopping online for many household items, but that delivery could take several weeks.
They also said that they could find most things that they wanted at the grocery store, but that the prices were high. The Peter Pond Shopping Mall was a short walk from my hotel. After
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speaking with my informants, I decided it was worth a walk to investigate their perceptions. I was not disappointed; they were right. Several of the storefronts were vacant; there was one shoe store, a sundries store, and a well-stocked electronics store. I did some shopping at the
Safeway in Thickwood. I found the shelves well stocked and prices very similar those in North
Dakota, but significantly higher than in Ohio or California where I have lived. I did shop at two grocery stores in Dickinson, North Dakota and two stores in Williston, North Dakota a hardware store and department store. None of these stores had bare shelves that I had told, nor rude or non-existent employees.
It is noteworthy that tourism, health care, service industries were identified as being great economic issues facing the community. The development of tourism would provide an alternative means of economic sustainability. This course of action follows the path of 1980s
Mayor Mike Enzi of Gillette, Wyoming, whereby he and his city council pursued alternative means of economic development. Gillette experienced another downturn in 2012, this time the town weathered the downturn unscathed, though the population had decreased, few businesses closed. The business community, as well as the local government, having gone through economic downturns in the past, sought to diversify and insulate the community by actively recruiting non-energy businesses, and actively increasing the coursework and various work certifications available at the local community college. These efforts radiated across the community by developing different social and economic networks (Payne 2010).
The respondents from the Bakken Play felt that manufacturing, housing, and construction were important economic issues facing the community. These are in line with what the community needs during a boom period. The ability to manufacture items necessary for the oil fields and the construction of housing for migratory workers, as well as residents. 199
RMWB
Environmental businesses Restaurants, banks Retail & families for work Retail, tourists, supplies moving from Edmonton Retail stores Lots of businesses don’t want to move to Fort McMurray, rent it too high Most retail stores don’t want to come up here b/c it’s too expensive Service industry, tourism industry, health care, government jobs Hotels, motels, various small businesses, community development Technology, construction, government jobs I don’t think so Retail, health care Retail stores, service industry Businesses don’t want to move to Fort McMurray, rent is high. Retail stores don’t want to come up here it’s too expensive Tourism i.t., technology, construction
Figure 5.15 What is the most important economic issue facing your community now? RWMB – attitudes and perceptions
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The prevalent responses indicate that the high rent charges precluded the influx of retail stores. There are several restaurants in RMWB, their prices are high, but the service and food were very good. Healthcare was of concern to several individuals. One of the RMWB respondents had several children, one of which was asthmatic. She stated that though the medical care was very good for adults, children such as hers had to go to Edmonton for treatment. She had to fly her son to Edmonton a couple of times because the hospital in RMWB lacked personnel and technology. Not only was it frightening but expensive. The other RMWB housewives said that a couple of occasions a specialist from Edmonton held clinics but that getting an appointment proved difficult. As far as employment opportunities for individuals that were in the trades or had a specialized area, such as environmental sustainability or a petrol engineer there were ample employment opportunities.
Bakken Play Walmart- but Albertson’s went down Manufacturing Wire harness manufacturing Environmental businesses Housing, food venders Not at this point Trucking, construction Main Street went bust, Belfield, ND Bought a motel in 1973 – sold in 1989. Should have sold in 1981 – lost $ Developers and housing contractors Manufacturing
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Figure 5.16 What is the most important economic issue facing your community now? Bakken Play – attitudes and perspectives
For those that resided in the Bakken Play housing and manufacturing were of concern.
One of the respondents feared going to the Dickinson Walmart due to individuals camping in the parking lot. The fear of newcomers prevents individuals from purchasing in the local community, perhaps using on-line retailers instead. This fear also negates the ability of old-time residents from getting to know newcomers, which further reinforces the few of newcomers. She only did her shopping with her husband.
Among the Belfield residents, there was still talk of the economic troubles of the 1980s.
Many of the1980s housing lots were vacant, and weed strewed. One individual that I spoke with from Belfield stated that housing prices were slowly increasing. That he had purchased a home in the late-1990s and had more than doubled his money when he sold it six months earlier
(Bakken Play, Truck driver and volunteer first responder, 2012, pers. comm., 12 September). In
Dickinson, the building of new homes and apartments was brisk. One new neighborhood in 202
Dickinson consisted of modular homes which could be occupied in less than two months, after the completion of the infrastructure.
Indeed Belfield, had not recovered from a retail point of view but small-scale manufacturing shops had increased, a fast food establishment had opened and a restaurant just off the freeway catered to the oil field workers and locals. The wait staff greeted individuals by name and often knew what meal the guest would enjoy. Belfield is a food desert as the only grocery store is in Dickinson, 20 miles away. The gas station was the only location that basic food and sundries could be obtained. However, it did offer hot to go foods and a wide selection of beer and other alcoholic beverages.
Fort Berthold No Responses
5.3.11 Do you know if the extraction company was helping the local government to lessen the economic impact due to their closing?
Table 5.8 Do you know if the extraction company would/was helping the local government to lessen the economic impact due to their closing? Yes No No Responses RMWB 10% 38% 53% Bakken Play 38% 38% 31% Fort Berthold 38% 25% 27%
From the perspectives of the RMWB respondents there are no indications that the companies are prepared to help the community should the extraction of the tar sands ceases.
During the 2014 economic downturn, many of the workers were leaving RMWB for other locations seeking employment. 203
It is interesting to note that the respondents from the Bakken Play (38 percent) and Fort
Berthold (38 percent) in agreement to their responses to the question of receiving help from the extraction companies. However, no qualitative responses were provided as to what measures had been taken or how they knew of the measures taken. Equally interesting is RMWBs Yes (10 percent) response, like the Bakken Play and Fort Berthold there were no qualitative responses provided. As RMWB and the Bakken Play have been through previous boom and bust cycles, or at least downturns it would seem prudent that the companies and local governments work together to maintain production, retain employees, and support the local population.
In 2014 the Bakken Play region began to see the trend of rental prices receding, man camps shutting down, and wells were taken out of production (Donovan 2014b). There are approximately 120 jobs associated with each rig over the course of its construction. In October
2015, the number of rigs stood at 68 compared to a high 145 in 2014 (Graph 5.8). With the downturn hours are cut, workers are leaving the area, or are working part-time (Donovan 2014b).
In the last three months of 2014 and the first three months of 2015, 15,000 jobs between the oil industry and other job sectors were lost (Grunewald 2016). Meanwhile, the local communities expect to catch up with infrastructure upgrades and other projects. There is no mention in the article by Donovan (2014b) or any other that indicate that the oil companies are aiding the local communities with infrastructure maintenance during this economic downturn.
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Graph 5.8 Bakken Region New-Well Oil Production Per Rig Versus Rig Count
(EIA 2016)
The responses to this question indicate that the companies associated with the extraction are involved with the communities but not on any future closings. This issue stemmed from the book, Boomtown Blues by Gulliford (1989). In this instance, the primary employer shuttered its door over a weekend, leaving the community ruined. The individuals that had gone through a bust were more in tune to the possibility of an economic downturn, such as those in the community of Belfield, North Dakota.
At the time of the fieldwork, the local extraction companies were not seeing a lessening of the economic expansion but rather looking towards expansion. Businesses were desperate for workers and housing for those individuals. Communities that are reliant on a single source, such as RMWB and the Bakken Play for its economic viability should look to other economic avenues, much like Gillette for survival.
RMWB Supporting local recreation/sports Not sure It was not required Not sure 205
Taxes They don’t collapse; they just stop projects & contractors leave Not sure Aids to community associations
Figure 5.17 Do you know if the extraction company was helping the local government to lessen the economic impact due to their closing? RMWB – attitudes and perspectives
Bakken Play Don’t know They have had a few public meetings Don’t know. Workers live & eat here to help the community More social consensus and depends on companies – quick buck – independent not so much. Big co. Marathon, Exon, Conoco, Phillips – means $ feel responsibility, people from the local community work – social stuff, county roads, charities, public relations give money. No solitude, way of life disappearing, noise, and drilling close to the house. Whiting Petroleum builds their own roads. I don’t know
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Figure 5.18 Do you know if the extraction company was helping the local government to lessen the economic impact due to their closing? Bakken Play - attitudes and perspectives
Fort Berthold No Response
The respondents do not possess any knowledge of what the companies have done to assist or protect the local community from an economic downturn. Their reality is that the companies are of the mindset of getting in and out quickly. Some of the positives of the boom environment are that the infrastructure is improved, perhaps some recreational venues are constructed, and perhaps roads or bridges are built, such as in RMWB. However, for communities that fail to anticipate and prepare when the companies depart the communities are required to finance the resulting infrastructures based on a less robust economic base. Such was the case of Rifle,
Colorado (Gulliford, 1989). When the mine shut down, the town faced a social and financial quagmire.
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5.3.12 Were new businesses developed or enticed to move to the area to help support the economy?
Table 5.9 Were new businesses developed or enticed to move to the area to help support the economy? No Yes No Responses RMWB 35% 28% 38%
Bakken Play 52% 31% 18% Fort Berthold 6% 50% 44%
Their perception of reality is that companies did move into the community because of the booming economy with the exception of Fort Berthold. Specifically, the Bakken Play respondents were pleased with new business development at 52 percent as was RMWB respondents at 35 percent. However, respondents from RMWB indicate that it is difficult to entice businesses to the area due to the high rents. Perhaps the companies that are coming into the areas are those that are peculiar to the extraction businesses or the home building industry.
When I visited Peter Pond Shopping Mall, I observed several vacant storefronts, which I found inconsistent given the rapid rise in the population but this is in keeping with the RMWB housewives observations and experiences. Enticing new businesses into an area, at least retail, might be difficult. However, one respondent that had been born and raised on Fort Berthold had returned after having served in the military. She felt that the economic environment was strong enough for her to start her own business (Fort Berthold, MAH Retired military 2013; pers. comm., 29 October). Fort Berthold was most negative in respect to economic development at 6 percent. None of the Fort Berthold respondents provided any qualitative responses. However,
MHA Members, Paige Baker and his son, Jason, started an oil field business that caters to the needs of the Bakken Play (Fort Berthold, Mr. Baker 2013, pers. comm., 31 October; Davies
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2014). These three entrepreneurial individuals saw a niche that they could fill. Upon driving through the communities of New Town, Parshall, and Mandaree on Fort Berthold had a few retail fronts. One respondent that lived near Mandaree (Retired, Rancher and homemaker, 2012, pers. comm., 1 November) said that she drove into Minot, North Dakota or Dickinson, North
Dakota, a 40-50-mile round trip drive for medical care and to do “major” shopping.
RMWB Environmental businesses Restaurants, banks Retail & families for work Retail, tourists, supplies moving from Edmonton Retail stores Lots of businesses don’t want to move to Fort McMurray, rent it too high Most retail stores don’t want to come up here b/c it’s too expensive Service industry, tourism industry, health care, government jobs Hotels, motels, various small businesses, community development Technology, construction I don’t think so
Figure 5.19 New business development RMWB – attitudes and perceptions
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These respondents find that businesses that want to engage in business in RMWB will face high rents. They indicate that retail, hospitality, tourism and health care are new ventures that have been enticed to participate in business in RMWB. For the businesses that can navigate the high rent and obtain, and not to mention, retain employees they will succeed.
Bakken Play Walmart- but Albertson’s went down Manufacturing Wire harness manufacturing
The Albertson’s grocery store in Dickinson closed which left Walmart and one other smaller grocery store to service the community. As mentioned earlier, one resident would avoid shopping at Walmart unless her husband accompanied her. Diverse types of manufacturing companies had come to the Bakken Play to service various aspects of the oil and ranching endeavors.
Fort Berthold No Responses
5.3.13 How long do you think the current boom will last?
The longevity of these non-renewable resources is dependent upon the demand for the resource and available technology. The diverse responses could be due to the actual knowledge, and speculation. The U.S. Department of Interior (2013) does not give an estimate of the longevity of the oil shale resource but estimates that the recoverable amount is twice the amount previously reported at 7.4 billion barrels. According to the U.S. Department of the Interior, the
Secretary of the Interior Sally Jewell the potential and supply of the resource is sufficient to lessen any foreign energy dependency (U.S. Department of the Interior 2013). The oil sands are 210
estimated to be exhausted within 50 to 180 years, depending upon the rate of consumption
(Canadians for a Sustainable Society 2013).
The longevity of the resources, oil shale and oil sands, is unknown, even to, thus as the extractive technology improves the ability to extract these resources will extend their production abilities. For an older well, there is the possibility of re-fracking to extend its viability and boost its productivity. In the case of extracting the oil sands once exhausted there is no other alternative than to cease extraction. However, due to technological advancements, open pit mining is being phased out, and steam injection is being used. This method allows for the surface land to remain relatively intact while obtaining the resource in a more efficacious manner.
RMWB 100 years 50 years A long time
Bakken Play Gradual decline, 30 years Suppose to be bigger than overseas 10-40 years according to various oil field workers Lots of rumors maybe 10 yrs. 12-15 or 20 years Various estimates of 12-40 years As long as the oil co’s want it to Have heard from 5 to 20 years
Fort Berthold No Responses
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5.3.9 In the last 10-15 years have you noticed more businesses moving into the community?
Table 5.10 In the last 10-15 years have you noticed more businesses moving into the community? Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly No Disagree Agree Response RMWB 10% 8% 15% 15% 28% 25% Bakken Play 15% 15% 3% 36% 15% 15% Fort Berthold 13% 13% 0% 38% 31% 6%
RMWB Local shops Restaurants, smaller construction companies Specialty stores closed CD Plus, Blockbuster, Fair Weather, TipTop, Orange Julius, etc.… Slightly, retail clothing (men and women’s wear), service station Because we are too far north, and rent is to high most large businesses won’t come. Some do offer free shipping, nice furniture shop On line shops EBay & catalog sales do well
Figure 5.20 In the last 10-15 years have you noticed more businesses moving into the community? RMWB – attitudes and perceptions
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The respondents have noticed that businesses are moving into the community, such as restaurants, furniture stores, and other commercial enterprises associated with the extraction companies. However, other shopping opportunities are on-line due to the lack of retail shopping and a lack of variety of goods. One prevailing response from the participants of RMWB are the high rents; this aspect prevents the relocation of developing a more vibrant commercial environment.
Bakken Play Some have opened Albertson’s and Farmers Some shops at the mall, a few restaurants
Fort Berthold No Responses
The respondents are in general agreement that new businesses had come into their communities. However, several individuals reiterated that the rents were high, especially in
RMWB. Several of the respondents found that it was less expensive, quicker, and a greater variety of items were available
on-line.
As has been mentioned it is expensive for retail shops to open in RMWB. However, the extraction companies and ancillary companies have had to rely on local businesses, both old and new to meet their needs. One of the respondents moved to RMWB so that her husband could start an electrical company (RMWB, Housewife #2 2012, pers. comm., 16 July).
The Bakken Play respondents mention a few businesses entering the community. The qualitative responses, though sparse, indicate that new economic opportunities were being
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pursued. Depending upon the need of the of the individual new businesses might go unnoticed.
What was obvious was the construction of housing, repair of the infrastructure, and volume of traffic at the sites.
5.3.15 In the last 10-15 years have you noticed more businesses moving out of the community?
Table 5.11 In the last 10-15 years have you noticed more businesses moving out of the community?
Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly No Disagree Agree Response RMWB 8% 8% 18% 10% 30% 28% Bakken Play 28% 21% 21% 18% 10% 13% Fort Berthold 0% 31% 6% 19% 31% 13%
In RMWB the respondents indicate that businesses are moving out of the area as is shown in Table 5.10 which corresponds to Table 5.9. The qualitative responses are confusing; the question was not adequately prepared.
From previous discussions with individuals from RMWB and their responses, the
Strongly Agree at 30 percent that businesses are moving out is not surprising. The rents are very high thus if the commercial endeavor does not attract customers then their ability to survive is limited.
It is interesting that the Bakken Play participants Strongly Disagree at 28 percent and
Agree at 18 percent. In addition to this, they responded to Disagree at 21 percent and Neutral at
21 percent. It is possible that these individuals’ frequent different business establishments, thus have differing perceptions of the economic climate.
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The Fort Berthold participant’s responses are mixed 31 percent Strongly Disagree, and 38 percent Disagree that businesses are moving into the community (Table 5.9). Whereas, the respondents Disagree at 31 percent that businesses are moving out of the community (Table
5.10). However, 31 percent Strongly Agree that businesses are moving out. The reality of the inflow or outflow of businesses within these communities is dependent upon the needs and requirements of the community.
RMWB Involved in transportation – air, land, water Restaurant – chain Provide support for extraction companies Not a business – consultant Provide support for extraction companies, supplier Provide support for extraction companies Restaurant – chain Camp worker Restaurant - chain Maybe some tax breaks – rents are massive! Trades, electrical Retail, clothing Tax breaks? More concerned w/ clean water, soil/air for myself & my family
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Figure 5.21 In the last 10-15 years have you noticed more business moving out of the community? RWMB – attitudes and perceptions
The qualitative indicate what kinds of businesses are leaving the area, which is reflected in their quantitative responses indicating that businesses are moving out of RMWB, at least the types of businesses that these individuals would frequent At the time of the field work, the economic environment of the oil sands was robust and thriving. One of the housewives indicated said that her husband was an electrician and specifically had moved to the area to start a new business (RMWB, Housewife #2 2012, pers. comm., 16 July). The other RMWB housewives said that their spouses were employed by the extraction companies and were working more hours than ever (RMWB, Housewives #1 and #3 2012, pers. comm., 16 July). The restaurants in
RMWB are good but expensive. The cost of transportation of the provisions would make the profit margins very slim. There was a lot of work being done on the infrastructure and roads in and around RMWB to accommodate the increase in traffic. The busiest Tim Hortons Coffee shop in Canada is located in RMWB near the Boomtown Casino. The lines are long, and a
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preputial “We’re hiring” is in the window (Haavardsrud and Bakx, 2015). Haavardsrud and
Bakx (2015) spoke to residents indicating that obtaining affordable housing was a problem and businesses like Tim Hortons had problems attracting workers.
The reality of the economic and social climate can be viewed through many lenses which are dependent upon the socioeconomic status of the individual and the length of time of residency.
Bakken Play Physical therapist Provide support for the extraction company Deliver and provide parts (pipes, etc.) for oil companies
In the Bakken Play, the installation of the wells requires up to 120 workers. Once the well is established drilling equipment and personnel will be reassigned which does not indicate businesses are leaving the community. It is interesting that a physical therapist left the area. I would have thought that someone that provides relief to individuals that work in such demanding and difficult environments would be in high demand. In Dickinson, North Dakota the only dry cleaners closed its doors in 2012 citing the inability to hire and retain workers. The attraction of the oil field income was for many too good to pass up.
Fort Berthold No Responses
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5.3.16 Does your local governments consider the community and the environment when making policy changes?
Table 5.12 Does your local governments consider the community and the environment when making policy changes? Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly Disagree Agree
RMWB 5% 18% 20% 20% 38% Bakken Play 5% 23% 18% 28% 26% Fort Berthold 19% 0% 25% 38% 19%
At the time of the research, the locations of the oil shale and oil sands were hard pressed to keep up with the rapid expansion of the population and extraction process. The local governments were under significant pressure to maintain functioning infrastructure and accommodate the in-migration of workers and alleviate the fears of the local community.
The individuals that participated in the question from RMWB Strongly Agree (38 percent) and Agree (20 percent) that the government takes into consideration policies that affect the community and the environment. In 2012 the Government of Alberta took a proactive approach and ceded land to Fort McMurray to relieve the pressures of the growing community
(Government of Alberta 2012b). Several public venues were built by the local extractions companies that provide recreational and entertainment for RMWB and Fort McMurray (Fort
McMurray Tourism 2014). These venues were encouraged and supported by the local government. One of the biggest problems for newcomers is finding familiar venues such as a library, community centers, and recreational facilities. The construction of the McDonald Center in Fort McMurray draws long-term residents and newcomers as well.
The individuals from the Bakken Play Strongly Agree (26 percent) and Agree (28 percent), and Fort Berthold Agree (38 percent) and are Neutral (25 percent) that their community 218
leaders are looking out for their best interests. The Legacy Funds are an investment for the future benefit at the state and local level, forward thinking and planning on the part of governmental leaders. Given the Three Affiliated Tribe Allottee (2013) meeting and reports of maleficence by Chief Tex Hall, it is a bit surprising that the responses are as positive as they are.
RMWB and the Bakken Play have experienced prior boom and bust cycles, thus are aware of how quickly the economic climate can change. However, the rapid changes in the
Bakken Play, which includes Fort Berthold took many by surprise (Haines 2014).
RMWB Newer hiways Demographics of the population Better community for families More infrastructure, better services, more community focus New developments upgrading More immigrants = more crime but minimal 25,000 more people Huge housing growth Program expansion 2 new rec. facilities More cultural activities 4 new schools The more people that relocate here, the more people come together as a community, attend events, volunteer. Families are nice, settling here now, that's sign it better Vibrant, safer, growing - Calgary Worked in the oil business for 40 years
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Figure 5.22 Does your local governments consider the community/environment when making policy changes? RWMB - attitudes and perceptions
Bakken Play
I would not walk at night anymore, but the suburb I live in has people who have lived I the area many years, so we know that that some areas in the town have had increase in crime Less safe, now I have to lock up the car and house Community less bonded – too many transients Still a good place to live Good schools – rare problems, the kids come out smart 18-hole golf course Lock doors now I didn’t like what I saw at Kmart; no food, long lines, dirty and so much traffic and goofy drivers (don’t know rules of ND) More people moving into the area and they have no place to live
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Figure 5.23 Does your local governments consider the community/environment when making policy changes? Bakken Play - attitudes and perceptions
The comments reflect the fear of crime, having to lock their cars and homes, and an emerging disassociation among the community members. Homelessness in the Bakken Play was evident (Haines 2014). I observed men camping on a church grounds, with their permission, near the unemployment office, and individuals dragging their suitcases through the streets of
Dickinson. The homelessness was not necessarily due to a lack of funds but a lack of housing, affordable housing. Though there is fear, the residents find their community a nice place to live with good schools. I found it interesting that one individual mentioned an 18-hole golf course an
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obvious diversion for some members of the community. There was a very nice recreational center in Dickinson with tennis courts, swimming pool, weight room, and other amenities. This appealed to a couple of individuals that I spoke with.
Fort Berthold No Responses
5.3.17 My community in the last five (2006 -2011) years has …
Table 5.13 My community in the last five (2006 -2011) years has … Changed for Changed I have Changed Changed No the worse - it and not lived but still a for the Responses is unsafe getting here 5 nice place better - worse - years to live – very but still desirable desirable acceptable RMWB 18% 33% 0% 13% 15% 23% Bakken Play 8% 18% 0% 59% 8% 8% Fort Berthold 13% 25% 0% 38% 13% 13%
Overall, the respondents look at their communities favorably though RMWB (33 percent) finds that the community has changed but still acceptable, Bakken Play (59 percent) and Fort
Berthold (38 percent) indicate that the community has changed but still desirable. These responses are not unexpected, the Gillette Syndrome is well documented but also somewhat disputed. Depending on the individual's community ties, attitudes, and experiences will be reflected in how they view the changes in their community (Forsyth, Luthra and Bankston 2007).
RMWB
Neighborhoods not safe: downtown, but seems to be everywhere else lately Downtown – not safe, safe – Timberlea Downtown – not safe, safe Timberlea, Thickwood, and Gregoire
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Downtown core/Gregoire – not safe Everywhere else – safe Downtown – not safe The surrounding areas (Thickwood, Timberlea, Abasands) -safe Downtown – unsafe Timberlea – safe Downtown – unsafe I don’t know for sure, but a friend of mine delivers the at night – unsafe
Figure 5.24 My community in the last five (2006 -2011) years has … RWMB – attitudes and perceptions
The experience of the community members of RMWB singled out various neighborhoods that were deemed safe and unsafe. It is unknown if these individuals have firsthand knowledge of these locations or are basing their responses on heresy. It is interesting to note that two respondents have conflicting opinions regarding the Gregoire neighborhood, one respondent considers it safe, another unsafe. There was universal agreement that the Timberlea and
Thickwood neighborhoods were safe. These newer neighborhoods were situated away from the central business district but near schools and shopping. I stayed at a hotel downtown and felt safe walking around during the day and into the early evening, though the locals’ perceptions were that the central business district was unsafe. 223
Bakken Play Dickinson Press was probably informed by the police which areas to avoid Probably area by the Eagles Park in South Dickinson - safe Individual but not together Safe and not safe vary from neighborhood to neighborhood The more poverty-stricken areas The newer developments All safe All neighborhoods are safe
Figure 5.25 My community in the last five (2006 -2011) years has … Bakken Play – attitudes and perceptions
It is interesting to note that the first responder states that consulting the local newspaper and the police would be advisable (Bakken Play, Truck driver, and volunteer first responder,
2012, pers. comm.,12 September). Overall these individuals feel that their community is safe, that there are no unsafe areas within their communities. It is interesting that the respondents were from a wide swath of the Bakken Play and Fort Berthold Indian Reservation and none of the respondents identified any areas as being unsafe. This is a refreshing perspective in that the impression of boomtowns is that most areas are unsafe. I spent more time in Belfield and
Amidon than the other communities, and I found them tranquil, and safe. The only unsafe aspect
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of Belfield was navigating the traffic. I never felt unsafe walking around any of the other communities, going to the grocery store, filling my car, or eating at a fast food restaurant.
Fort Berthold No Responses
The residents of RMWB indicate their fear of crime is a concern. The central business district is fraught with vagrants and traffic as I observed. The 2012 RMWB Planning and
Development Department’s report states that crime was down not just in RMWB but in comparison to Alberta and Canada during 2003 – 2012 (RWMB 2012). According to national statistics, crime in RMWB was down by 16 percent. The reality of the RMWB respondents is that there are neighborhoods that are dangerous. It is interesting to note that two RMWB have very different notions of which neighborhoods are dangerous. The reality of one resident does not match that of another; critical realism suggests that experience will dictate attitudes and perceptions of the individual.
Overall, the respondent’s attitudes and perceptions of their communities are favorable.
They find that their communities have changed, yet desirable and pleasant.
5.3.18 I know my neighbor(s):
Table 5.14 I know my neighbor(s): Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly Disagree Agree
RMWB 10% 28% 13% 25% 25% Bakken Play 5% 10% 0% 51% 33% Fort Berthold 6% 0% 6% 44% 44%
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The perception of a boomtown is that there are few interactions between neighbors.
However, the results from this limited study indicate that the respondents from the three sites are acquainted with their neighbors. The residents of RMWB Disagree (28 percent) versus Strongly
Agree (25 percent) whereas the Bakken Play residents Strongly Agree (33 percent), and Agree
(51 percent), and Fort Berthold Strongly Agree (44 percent), and Agree (51 percent) that they know their neighbors. Though the responses suggest that the RMWB (18 percent) respondents feel that their community is unsafe, they do know their neighbors which indicate a personal level of safety (Table 5.13). The respondents from the Bakken Play (59 percent) and Fort Berthold
(38 percent) indicated in Table 5.13 that though their neighborhoods had changed they were still good places to live. There is a correlation between the RMWB Table 5.13 and Table 5.14 that the resident's perceptions of reality are that their community lacks connectedness. Whereas the individuals that live in the Bakken Play respond in the positive that their community had changed but still desirable, thus attracts individuals that are more community oriented. The respondents from Fort Berthold have positive attitudes and perspectives regarding their community. Many of the MAH Members have lived in the community for many years, and those that had left are now returning, which is indicative of having a strong community connection.
Having a cohesive neighborhood promotes interactions, such as borrowing of items. Brown,
Dorius, and Krannich (2005) find that when individuals are integrated there is a level of a commitment to the community. To borrow something from a neighbor requires effort and trust.
The neighborliness between individuals promotes community cohesiveness, integration, and when vested in a community an individual will seek to maintain and improve their community.
The women that I interviewed in RWMB had formed a bond, helping each other with child care and emotional support (RMWB, Housewives #1, #2, and #3, 2012, pers. comm., 16 226
July). Freudenberg (1986a) speaks to expected consequences due to density, a close association, in this case, their children are in school together. These newcomers do not fall into the perceived discussion of Khors (1974) where housewives are disconnected from their community or suffer from isolation. Their acquaintanceship developed through their children and their mutual needs.
As new community members move into the community, they attempt to integrate there is a disruption of the cohesiveness, temperament, and social network and fabric of the neighborhood (England and Albrecht 1984). Depending upon the stage of the development the long-term residents might shun or embrace the newcomers. In neighborhoods that are perceived safe more effort might be extended to reach out to community stakeholders. In areas that are less safe or are perceived as such a wariness amongst the neighbors and newcomers can occur.
RMWB Neighbors are temporary Next-door house is for rent Most people that move here for work have a 5-10-15 year plan Downtown – not safe Timberlea, Thickwood – safe
Bakken Play In apartment temporary, in house permanent
Fort Berthold No Responses
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5.3.19 How safe do you perceive your own residential neighborhood to be?
Table 5.15 How safe do you perceive your own residential neighborhood to be? Very Unsafe Neutral Safe Very Unsafe Safe
RMWB 13% 43% 22% 18% 5%
Bakken Play 18% 51% 23% 8% 0% Fort Berthold 0% 0% 31% 25% 44%
RMWB Mugging Crack-heads Too much $ for young kids, they earn $18/hr. (drugs)
Bakken Play Hit & run accidents Meth & pot Meth, heroin
Fort Berthold No Responses
Though there are a few qualitative responses, they do reveal the types of illegal activities that have been occurring. Law enforcement had been aware of the use of illegal drugs, but the increasing use, accessibility of and the more dangerous types of drugs had significantly filtered through the communities. Individuals that had little access to money are now able to obtain and engage in illegal activities (Ruddell, 2011; Plumber 2013).
The respondents from RMWB and Bakken Play perception of safety within their neighborhoods are low. Their fear of crime is grounded in their reality, either having been a victim, knowing someone who was a victim, or the portrayal of crime within the popular press that will solidify their fear of the offence.
Comparing Table 5.13 the residents of RMWB see their community as being unsafe but still acceptable with a combination of Changed for the worse – it is unsafe and Changed and
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getting worse - but still acceptable at 51 percent. Fifty-six percent of these individuals’ perceptions of their safety is low at Unsafe (43 percent) (Table 5.15). Of the Bakken Play, 59 percent believe that their community is desirable, but they suggest that they perceive their neighborhoods as being Very Unsafe (18 percent) and Unsafe (51 percent). The respondents from the Bakken Play indicate that their Changed but still a nice place to live – desirable (69 percent) to live (Table 5.13). Apparently, their perceptions are that their neighborhood is unsafe, but their community is still desirable. The reality is that living near drilling sites, conventional or horizontal, has a negative effect on well-being which could be reflected in how an individual perceives the safety of the neighborhood. However, the Fort Berthold participants perceptions are that their neighborhoods are safe.
One respondent from RMWB related the story of shopping at the Safeway near her home in Thickwood after work when she noticed that an oil worker following her (RMWB, Housewife
#2 2012, pers. comm., 16 July). He finally approached her and asked if he could buy her a cup of coffee so they could talk. He had been away from his family for several months and was lonely. She found out that because he did not drink, do drugs, and was not interested in other activities his co-workers shunned him. She did have a short conversation with him over coffee and never saw him again. She did make sure that she was not followed home (RMWB housewife #2 2012, pers. comm., 16 July). Though this individual did not pose a danger to the respondent, such encounters label the fly-in/fly-out, drive-in/drive-out employees as being a nuisance and trouble makers.
One of the Bakken Play participants said that before the boom of 2009 that he did not lock the doors of his home. With an increase of strangers in the vicinity, he and his wife felt obligated to lock their doors (Bakken Play, Retired motel owner 2012, pers. comm., 8 229
September). Another respondent felt insecure walking from her car through the parking lot into the grocery store, “Too many strange cars parked in the parking lot. Looks like a campground.”
(Bakken Play, Retired, housewife 2012, pers. comm., 13 September).
A truck driver, who had been a volunteer first responder for over 15 years had recently quit (Bakken Play, Truck driver, and volunteer first responder, 2012, pers. comm.,12
September). He and the other first responders found that the accidents that they responded to were becoming more frequent and that there were more traumatic vehicle and oil rig accidents.
He had responded to more than one traffic accident where one of the victims had been a high school classmate. The last accident was a fatality, a classmate. He quit right after that. The safety of a neighborhood is based on one's attitude and perception and experiences. This individual felt that his neighborhood was not safe due to the increase in traffic.
An interview with a police chief from the Bakken Play disclosed that indeed there was a rise in criminal activities. The police chief continued, “The increase in crime is proportional to the increase in the population. More people more crime. Often when a call for service comes in, especially to a bar, the event was far less severe than reported. My biggest problem is keeping officers. The pay with the oil companies is far greater that I can pay.” (Bakken Play, Police
Chief 2012, pers. comm., 26 August; Little 1977). I interviewed a police officer from a smaller community who stated, “We’ve not experienced any increase in crime, except for the occasional
'T-peeing' of the home of the football coach. Nothin’, we can’t handle. Well, we’ve been responding to more traffic accidents than usual. We’re not use to so many big vehicles.”
(Bakken Play, Police Officer 2012, pers. comm., 26 August).
Criminal activity as perceived by the participants in RMWB, Bakken Play, and Fort
Berthold. Perceptions frame the way that the participants understand their environment. Ruddell 230
et al. (2014) point out that perceptions influence how community members view their quality of life and security.
A community that lacks strong social networks and social control will experience an increase in crime, there are just more opportunities to commit a crime and the types of crime will change. In cases such as those in RMWB and the Bakken Play, the rapid increase in population had led to an increase in drug and other illegal actives. In their study, Berger and Beckman
(2009) found that there is an increase in sex offenders that are attracted to areas where energy extraction is taking place. Many of these individuals fail to register, thus allowed to move about at will.
The respondent's perceptions of UCR Part I (robbery, burglary, and larceny-theft) and
Part II (vandalism, prostitution, and drug use) criminal activities are shown (Graph 5.9). The individuals from the Bakken Play displayed a greater perception of criminal activities than the other two locations. Obviously, drugs were of concern in the three locations. It is interesting to note that six individuals in each of the three locations believe that prostitution is of concern.
Graph 5.9 Comparison of Participation Perceptions of Criminal Activities
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The types of drugs that were reported by the participants in the three locations are methamphetamine, cocaine, marijuana, and alcohol. The crimes reported by the participants from Fort Berthold do not identify vehicular theft, arson, violent crimes or aggravated assaults as being of concern. Of the crimes that are committed according to the respondents’ perceptions of reality are that drugs and vandalism are of concern and that prostitution is a close third. The
MAH Members suggest that burglary, larceny, and robbery are of concern too. However, the crimes reported to the BOJ revealed that there were only three burglaries committed, no incidents of larceny or robbery. Does this suggest that there were more crimes committed than reported, or that the perception of criminal activities out weight reality? The perception of the offense is about the attitude, understanding, and experience of the individual, family, acquaintances, and hearsay.
RMWB Demographics of the population (changed but still a nice…) Better community for families More immigrants – more crime but minimal Families are now settling here now, that’s a sign, its better More infrastructure, better services, more community focus New developments up grading More immigrants – more crime but minimal (changed but still a nice place to live; 25,000 more people, huge housing growth, 2 new rec facilities, more cultural archives, 4 new schools, program expansion) There has been a couple of things in the past year that I have noticed a positive change, compared to when I first moved here. The more people that relocate here, the more people come together as a community, attend events, volunteer.
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Figure 5.26 How safe do you perceive your own residential neighborhood to be? RMWB – attitudes and perceptions
The RMWB individuals that provided the qualitative responses indicate that the area demographics had changed, that there were more immigrants, single workers, and families.
What was surprising was the mention of volunteerism. That is a positive signal of the community developing cohesiveness.
Bakken Play Less safe, have to lock up the car and house; Less bonded – too many transients; Good place to live, good schools – rare problems, come out smart 18-hole golf course, now have to lock the door I don’t like what I saw at K Mart; no food, long lines, dirty AND so much traffic and goofy drivers (don’t seem to know the rules of ND) Traffic has become intense and long distances with no assistance if needed (changed) More people, traffic (changed but still a nice place to live) Crime up, now lock door (changed but still a nice place to live – desirable Crime has increased. People aren’t as trusting. Domestic violence, theft, fights, vandalism – all increasing (changed and getting worse it is ok) Still glad that I moved here, 30 years ago to retire (changed but still a nice place to live) No conveniences or necessities available Despite no businesses in town – less desirable neighbors (changed but still a nice place to live). Have a closer business/ we have to drive 25 miles to nearest grocery store or gas station or Dr. 233
More people moving into the area and they have no place to live (changed and getting worse…) More stores, eating establishment I would not walk at night anymore, but the suburb I live in has people who have lived in that area many years, so we know that some areas in the town have had increase in crime (changed but still a nice place to live…
Fort Berthold No Responses
Figure 5.27 How safe do you perceive your own residential neighborhood to be? Bakken Play – attitudes and perceptions
The qualitative response from the Bakken Play is exceptionally varied. The respondent's perceptions of reality identify various types of crime, less community cohesiveness, transients, a lack of housing, and traffic. Some of the towns are without retail establishments, laundry facilities, or access to medical care. Specifically, Belfield, Amidon, and Mandaree have limited 234
access to these services. It was heartening to see that though crime has increased that they still think that their communities are wholesome places to settle and raise a family.
It is important that the individual experiences well-being to be happy while residing within a community. Though there are many dimensions of determining well-being - happiness and security are of utmost importance and subjective. Depending upon the length of time that the individual has resided in a community, how connected the individual feel, how well do they know their neighbors are but a few criteria that of determine well-being. The previous questions are indicators of well-being within the community. These individuals provide a snapshot of the overall relationship attitudes and perceptions of their community.
5.3.20 Do you believe that there should be more governmental regulations regarding the extraction process?
Table 5.16 Do you believe that there should be more governmental regulations regarding the extraction process? Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly Disagree Agree
RMWB 12% 23% 30% 23% 13% Bakken Play 10% 18% 21% 30% 21% Fort Berthold 19% 38% 25% 13% 6%
The regulation of the extraction process can take on a variety of meanings, such as who pays for what in respect to the construction of roads to a well pad, infrastructure for the building of new housing developments, or the protection of the local flora and fauna. What mechanisms should the companies shoulder to protect not only their investments but the well-being of the communities in which they, the companies, have disturbed?
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The oil sands have been exploited for generations. Due to the open pit extraction process and settling ponds, many incidents of bird deaths have occurred. Locals have reported various medical ailments; however, those have been discounted (The Royal Society of Canada Expert
Panel 2010). Technological advancements have allowed for more efficient and effective extraction of the oil sands. The government owns the resource thus its removal is regulated. It is interesting to note that the respondents are Neutral (30 percent) in believing that there should be more regulations. However, looking at Disagree (23 percent) and Agree (23 percent) that there is a disagreement regarding if and how much more regulations regarding the extraction there should be. Equally interesting are the Strongly Disagree (12 percent) and Strongly Agree
(13 percent) responses. These individuals have opinions but not necessarily strong opinions regarding the need for regulations.
The Canadian Oil and Gas Act which falls under the CEAA, 2012, to oversee and regulate designated projects of the petroleum industry throughout the Canadian territory and waters unless otherwise authorized. Any project that is considered to have posed significant environmental effects will undergo a federal environmental assessment review, which is more extensive than that carried out under the CEAA, 2012 standard environmental assessment.
Should there be any controversy regarding the project then it comes under the review of an expert independent review panel. This panel has the authority to hold public hearings to gain the opinions, insights, and concerns that are of interest. The Canadian Oil and Gas Act under the CEAA, 2012 provides regulatory and oversite protections for the environment and allows for public participation and review of any relevant materials. Though there are but a few qualitative responses which indicate that there are many regulations in place, thus there may not be any further need for more. 236
The MHA Member responses reveal that they Disagree (38 percent), that there should be more regulations, and Strongly Disagree (19 percent). The respondents from Fort Berthold and newspaper articles find that the revenue associated with the extraction and subsequent refining of the oil shale had increased revenue to the tribe. It has only been recently that the tribe and allottees have been the recipients of the revenue from the resource beneath their feet. To obtain the resource, the tribe not only had to work through their own regulations but those of the North
Dakota and the Federal government. The Neutral (25 percent) responses are of note as they are higher than I would have expected given the numerous reports of environmental and sociological complications regarding the extraction processes
The respondents from the Bakken Play suggest that there should be more regulations, with 21 percent Strongly Agreeing and 30 percent Agreeing and 21 percent Neutral. These respondents favor stronger regulatory oversight. Local, state, and federal regulations stipulate how the extraction process is conducted, such as NEPA and the Clean Air Act. However, the
Bakken Play had gone through two earlier boom and bust cycles, the Price Cycle and the
Discovery Cycle. Thus, these communities have the experience to understand that the economic climate can change rapidly and that communities are left to manage the economic and environmental clean-up. One Bakken Play qualitative response does stipulate that more, ‘‘on the job training’ is required, “Only ones that make sense, and keep what’s on the books,” this is dependent upon what an individual perceives as ‘make sense,” and which ones to keep on the books (Bakken Play, Retired rancher, 2012, pers. comm., 17 August).
It is interesting to note that the participants associated Fort Berthold Indian Reservation indicate that they are against more regulations with 19 percent that Strongly Disagree and 38 percent that Disagree. Given the difference between might be due to the increase of income to 237
the tribe. None of the Fort Berthold respondents offered any qualitative responses. Their questionnaire responses show an Agreement at 13 percent that more regulations are necessary.
During my interviews with these individuals, I did not perceive any anxiety regarding the drilling on tribal lands. Their concern was about the increased traffic congestion.
RMWB There are many regulations currently The political situation is dire regarding the middle east There is lots already Environmental concerns
Bakken Play Workforce is very safety conscious – on the job training Only ones that make sense, and keep what’s on the books Do what’s needed to be legal citizens (?) Stricter policies Amount of work allowed at a given time
Fort Berthold No Responses
5.3.21 What methods are used to keep the community informed?
Table 5.17 What methods are used to keep the community informed? Strongly Disagree Have Not Agree Strongly Disagree Noticed Agree RMWB 20% 13% 40% 23% 5% Bakken Play 6% 25% 31% 25% 12% Fort Berthold 6% 19% 31% 31% 13%
The RMWB respondents range from Strongly Disagree (20 percent) to Strongly Agree (5 percent) with Have Not Noticed (40 percent). These responses are remarkable in that the reporting of the oil sands extraction process is in the local papers, in the academic arena, and governmental publications that are readily accessible. However, 23 percent Agree that they have access to information regarding the extraction activities, yet did not indicate the methods by which they are kept informed. 238
The Bakken Play respondents are the opposite to that of the RMWB respondents, where they Strongly Disagree (6 percent) and Strongly Agree (5 percent). These individuals Strongly
Agree (12 percent) and Agree (25 percent) that they are kept informed. However, 31 percent
Have Not Noticed any method of information that has reached them or the community. These respondents Disagree (25 percent) that they are not receiving any information. Again, this is remarkable due to the volume of information that is reported through various multi-media avenues.
Those associated with Fort Berthold Indian Reservation indicate that they are not kept informed responding with Strongly Disagree (6 percent) and Strongly Agree (13 percent), these individuals are in step with the Bakken Play responses with Agree (31 percent) and Strongly
Agree (13 percent). This group indicates a Have Not Noticed at 31 percent. None of the respondents for this project attended the MAH Allottee meeting; they do echo each other (Fort
Berthold, MHA Allottee meeting 2012, pers. comm., 1 November). The meeting attendees were very vocal about the lack of timely and understandable information that was reaching them from either the tribal, state, or federal authorities. The meeting attendees indicated that the IMDA had been violated, though the violations were not discussed.
It would seem prudent that the extraction companies and government officials at the local, and state levels should make more effort to increase the knowledge base of the communities and stakeholders.
RMWB No response
Bakken Play Quick response for any problems They tell us what they want us to know, bull shit
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There is information available for anyone looking for it. Oil Cos provides it – reliability? Counties let the state of ND have the right to the permitting.
Fort Berthold No response
5.3.22 Have the positive effects from the extraction process directly benefited you?
Table 5.18 Have the positive effects from the extraction process directly benefited you? Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly Disagree Agree RMWB 25% 30% 28% 13% 5% Bakken Play 15% 44% 15% 21% 5% Fort Berthold 25% 44% 19% 0% 13%
It is interesting to note that the respondents from the three locations say that they have not benefited from the extraction of the resources. Out of the individuals that took part in this research, seven percent were involved in the oil and gas industry. The balance of individuals were married to someone who worked in the vicinity, retired, or engaged in ranching. Only three possessed mineral rights but had declined offers to drill.
Two of the RMWB housewives and their families had moved to the area due to their husbands obtaining employment. One of the housewives had obtained employment through a volunteer opportunity that turned into full-time employment (RMWB, Housewives #1, #2, and
#3 2012, pers. comm., 16 July). The Baker family, who are MHA members, had started a business to support the expansion of the drilling in and around Fort Berthold Indian Reservation
(Fort Berthold, Retired, Mr. Baker 2013, pers. comm., 31 October). They are not allottees, but they have benefited from the opportunity to start a business and employ tribal members.
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Sixty-one percent state that they have not benefited from the positive effects of the economic boom. However, 19 percent state that they have benefited from the positive effects.
None of the participants wrote any qualitative responses stating the positive benefits.
5.3.23 Have some of the community benefited more due to the presence of the extraction companies than other members of the community?
Table 5.19 Have some members of the community benefited more due to the presence of the extraction companies than other members of the community? Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly Disagree Agree RMWB 15% 23% 27% 10% 25% Bakken Play 31% 44% 18% 0% 8% Fort Berthold 0% 6% 75% 13% 6%
RMWB respondents’ perceptions Strongly Disagree (15 percent) and Strongly Agree (25 percent) that members of their community have benefited during the current boom period. The
Bakken Play respondents Strongly Disagree (31 percent) and Strongly Agree (8 percent) that there are members of their community that have benefitted from the current boom. Fort Berthold respondents Strongly Disagree (0 percent) and Strongly Agree (6 percent) that community members have benefited from the economic boom. These attitudes and perspectives are in stark contrast to published newspaper reports and having attended the MHA Allottee meeting some tribal members are benefiting. The participants Neutral (75 percent) responses indicate that perhaps at the time of the study that they had not benefited, or did not know of any individuals that had benefited in the form of expanded social services, housing, or employment.
241
The qualitative response from RMWB suggests that the residents and natives (First
Nations) have benefited. The Bakken Play respondents indicate that retail (food stores), and apartment owners have also benefitted. A Fort Berthold respondent insinuates that older individuals that do not have children benefit more, perhaps due to greater financial flexibility, meaning less demand on their fiscal resources.
The respondents from all three locations indicate that those that are associated with the oil companies have benefitted; they can afford the high rent and have access to better jobs.
RMWB Residents Extraction workers, housing developers/realtors Natives who r lazy Skilled workers benefit more People outside of the community – country have benefited in the largest financial way Minorities and natives Business owners (long term) Long term residents The families of the major extraction companies People who are not employed by the oil sands
Bakken Play People that own property, apartments, houses, etc. AND food suppliers – Walmart, etc. People with mineral royalties Apartment owners Ones qualified to work for the oil companies and make much more income to afford the expensive housing costs
Fort Berthold If financial benefit counts, then some community members benefit especially if they aren’t young or don't’ have young children Workers in the oil field Landowners, restaurants, hotels, local taxes
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Figure 5.28 Have some members of the community benefited more due to the presence of the extraction companies than other members of the community? RMWB – attitudes and perceptions
These are obvious beneficiaries in a boomtown situation. The RMWB respondent’s perception of reality point to outside skilled workers, specifically the workers (oil workers) as having benefited from the increase in the extraction of the oil sands. Also, their responses point to the developers and realtors as having been rewarded due to the exceptional economic climate.
The others that have gained from the boom according to the participants have been the minorities and natives, in what capacity specifically was not mentioned. Some of the long-term residents, specifically business owners, have benefited, which may or may not include the realtors above as having benefited. The country (Canadian government and the province of Alberta) have profited from the robust economic environment.
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Figure 5.29 Have some members of the community benefited more due to the presence of the extraction companies than other members of the community? Bakken Play – attitudes and perceptions
The word cloud reflects the attitudes and perceptions of the respondent's knowledge that some members of the community have profited. Though the reality is that the taxes that are collected are eventually used to assist all the members in some way, such as improving the infrastructure, providing for the Legacy Fund, and other projects.
The Bakken Play respondents identify individuals that are associated with real estate, retail shopping, and those that have access to mineral rights. Indeed these individuals will benefit more than those that lack the resources to be involved in the real estate or building industry. Individuals that have the background and skills to be employed by one of the extraction companies or associated companies will fare better than others in this economic environment.
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Figure 5.30 Have some members of the community benefited more due to the presence of the companies than other members of the community? Fort Berthold – attitudes and perceptions
These individuals follow a familiar theme as the earlier respondents. They cite individuals that work in the oil industry and are single. The reality for these community members is that if one can work in the industry, are mobile, work in real estate, or hospitality then success is probably assured. Unfortunately, the taxes from the extraction process do not stay in the community but go to Bismarck, the state capital. The funds can are available through a variety of means such as the Legacy Funds, and through grants, which applies to the communities off the reservation.
The residents of Fort Berthold identify land owners, restaurants, hotels, and the oil field workers as benefiting. It is interesting to note that the quantitative responses indicate that the respondents Strongly Agree (6 percent) that some have benefitted more than others, however, the
Neutral (75 percent) is much more telling. Many of the tribal members do not possess the requisite background to work in the Bakken Play, nor on the extraction sites on the Fort Berthold 245
Reservation. Little economic activity had occurred on the MHA Tribal land during previous boom periods nor experienced previous busts. Due to the IMDA and Energy Policy Act of 2005 tribal members and their families that own land that had been passed down through the generations, or were able to purchase land were going to benefit greatly. Only one individual that I interviewed had mineral rights, and at the time of the research, drilling had not commenced.
5.3.24 In your opinion what is/are the biggest social problem in your city/neighborhood?
This qualitative question allowed the participants to express their attitudes and perceptions regarding social problems within their communities. This question speaks to their subjective well-being and allows for them to espouse their views of reality. There is a variety of social and environmental aspect that are associated with the development and expansion of the extraction processes of the oil sands and oil shale resource. The reported threats to well-being are subjective. These threats are based on any number of variable, which includes but not limited to the attitudes and perspectives of the individual, the length of residency, age, and time period that the respondent is queried.
RWMB Nothing to do Drugs Drugs among youth Housing Lack of affordable housing Over priced housing Too much money no supervision for kids, drugs Homelessness/drug/alcohol Drug people 246
Drugs Schooling Drugs Drugs No one supports each other. People only think about themselves Everyone sticks to themselves, there is no city/neighborhood pride Finding affordable homes Drugs and alcohol No priorities in commodity pricing Drug use and gang violence Technology taking over youth’s lives
Figure 5.31 Biggest problems facing their community RMWB – attitudes and perceptions
The attitudes and perceptions of the social, environmental, and economic changes within the community are the use or greater access to drugs, lack of affordable housing, alcohol, and homelessness. RMWB biennial report on homelessness reported decreased between 2014 and
2016 (RMWB 2016). These habitation and social changes are a direct result of the boom. They also respond that the lack of community integration, pride, and the lack of supervision of the local youth are of concern as mentioned by Freudenberg (1984). These comments harken back 247
to the findings of Kohrs (1974). The residents of RWMB have identified through direct observation, or behaviors within their community the changes that have occurred, this is their reality.
Bakken Play Alcohol and drugs People do not, are not able to bond. Many different (all of a sudden) nationalities – Indians, Mexicans, Chinese, Japanese Too many out of towners moving in creating bitterness and distrust between locals and newcomers creating lack or decrease in community involvement. Lack of knowledge of what to do to prepare for a boom More nationalities moving into area BARS Drug abuse We are all older folk and set in our ways Ageing population/not much social interaction Belfield, Killdeer People are not considerate People are too busy working. They don’t have time to socialize and with the cost of living both spouses have to work to make a decent living. People moving into the community and unable to bring their families along
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Figure 5.32 Biggest problems facing their community Bakken Play – attitudes and perceptions
The residents of the Bakken Play believe that different nationalities, drugs, bars, an aging population, lack of community, and single individuals moving into the communities are some of the social transformations that have occurred. Many social ills, such as a lack of community integration has caused a chasm has between the out of towners and locals according to these individuals. The comment about people being too busy to socialize due to a dual income household was interesting. This aspect had not been mentioned in earlier comments. Kasarda and Janowitz (1974) report that the density, size of the community, and how strong the social bonds are will determine if the community leans from Gemeinschaft (community) to
Gesellschaft (society). Individuals that live and work in fast growth areas, such as RMWB and the Bakken Play may experience a lack of attachment, thus low life satisfaction and well-being.
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Depending upon when the workers moved into the community it may not be necessary for both partners to work due to the high rent or wanting to make as much money as possible prior to an economic downturn or bust.
Fort Berthold No Responses
Figure 5.33 Biggest problems facing their community RMWB and Bakken Play – attitudes and perceptions
Combining the qualitative responses from RMWB and Bakken Play the most frequent words indicate that drugs, alcohol, people, communities, affordable housing, gangs, violence, and different nationalities are of concern to the respondents. These problems do not exist in a vacuum but are a part of the social fabric. The social fabric changes due to the increase in newcomers, an increase in disposable income for many, plus the fulfilling of a demand for illegal
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pharmaceuticals, alcohol, and other criminal activities. The other effects of the boom were the creation of a housing shortage which not only impacted the incoming workers but the long-term residents, specifically renters. Taken together these factors put increasing pressures on the community and the rise in social disruptions. The use of critical realism explains the responses of the participants. They have observed the changes in their communities (empirical), the events, the exploitation of the resource had created the boom environment (actual), and because of the generated events the populations within these areas have dealt with increased traffic, individuals increased access to drugs, and increased housing costs have been generated by the events (real).
The visible and invisible, causes and effects changed the community’s sentiments, thus changing their attitudes and perspectives.
Participatory research allows identification of space, place, and environmental conditions that are of interest and concern (Pain 2004). The local knowledge that these individuals possess provides realistic insights and perspectives that community leaders may not possess. From an ontological approach (there is a real world that exists independently of our perceptions, theories, and construction) and epistemological approach (our understanding of this world is inevitably and construction from our perspectives and standpoints) allows for the development of a particular view and acceptance of reality. Each of these individuals possesses truthful knowledge according to their experiences and interpretation of these experiences which cannot be denied or refuted.
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Chapter 6
6.1 Introduction: Conclusions, Limitations, and Future Directions
Boomtowns occur for many reasons, such as the discovery and extraction of natural resources, the development of a trade center, the construction of a steel mill, or the development of technological hub. Technological advancements spurred wide-scale social impacts and economic development due to the extraction in and around RMWB, Bakken Play, and Fort
Berthold. The rural areas, in northern Alberta and the western United States, hold vast amounts of non-renewable energy resources, oil sand, and oil shale. The allure of a boomtown entices individuals and businesses near and far seeking economic opportunities that they hope will provide them with a secure future.
Unfortunately, for some their abilities do not match the need of the economic engine, and depending upon the phase of the boom cycle they may have arrived too late to benefit, this leads to economic catastrophe (Malamud 1984; Gulliford 1989). In Boom Town Blues Gulliford
(1989) writes that well after the mining operations ceased individuals were still coming to Rifle,
Colorado seeking employment. Those that had the financial resources moved on but for others due to no fault of their own and lacking any financial resourced stayed in in Rifle, relying on the available social services and limited employment opportunities.
Anderson and Theodori (2009) discuss changes that begin with the rapid influx of equipment and workers, instigating sociological and environmental change, which includes homelessness, housing shortages, and infrastructure stresses. Berry et al. (1990) surveyed four communities that experienced a boom or were on the cusp of a boom event between 1982 and
1986. The study found that stable communities experienced less variance in shared beliefs. The valuable lesson learned is that the change in community size did not necessarily curtail 252
neighborliness, but perceptions of place and other community interactions changed. The Berry et al. (1990) study found that social disruption caused by other variables (e.g., the length of residency and type of housing) could be curtailed if greater effort was made to promote community relations. Between 1970 and 1986 a longitudinal analysis was conducted that reviewed the social integration and community satisfaction in four communities (Brown et al.
1989). Brown et al. (1989) indicated that there were significant changes in the social fabric prior to the boom and during the rapid growth stage. During the latter stage of the boom, a gradual trend towards community stability occurred which meant that the community returned to near pre-boom norms, the rebound effect. The greatest change was after the boom phase when the community began to recover from its rapid growth. The RMWB and Bakken Play had through previous boom and bust cycles. However, unlike earlier booms technology, accelerated the ability to obtain oil sand and shale oil from previously inaccessible strata which opened up greater economic possibilities. These locations will continue to expand as long as there is a demand for the commodity. The oils sands extraction is converting from open pit to steam extraction which may call for fewer employees. Though many of the pits have several years of production life left, then the reclamation will proceed as soon as the oil sands are exhausted.
The employment of steam extraction is far less taxing on the land, thus easier to proceed with the reclamation process once the commodity has been extracted.
North Dakota has instituted specific rules and regulations to guide the oil companies, surface landowners, and mineral owners with respect to the drilling leases in the Bakken Play including Fort Berthold Indian Reservation (North Dakota, Department of Trust Lands 2015).
The drilling on Fort Berthold Indian Reservation had disrupted the social fabric of the community. Drug usage has increased, and traffic accidents have risen. Allottees had been 253
unable to access timely and appropriate information to make good and sound environmental and financial decision regarding their mineral rights.
Maguire and Winters (2016) conducted a self-reported life satisfaction and mental health surveys (pg 6). They compared men and women living within an MSA and in a rural setting associated with conventional and horizontal drilling. It was not surprising that women reported lower life satisfaction and more bad mental days than men associated with conventional horizontal drilling. What was surprising was that men and women reported that their life satisfaction was negatively affected when associated with conventional drilling in the MSA.
Overall, quality of life is negatively affected when living near conventional and horizontal drilling sites. This study includes a variety of demographics but fails to obtain the length of residency, neighborliness, if the individual lived in the area prior drilling or is a new comer. In preboom areas, the disruption will be more acute than in the post-boom phase. These variables will contribute to life satisfaction and affect mental health days. Krannich and Greider (1984) conducted a self-reporting surveys on well-being in three different neighborhoods, two of which were within a boom town and one considered stable. They reported that there was not any significant impact on well-being in the neighborhoods associated with extraction. However, the stable community reported slightly higher but still insignificant impacts on well-being. Smith,
Krannich, and Hunter (2001) expanded on a well-being study that was begun by Brown,
Geertsen, and Krannich (1989). Brown, Geertsen, and Krannich (1989) conducted a longitudinal analysis in Delta, Utah, a single resource community, from 1975 through 1986. Smith,
Krannich, and Hunter (2001) concluded that though the boom phase had disrupted the community but due to the rebound effect the community to pre boom community satisfaction and well-being. 254
The study of well-being, life satisfaction, bad mental health days, and other quantifiable markers of the disruption of a community due to resource extraction is dependent upon numerous variables and is site specific.
The specific questions that were to be answered were:
1. What impact did the boom-bust cycles have on residents’ attitudes and perceptions of their quality of life, as measured by various social factors, including community cohesiveness, crime (social disorganization), local infrastructure, and access to goods and services?
The respondents indicated that there should be more extraction in their respective locations. These areas have experienced economic roller coasters in the past. They identify infrastructure degradation due to the increased traffic, heavy vehicles that traverse the roads, an increase in the population and the contamination of the environment. With the expansion of the drilling, jobs are more plentiful that support the local and federal governments.
I was surprised that all three areas indicated that the extraction processes had been handled responsibly, this is despite numerous spillages and deaths – human and animal.
According to the RMWB and Bakken Play their communities are in the recovery process.
However, Fort Berthold Indian Reservation, having not gone through a bust per se was enjoying the oil shale boom.
2. Do the community members know of any course of action being taken by the governing agencies to plan for an inevitable bust or downturn?
The responses to the qualitative question pertaining to preparing for the inevitable downturn/bust was interesting. Many of the respondents indicated that as far as they knew their local, state, and provincial governments were not doing anything to weather an economic downturn. A few of the respondents indicated that the government was taking advantage of the
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economic windfall by working on the infrastructure but also indicated that it was difficult for the governments to prepare. The quantitative responses from RMWB (63 percent) and the Bakken
Play (46 percent) were an overwhelming “No,” that their respective governments were not prepared. Interestingly enough the respondents from Fort Berthold (94 percent) have no idea what their tribal leadership has done. It would be prudent for the community members to seek out what measures their officials have taken to protect the community.
None of the Bakken Play referenced the Legacy Fund or any of the other funds that have been set up by the North Dakota legislature. The enrolled members of MHA are eligible to receive a distribution from The People’s Fund annually. These two funds are meant to assist the communities and individual during low oil revenue periods.
3. What have the communities done to accommodate the increase in population and the resulting stress on the infrastructure and environment?
The last boom in the Bakken Play was in the late 1980s, and some communities are still reeling from its effects, Belfield specifically. This question, though similar to that of what steps have the local and state authorities taken to lessen any economic downturns. Steps to ensure a post-boom environment would be to entice diverse business into the community, to foster relationships with entities that are not associated with the energy companies and to foster greater participation of the energy companies to become good stewards of the local communities.
RMWB and the Bakken Play respondents indicated that indeed new businesses have been encouraged to move into the area. However, the respondents from Fort Berthold (50 percent) indicate that businesses had not been encouraged to move into the community. The economic
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climate in these areas is not encouraging for businesses not associated with the energy extraction companies.
Comprehensive plans have been undertaken, however, due to the rapidity of the boom many were considered obsolete prior to completion. The slowdown has allowed the communities to regroup and take stock of the needs of the community.
4. Were there any Social Impact Assessments (SIAs) done? How do American and Canadian approaches to SIAs differ from one another?
The conducting of SIAs are required in Canada; they are easy to access at any library or government office. The conducting of SIAs in the United States are infrequent, though there have been reports produced by NEPA that identifies the need for better communication between the Federal, State, Local, and Tribal authorities when conducting EIS and EA, however, SIAs are omitted from the communication (NEPA 19
6.2 Conclusions - Attitudes and Perceptions
The responses of the attitudes and perceptions of the respondents are their observed changes in their communities. In turn, the generated events within their communities that the respondents perceive are real due to the mechanisms that have been generated by, in this case, the pressures enacted by the extraction of the non-renewable resources, oil sands, and oils shale.
No one can refute or deny their knowledge, their perceptions of reality, that they have acquired or the actions that they take to survive in the boomtown community. Some of their attitudes and perceptions that have been formed are through conversations that they have conducted and through other means information gathering, such as T.V., radio, and periodicals before and during the boom phases. Thus, their concept of what is real is based on a variety of modalities.
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There is the possibility that there is not a clear delineation between what exists and what the individual knows to exist. One aspect of the inability of the respondents to determine the difference between the real, the actual, and empirical are their experiences through social, physical, and biological interactions. If a respondent changes their daily routine to avoid traffic or long lines at the grocery store, then their social interactions will not be the same someone else’s experiences, and their quality of life will suffer. Thus, they will have a different perception of the: real, actual and the empirical. If the individual was a hunter and the game has moved on due to the anthropological changes, then their experiences will be different from someone who does not hunt.
The respondents that participated in this research indicated that they were involved in their community, were aware of the changes that were occurring in their community and were taking steps to protect their property. They also indicated that the infrastructures received the brunt of the impacts due to the extraction activities, which is symptomatic of a boom environment. Based on the North Dakota Energy Infrastructure and Impact Office (2010) 30 percent of the Legacy Oil Fund reserve as well as the additional revenue that had been set aside for the Heritage Fund, Reclamation Fund and the Oil and Gas Impact Fund in addition to 28 other funds that will provide a significant amount of revenue that will assist the residents and state in rectifying the impacts and weather economic changes, such as a bust. The government is cognizant of the lean times and sought to take advantage of the boom to identify funds to survive these economic episodes. Though the identified funds are not for individual use, the communities and other organizations can access these funds to the benefit of all. Out of seven states (Wyoming, North Dakota, New Mexico, Colorado, Texas, Montana, and Oklahoma), only
North Dakota has taken it upon itself to set aside a significant portion of the oil revenue for the 258
future (Graph 5.10). Despite oil revenue from Fort Berthold Indian Reservation being sent to the state, the tribe is not eligible to apply for any of the state energy impact grants (Dalrymple
2013a).
Graph 5.10 Comparison of Unconventional Oil Revenue States
(Headwaters Economics.org 2014)
The Bakken Play respondents said that they were unaware of any proactive measures that had been taken by their respective governing officials to lessen any economic downturn. Despite this they were committed to their community, this was demonstrated through their involvement in clubs and organizations. Also, several of the respondents moved to their respective locations because of long-term ties after a long absence or have opted to retire in the vicinity because of the natural attributes of the area. Returning to a location after a long leave of absence is indicative to the deep ties to the land and community. However, the respondents also pointed
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out that they feel stress due to the increase of the extraction activities. These stressors would include the length of time to cross streets with lights, having to allow extra time to get to appointments, an increase in crime, and the increase in traffic accidents. In addition, several of the respondents raised the point that it had become difficult to enter retail stores due to workers living in their campers and motor homes in parking lots. The Walmart parking lot in Watford
City, North Dakota had instituted a policy that there was to be no overnight parking due to health and safety reasons. One respondent indicated that she was fearful of talking to newcomers such as the grocery store clerks because their English was not very good (Bakken Play, Retired housewife 2012, pers. comm., 12 September). None of the respondents in RMWB indicated any concern with newcomers except in the incident of the housewife that was followed by a homesick oil sands worker.
The communities have experienced the rapid increase in the building of homes, businesses, improving and upgrading infrastructures. Most of the communities have sought to increase the ability to accommodate the increased student population by either building new classrooms or bringing in mobile classrooms. Cities, such as Watford City, North Dakota have provided their teachers and government workers with housing so as not to have to compete with the oil workers and their families (Walters 2013). The oil companies in RWMB have sought to encourage the building of man camps for their employees. Other workers have had to seek out their accommodations such as private rental, hotels or even living in their cars.
Due to the Canadian government's ownership of the minerals, they have leased the extraction rights. By law, they have been proactive in soliciting and carrying out SIAs. Each province, Alberta specifically, has developed its criteria for engaging and protecting the inhabitants and the environment. The Canadian SIAs are conducted on all projects and are 260
readily accessible (CEAA, 2012). This is stark contrast to that of the U.S.A. where SIAs are only conducted if the project is funded by the government or on government property (National
Environmental Policy Act of 1969, Public Law 91-190, § 102, U.S. Statutes at Large 83 (1970):
853: codified at U.S. Code 42 (2000), § 4332). In the Bakken, Play fracking is often conducted on private lands. Thus unless the project impacts or comes against EPA regulations, an SIA will not be conducted. To drill on Fort Berthold Indian Reservation, various federal agencies, and statutes such as the BIA, BLM, IMDA and the 2005 Indian Tribal Energy and Self-
Determination Act (ITESDA) have significantly broadened the authority to the tribe to develop their resources.
The U.S.A. nor Canada was prepared for the downturn in the oil prices in 2014 and 2015.
From a high of over $100 per barrel to a low of $40 per barrel. Prior to the economic downturn, the oil companies in the Bakken Play and Chief Tex Hall specifically sought to take advantage of the power of fracking. Chief Hall requested and received permission to build a refinery on tribal land (Nemec 2014). This was to provide the tribe with greater autonomy and authority over their resources.
Using realism acknowledges that knowledge is fallible, what is truth to one individual is an untruth to another. The open systems by which the extraction processes occur in these rural environments change the regular moderating behaviors of the community. As the extraction process stabilize unnecessary workers will leave the community, though some may stay and become a part of the community. If the extraction process ceases, the community members will experience grief, disbelief, denial, and hope that the decline is a passing event. The social structures of the communities change due to the influx of newcomers into the well-established and stable environment. Not only are the communities transformed, but the individuals are 261
transformed, not visibly, but unobserved changes. Once such change manifests itself in a once confident individual performing a routine task such as going to the grocery store becomes fearful due to social changes. However, others embrace the changes and the newcomers, realizing that change is the normal course of life. The natural environment that was once known is now unknown, the land-use changes through the extraction process of the resource are transformational. Taken together the community experiences a metamorphosis. It is necessary to understand those changes as they pertain to the empirical, actual, and the real. The study sites have experienced profound changes, yet they have not changed, new social orders are formed due to the external pressures that are unobserved. The attitudes and perceptions of an individual and the community at large learn the new modified norms of behavior, which are quantifiable, which are close to pre-disruption norms of behavior. Due to the changes, some of the old-timers will have adapted and changed their idea of how their well-being and that of the community have either accepted or rejected the new situations. There will be ruminations about the good old days.
The comparison of two different energy resource extraction sites in two different countries provides a greater understanding as to how the social fabric is changed through environmental pressures. The regions of RMWB and the Bakken Play were changed through the localized phenomena of the extractive processes of the oil sands and oil shale.
6.3 Limitations
This research was conducted during an economic boom that was transforming the sociological make-up of the communities associated with the extraction of non-renewable energy sources. The ability to achieve comparable results in a similar geographical location 262
may not be obtainable due to the volatility of the economic environment. It is therefore incumbent upon the reader to ascertain the applicability to their specific case.
All reasonable measures were taken to remove researcher bias and that the research methods were conducted corresponding to the ethical IRB standards. A mixed method approach was taken to highlight the differenced between the two study sites
The first limitation: A comparison between the First Nations and those from the MHA
Nation members would have produced a greater breadth of knowledge about how these communities have coped economically and socially.
A second limitation: The random, snowball, and convenience interviews were conducted which limited the input from governmental officials, oil workers, and others. Only three individuals were in a governmental capacity. I had contacted and made an appointment to meet the former mayor of Belfield, North Dakota. Upon my arrival, she declined to complete the questionnaire and to an interview. I also had contacted the office of the mayor of Fort Murray and the Fort McMurray No. 468 First Nations, my request to speak to them went unanswered.
The individuals that I was able to contact consisted of a police chief and two officers from the
Bakken Play. They wished to remain anonymous. From the police chief’s perspective though calls for service had increased, as he said, “Proportional to the increase in the population that the crime rate had remained the same.” He, like so many others, stated that retaining employees, specifically officers proved to be difficult due to the high wages that the oil companies offered (Bakken Play, Police Chief 2012, pers. comm., 26 August). At the time when I spoke to him, he said that he knew of one to two officers that were leaving the force to work in the oil and gas industry. The other two officers were from a different department.
They too were leaving, one had found employment with an energy company, and the other was 263
weighing his employment options. Both liked the community that they policed, but the salary offered by the city could not compete with the oil companies (Bakken Play, police officers
2012, pers. comm., 27 August). Based on the current boom employees are in short supply, however, when the economic downturn occurs employers will have been to release those individuals who are not vital to the bottom line.
A third limitation: The distance between RMWB and the Bakken Play. I traveled to
RMWB once for a total of four days, and I went to North Dakota twice. In North Dakota, the distances between the interviews were sometimes 200 miles which were time-consuming and costly. Fuel at the time was $3.35 - $3.75 a gallon. In one day, the price of gas went up fifty cents to over $4.25.
A fourth limitation: Some of the information gathered from the interviews was not utilized due to a lack of significance to a specific question. Additionally, some of the quantitative questions were not utilized due to a lack of responses.
A fifth limitation: Though it is possible to easily access SIAs that have been conducted in Canada which is due to the ownership of the resources, the Canadian government. In the
United States extraction of resources or for that matter any construction project that utilizes federal, state, or local money is required by NEPA to conduct EIA and SIA. However, very few
SIAs have been conducted. In the case of the Bakken Play extraction, there was one SIA carried out in 2012 on Fort Berthold Indian Reservation, and the conclusion was reported as
FONSI in respect to the environment, social fabric, nor encroaching on any culturally significant land.
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A sixth limitation: Previous studies did not compare life satisfaction and bad mental health days in communities involved in different resource extraction types. This avenue of inquiry should be pursued.
6.4 Recommendations
The purpose of this study was to explore and compare the boomtown communities in
RMWB and the Bakken Play because of their isolated locations and their experience with non- renewable energy extraction. Included in the attitudes and perceptions of the respondents involves the well-being of the community members, social connectivity, business environment, and environmental consequences due to the proximity extraction of the non-renewable resources of the oil sands in RMWB and oil shale in the Bakken Play, which includes Fort Berthold
Indian Reservation. It would be pertinent of the governing bodies to reach out to the communities in a more proactive manner, such as town hall meetings, speaking to clubs, and organizations to ascertain the needs of the community, to include the distribution of relevant and timely information. This information would include what steps they have taken to weather future economic downturns, what measures have been adopted to renovate and upgrade the infrastructure, and what steps will be taken to maintain the infrastructure once the tax revenue ceases. Other measures that should be taken are to complete a comprehensive plan for each town and county to ascertain the best possible outcomes for the placement of short and long- term housing for the residents and temporary workers. The comprehensive plan that McKenzie
County had undertaken would be a model by which other counties could mimic. Better communication between the governing authorities would facilitate a better understanding among the residents in areas where there is rapid growth due to a boom environment. This is 265
particularly the case in a situation such as the tribal members of the MHA Nation. Though drilling had occurred around the reservation, the tribal members were without assistance or direction (Fort Berthold, MHA Allottee meeting 2012, pers. comm., 1 November).
Single resource communities are vulnerable to commodity price fluxes, thus must take steps to diversify and adapt to their new economic base to weather the boom and bust cycles.
This was a hard lesson for some communities to overcome. Gillette, Wyoming overcame a variety of negative press associated with a boomtown, it continues to seek out ways to remain a viable and healthy community. The United State federal, state and local governments would be well advised undertake SIAs such as Canada for every project. Though costly by conducting the infrastructure up-grades many of the social, economic, and environmental impacts could be lessened. As Fort McMurray Mayor Melissa Blake said, “We’re writing history right now,”
“And ultimately, what I leave behind has to be wonderful.” (Sutherland 2011).
The need for energy is insatiable. Technology has facilitated the ability to obtain resources that were unattainable. The rapid increase in population leads to social disorganization and stress within subpopulations (Maguire and Winters 2016). The ties that bind a community are stretched and reorganized, but the respondents in this study indicated that they knew their neighbors, some of which were probably newcomers, though that was not specifically asked.
Studying subjective well-being is difficult as each and community possessed their views, attitudes, and perceptions of what constitutes their well-being. The conducting of an SIA, whether needed or not would contribute to the identified dependent variables of well-being to the community. The variables associated with well-being will be different for each community, depending upon their geographical location, near an MSA or in a more rural setting. Thus it is
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necessary to communicate with key informants, local leaders, and other interested parties to avoid any negative effects.
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Chapter 7
“Please Lord, give me another oil boom, and I promise not to p..s it away!”
7.1 Introduction - Update – RMWB, Bakken Play, and Fort Berthold
The price of oil is a blessing and curse. Technology has stimulated the oil industrial complex to seek out once inaccessible petroleum products. The locations in question, in this case, are the oil sands in RMWB and oil shale in the Bakken Play. Peak oil was $147 per barrel in 2008, falling to $100 in June 2014, by 2017 oil was just over $40 per barrel.
7.2 RMWB
RMWB was not immune from the drop of the price of oil. RMWB, specifically Fort
McMurray has weathered its share of boom and bust cycles. During the last 15 years, the price of crude allowed for the expansion of the oil sands extraction contributed to the fiscal health of the region but also brought with it a variety of boom town pressures. With the fall of the price per barrel, fly-in/fly-out, drive-in/drive-out workers have left, leaving behind a built environment that was difficult but not insurmountable to sustain fiscally. Businesses that were once thriving are struggling, employees are being laid off, Fort McMurray has curtailed expansion projects, and the food bank resources are in greater demand. City Councilor Tyran Ault indicated that though the city was shrinking, it was far from being considered a ghost town, but referred Fort
McMurray as a shrinking town (Williams 2016). To help to sustain the positive aspects of the
RMWB community, a variety of organizations have sought to support the community during the boom period but also during times of economic stress. These would include Some Other
Solutions, which assists those in crisis, which often accompany a boomtown environment and the Justin Slade Youth Foundation. Another outreach organization, Social Prosperity Wood 268
Buffalo that sought to react to the societal needs of the community. Through these organizations and others, it is their intention to weather the current economic downturn and build a more resilient and stronger community (McGowan 2015).
Unfortunately, Fort McMurray located in the RMWB experienced a devastating fire that consumed 387,000 acres in the spring of 2016. The fire which caused the evacuation of 80,000 was ruled as having been started by a lightning strike. The intensity and rapid spread of the fire was due to the El Nino conditions from the previous year (Mortillaro 2016). Energy companies extracted workers, suppressed fires, and protected assets until such time that operations could restart (Austen 2016). RMWB has developed a recovery plan that will direct the long-term redevelopment efforts to restore the natural, economic, and built environs (RMWB 2016
Wildfire Recovery Plan 2016).
Though the fire was distressing for the residents and businesses of RMWB the opportunity to rebuild with a vision to the future allows for more efficient utilization of resources. This is an opportunity to conduct a longitudinal study to monitor the anthropogenic changes as well as the societal demographics, and environmental regeneration during the rebuilding phases. There will be members of the communities that will not return, others that will come back but with a different perspective, and then there will be the newcomers that will inject their unique attitudes and perspectives on how the community will evolve
The recovery plan includes timely and pertinent information that the residents can utilize to find out if the water is safe to drink if it safe for the kids to go to the playground, and if it is safe to plant a garden and eat the vegetables.
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7.3 Bakken Play
The boom in the Bakken Play started in 2008, and by 2014 began to wane and continues to plummet. In 2013 there were 188 active wells located in the Bakken Play. Since the downturn, that started in early 2014 saw a minor decrease to 187 active rigs. In 2015 there were
159 rigs, in 2016, there were 47 active rigs, and in early 2017 there were 41 active rigs (nd.gov
2017). Rigs were being taken offline; workers were leaving the region to seek employment elsewhere. Since the decline in active drilling, there has been an increase in the temporary abandonment of wells. There are strict criteria by which wells are sealed, checked, and maintained during this period (nd.gov 2016). If the well is believed abandoned for more than seven years, then the surface owner can request that the state reviews the abandonment and have the well permanently plugged (North Dakota, Department of Mineral 1996). This will allow the land to be reclaimed and put back to use, provided it had not been permanently damaged.
Though some individuals and businesses are impacted due to the retraction of drilling, many cities look to the lull to catch up with much-needed infrastructure upgrades and to reassess how they want their communities to develop and thrive.
7.4 Fort Berthold Indian Reservation
Drilling on MHA Nation land continues. Due to unknown causes, a leaking carrying fracking fluid that did not possess an alert system, and owned by a nontribal entity threatened the
MHA Nation water source from Garrison Dam (Indian Country Today 10 July 2014). The Army
Corps of Engineers, with the backing of the courts, allowed a non-tribal company to lay pipe within its boundaries. Though a sovereign nation there are events that occur that the MHA
Nation does not have the power to control and provide for the safety of tribal lands (NPR 2016). 270
Previous tribal leaders that were to guide, protect the reservation land and resources for current and future generations have taken advantage of tribal faith, specifically Tex Hall and the BIA
(Fort Berthold, MHA Allottee meeting 2012, pers. comm., 1 November; Frank 2016). The former leader Chief, Tex Hall was voted out of office and replaced with a forward thinking, fiscally savvy, and providing the ‘transparency’ that was long overdue (Gilbertson 2014).
The tribe has benefited from the extraction of the Bakken oil, having realized a monetary benefit of $2 billion. From the revenue, The People’s Fund of the Mandan, Hidatsa & Arikara
Nation was initiated to benefit the 15,000 enrolled tribal members that will receive an annual distribution (MHA Nation 2016). The income has been a boom to the tribe through better access to health care and housing, but there is also greater access to drugs. MHA Nation Chief Judge
Diane Johnson indicates that before the Bakken Play boom that the drug cases that came to her court were about 30 percent of her caseload. That number increased to 90 percent in 2015. The tribal authorities have worked in conjunction with the FBI and gang experts to stem the flow of drugs and gangs onto the reservation. Due to better accessibility, individuals that were isolated from what were traditionally hard drugs are now having a negative impact on the once solid social fabric of the tribe (Carcamo 2015). Local dealers that had supplied small amounts of drugs to locals, now are peddling pounds of drugs, specifically meth.
7.5 Resilient Communities
The communities of RMWB, Bakken Play, and Fort Berthold Indian Reservation have experienced boom and bust (downturns) in the past. These communities are resilient; they can accommodate the onslaught of newcomers, though old-timers may leave the community, a renewed vitality and purpose ensues. Some struggles occur, but the communities seek avenues 271
to adapt to changes in their social structures, land-use, and economics. Though these communities have changed are changing and will change again the residents are welcoming, and if you are in Watford City stop by the diner for lunch, they will be glad to see you.
272
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