Negro Market" and the Black Freedom Movement in New York City, 1930-1965 Julia L

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Negro Market University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014 1-1-2006 The "Negro market" and the Black freedom movement in New York City, 1930-1965 Julia L. Sandy-Bailey University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_1 Recommended Citation Sandy-Bailey, Julia L., "The "Negro market" and the Black freedom movement in New York City, 1930-1965 " (2006). Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014. 863. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_1/863 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014 by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE "NEGRO MARKET" AND THE BLACK FREEDOM MOVEMENT IN NEW YORK CITY, 1930-1965 A Dissertation Presented by JULIA L. SANDY-BAILEY Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts Amherst in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY May 2006 Department of History © Copyright by Julia L. Sandy-Bailey 2006 All Rights Reserved THE "NEGRO MARKET" AND THE BLACK FREEDOM MOVEMENT IN NEW YORK CITY, 1930-1965 A Dissertation Presented by JULIA L. SANDY-BAILEY Approved as to style and content by: Kathy Peiss, Chair David Glassberg, Carl Nightingale, Member Dean Robinson, Member Audrey Altstadti/Chair Department ofhistory DEDICATION To Robert and Marylane Sandy, and to Lonce. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This dissertation has been completed with the help of an amazing professional and personal support I system, and am grateful to have this opportunity to acknowledge their contribution to my work. My advisor and dissertation chair, Kathy Peiss, has carefully and thoughtfully guided me through this process, and to say that this dissertation would not have been written without her doesn't begin to express my appreciation lor all she has done lor me. She I always knew what was doing well before I did, and her passion and dedication challenge me to be a better thinker, writer, and teacher. My other committee members -- David (ilassberg, Carl Nightingale, and Dean Robinson -- each brought LUlique insights to this project and I know I will continue to benefit from their help as I move forward with this research. The History Department at the I Iniversity of Massachusetts at Amherst provided me with generous financial support to travel to archives and conferences, and Larry Owens assisted with all of the administrative hurdles that accompany a doctoral degree. Kev in Boyle helped with my initial formulation of this project and offered kind suggestions along the way. Ronald Story has been a constant provider of good humor and encouragement, and his reminders to "just get it done" helped keep the end in sight. Jerome Mileur was instrumental in sparking my initial interest in black consumer culture ( when he asked me to be a part of the Jackie Robinson Initiative in the fall of l >%. Studying Robinson\s advertising career was my fust exposure to the "Negro market." Imveisity, Additionally, he has been my most ardent supporter and helpful friend at the 1 this without his friendship. and I would never have completed degree A fellowship from the Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History allowed me to finish my final research, and gave me the push I needed to see the project through to completion. I was fortunate to conduct research in several wonderful archives, whose helpful archivists made this process much easier. Many thanks are due to the staff at the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, and to Faith Davis Ruffins and Charles McGovern for their help at the National Museum of American History. Jacqueline Reid and the fine staff at the John W. Hartman Center at Duke University made each of my visits there enormously efficient and pleasant; no researcher could find a better place to work. The Interlibrary Loan department at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst was also extremely helpful and adept at finding even the most obscure materials. A number of friends have stuck with me through the arduous process of graduate school, listening to my worries and celebrating my successes. I would like to thank, in particular, Larry Becker, Chris Carlisle, Tom Conroy, Alison and Pete Dagnes, Julie Gallagher, Brent Heeringa, Michael and Lisa Hannahan, Jill Mudgett, Lana Wylie and Duane Hewitt, and Denise Matze. Jacqueline Castledine moved back to Massachusetts in time to see me through the last year of this project and her helpful suggestions have made this a much better dissertation. Eric Thompson and Mary Lusk, Cathron and Sam Donaldson, and Jon Keller had the added burden of living near much-needed archives, and all generously shared their homes and lives during the research process. mother and father I close these acknowledgements with thanks to my family. My to be a taught me to engage and question the world around me, and continue to inspire me caring teacher and person. They never asked, "when is the dissertation going to be sister and brother. finished?" and never lost faith that it would (eventually) end. My vi Robin and Jay, and their spouses, Steve and Joanna, provided me with lots of love, ice- cream, baseball games, and late-night phone calls, even as their own families grew and demanded attention. Larry, Dorothy, Gwen and Rod, and Felicia and Zara welcomed me into the Bailey family and offered unflagging love and support. My final words are reserved for my husband, Lonce. Only those who have attempted to complete two dissertations in one household could understand how lucky I am to have such a wonderful spouse. He always put his own work on hold to read drafts, listen to my ideas, make dinner, clean out the litter box, and hold my hand. This dissertation is dedicated to him, with gratitude, with admiration, and with love. vii ABSTRACT THE "NEGRO MARKET" AND THE BLACK FREEDOM MOVEMENT IN NEW YORK CITY, 1930-1965 MAY 2006 JULIA L. SANDY-BAILEY, B.A., UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA M.A., UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA M.A., UNIVERSITY OF MASSACHUSETTS AMHERST Ph.D., UNIVERSITY OF MASSACHUSETTS AMHERST Directed by: Professor Kathy Peiss This dissertation examines the "Negro market" and consumer activism within the context of the black freedom movement in New York City from 1930 to 1965. The "Negro market," a term used by the advertising industry to indicate a racially defined consumer market that was separate from the mainstream one, first emerged during the Great Depression. It expanded during World War II when the government gave more attention to racial matters and actively supported corporate attention to black consumers. In its first three decades, "Negro market" advertisers sought to reach African Americans without alienating whites, and strategies were shaped by advertising agencies, corporations, black media, and black marketing experts. During these years "Negro market" campaigns were conducted solely in black media. Although this reinforced the segregation of the consumer market, it did result in positive advertising images of blacks in the black press. Black protests in the early 1 960s resulted in the integration of a small number of ads in mainstream media, changing the exclusively segregated approach of advertisers. viii Black New Yorkers used their consumer power as a tool in the black freedom movement, a movement that included campaigns for employment, integration, and positive black cultural portrayals. They also worked for consumer rights such as integrated commercial spaces, fair prices, and quality merchandise, and understood these rights as an important part of their struggle for racial equality. Groups from a variety of political perspectives - including housewives leagues, the NAACP, CORE, the African Nationalist Pioneer Movement, and the National Negro Congress - took part in these activities. Consumer weapons such as picketing and boycotts were only one aspect of black rights campaigns, and were often very effective. But there were limits to the usefulness of consumer action. By looking at business trade journals, the black press, advertisements, and the records of civil rights organizations, advertising agencies, corporations, and governmental agencies, this study traces the early history of the "Negro market," demonstrates the importance of consumer rights to black New Yorkers, and also shows the limitations of consumption as a method for achieving racial equality. ix TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ABSTRACT Vlll LIST OF FIGURES xi CHAPTER INTRODUCTION ! 1. ORIGINS OF THE "NEGRO MARKET" 10 2. CITIZENS, CONSUMERS, AND WORKERS 63 3. ADVERTISING JIM CROW 122 4. CONFIDENT BUT CAUTIOUS 179 5. UNSHEATHING THE CONSUMER SWORD 223 CONCLUSION 278 BIBLIOGRAPHY 285 x LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 2.1. Joe Louis World War II Poster, 1942 83 2.2 United We Win World War II Poster, 1 943 86 2.3 Bond Bread Advertisement, 1943 104 2.4 Pepsi-Cola Advertisement, 1 944 1 07 2.5 Vaseline Advertisement, 1945 110 3 . 1 Pepsi-Cola "More Bounce" Advertisement, 1 949 156 3 .2 Fultz Quads Pet Milk Advertisement, 1 949 165 3.3 Joe Louis Chesterfield Advertisement, 1947 169 3 .4 Chesterfield Advertisement, 1951 171 5.1 Apex Beauty Products Advertisement, 1963 266 5.2 Rheingold Beer Advertisement, 1963 272 xi INTRODUCTION In 1946 James Farmer, founder and director of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), published an article in The Crisis titled "Unsheathing the Consumer Sword," about the ways in which Southern blacks could use consumer power in their struggle for racial equality. Farmer argued that African Americans had been led to believe "the fiction that their ability to consume rests of necessity upon the white man," and that more than loss of life, blacks feared "that the bare necessities of life will be snatched from them if they do not respect the southern code of behavior." Afraid of losing jobs, monetary support for schools and churches, a market for their crops, and access to consumer goods, Southern blacks were reluctant to challenge racial inequality.
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