In April 1917, John Sharp Williams Was Almost Sixty-Three Years Old, and He Could Barely Hear It Thunder

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

In April 1917, John Sharp Williams Was Almost Sixty-Three Years Old, and He Could Barely Hear It Thunder 1 OF GENTLEMEN AND SOBs: THE GREAT WAR AND PROGRESSIVISM IN MISSISSIPPI In April 1917, John Sharp Williams was almost sixty-three years old, and he could barely hear it thunder. Sitting in the first row of the packed House chamber, he leaned forward, “huddled up, listening . approvingly” as his friend Woodrow Wilson asked the Congress, not so much to declare war as to “accept the status of belligerent” which Germany had already thrust upon the reluctant American nation. No one knew how much of the speech the senior senator from Mississippi heard, though the hand cupped conspicuously behind the right ear betrayed the strain of his effort. Frequently, whether from the words themselves or from the applause they evoked, he removed his hand long enough for a single clap before resuming the previous posture, lest he lose the flow of the president’s eloquence.1 “We are glad,” said Wilson, “now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included; for the rights of nations, great and small, and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democracy.” That final pregnant phrase Williams surely heard, for “alone he began to applaud . gravely, emphatically,” and continued until the entire audience, at last gripped by “the full and immense meaning” of the words, erupted into thunderous acclamation.2 Scattered about the crowded chamber were a handful of dissenters, including Williams’s junior colleague from Mississippi, James K. Vardaman. Only a few weeks 2 before, Vardaman had opposed the president’s proposal to arm American merchant vessels in the face of Germany’s resumption of unrestricted submarine warfare on February 1. Though not participating in the filibuster that talked the bill to death in the Senate, he had refused to sign a round-robin in support of the measure, earning him inclusion in Wilson’s public denunciation of the “little group of willful men,” who “representing no opinion but their own,” had “rendered the great Government of the United States helpless and contemptible.” Two days hence, Vardaman would cast one of only six Senate votes against the declaration of war, and even now, as he sat, sadly, amidst the crescendo of enthusiasm for the president’s call to arms, his opposition and near isolation were palpable. Earlier, as the senators had filed two by two into the chamber, each carried in his hand or wore in his lapel a tiny American flag; at the conclusion of Wilson’s speech, “those who were wearing, not carrying flags,” ripped them from their coats and “waved with the rest, and they all cheered wildly.” Vardaman’s fellow progressive from the other party, Robert La Follette of Wisconsin, “stood motionless with his arms folded tight . chewing gum with a sardonic smile.” Only he and Vardaman were “flagless.”3 There is a venerable legend, according to David Chandler, that since the United States Constitution already provided for two senators from each state when Mississippi joined the Union in 1817, the people tacitly agreed that one seat would be reserved for a gentleman, the other for an SOB; that way the whole state would always be represented. In any case, these two, the urbane planter-statesman and the boisterous agrarian radical, embodied the contradictions imbedded in an archaic agrarian society pervaded by class and racial tensions. Since the 1870s, Mississippians had battled those complexities with 3 but little interference from the outside world. Forces unleashed by the Great War would end that relative isolation and hasten Mississippi and her people along their tortured path to modernity.4 John Sharp Williams was indeed a gentleman. Orphaned young, reared on his grandfather’s 3,000-acre plantation in Yazoo County, educated abroad and at the University of Virginia, he personified the Bourbon forebears who dominated the state following the overthrow of Reconstruction. Vardaman, by contrast, was the White Chief of Mississippi politics, symbol and leader of a redneck revolt that after his gubernatorial triumph in 1903 challenged the Redeemers’ grip on state government and swept Mississippi into the mainstream of progressive reform. To detractors, like Will Percy of Greenville, he was “a kindly vain demagogue unable to think, and given to emotions he considered noble,” but to the masses of poor white farmers, he was a tribune come to judgment for the people. His administration (1904-1908) regulated and taxed corporations, improved education, and humanized the penal system. It also created a textbook commission that forbade the use of any history volume whose account of the “late Civil War” was not “fair and impartial, and written from a Confederate point of view.” Though Vardaman lost a bid for the United States Senate to Williams in 1907, his reform faction of the Democratic Party controlled state politics for a generation.5 A simple catalogue of the reformers’ subsequent achievements more than vindicates their progressive credentials. Between 1908 and 1924, Mississippi: restricted child labor; outlawed blacklisting of union members; increased employer liability; set safety standards for railroads; increased appropriations for education; consolidated rural schools; created a junior college system; established a normal college; made school attendance compulsory; restricted lobbyists; stiffened antitrust regulations; restricted corporate land ownership; regulated stock sales; established a highway 4 commission, a tax commission, a bank board, and a pardon board; strengthened the railroad commission; adopted the initiative, the referendum, and a presidential primary; built a tuberculosis hospital, a school for the feebleminded, a juvenile reformatory, and charity hospitals; allowed cities to adopt the commission system; ratified the federal income tax amendment and enacted a state income tax; outlawed usury, interlocking directorates, and bank holding companies; ended the fee system, county convict leasing, and public hanging; enacted a food and drug law and a tick eradication program; and made the state judiciary elective. It was an impressive record.6 The pivotal event came in 1910 when the infamous “secret caucus” of Democratic legislators again denied Vardaman a Senate seat and inadvertently catapulted an obscure Piney Woods lawmaker into the political limelight. State senator Theodore G. Bilbo of Pearl River County publicly claimed that he had been bribed to change his vote from Vardaman to LeRoy Percy, the ultimate victor in the contest to fill the unexpired term of the recently deceased Anselm McLaurin. The following year, turning scandal to political advantage, Vardaman defeated Percy for the full Senate term, and “The Man,” as Bilbo took to calling himself, won a first primary victory for lieutenant governor.7 The differences between mentor and protégé reflected something significant about Mississippi politics in the early twentieth century. The fundamental distinction was regional. Though Vardaman had grown up in the hills, he chose to become a Delta man, marrying a Leflore County widow from whom he inherited a 3,000-acre plantation and the social status that accompanied it. Soon he became “conscientious about . manners and social niceties.” Politically, he absorbed the black county Bourbonism of his mentors, H. D. Money, a cousin, and Money’s benefactor, J. Z. George—strategist of Mississippi’s redemption, father of the 1890 constitution, and architect of disfranchisement. From them, and from old Benjamin F. Ward of Winona, Vardaman 5 inherited the Bourbon obsession with white supremacy and, early on at least, a commitment to social and economic conservatism. As a young legislator, he supported tax breaks for business and opposed a state income tax, an elective judiciary, and a primary law.8 Twice in the 1890s, Vardaman sought the Democratic nomination for governor, and twice the Redeemer establishment denied him. Disappointed, he remained loyal, defending party solidarity against Populism, especially in the white counties where he discovered the oratorical magic of yoking bitter agrarian discontent to latent racial anxiety. By the turn of the century, he was openly advocating abolition of black education and repeal of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments that sustained it. “To educate a Negro,” he proclaimed, “is to spoil a good field hand.” The 1902 primary law, which transferred control of party nominations from courthouse cliques to rank-and-file Democrats, sealed his transformation from Bourbon conservative to agrarian radical. The overwhelming majority of Democratic voters were poor white farmers, and by now Vardaman had sincerely embraced and skillfully mastered their political sensibilities. His election as governor in 1903 thrust Mississippi firmly into the Progressive Era.9 Bilbo, on the other hand, represented the interests not only of white counties in general, but Piney Woods counties in particular. The immediacy of the heritage of Reconstruction and Redemption, as well as the centrality of racial politics, was foreign to him. His south Mississippi constituents were more concerned with the depredations of railroad and sawmill companies and inequities in legislative apportionment and the distribution of school funds. Whereas Vardaman’s affinity for redneck politics, however sincere, was learned, Bilbo’s was natural. A reporter noted that long after his conversion 6 to progressivism the White Chief, “while posing as a commoner,” continued to dress “like a dandy” and carried himself with the “stilted, imperious air” of an aristocrat. Bilbo, however, as his biographer put it, was known to conclude a campaign stop by accompanying the menfolk “behind the barn to relieve his kidneys just as he had shared his spleen with them on the stump”10 The two men’s enemies responded accordingly. Will Percy confessed that his father LeRoy “rather liked Vardaman,” whom the son described as “a flamboyant figure of a man, immaculately overdressed, wearing his black hair long to the shoulders, and crowned with a wide cowboy hat.
Recommended publications
  • ~Ongrcssionai-1Rrcord
    ~ongrcssionai - 1Rrcord United States of America PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 79th CONGRESS,. SECOND SESSION S. 1363. An act to reimburse certain Navy PETITIONS AND MEMORIAL SENATE and Marine Corps personnel and former Navy Petitions, etc., were laid before the and Marine Corps personnel for personal Senate, or presented, and referred as FRIDAY, APRIL 26, 1946 property lost or destroyed as the result of water damage occurring at certain naval flnd indicated: <Legislative day of Tuesday, March 5, Marine Corps shore activities; and By the PRESIDENT pro tempore: .1946) S. 1601. An act to revive and reenact the A memorial of the Senate of t he Legisla­ act entitled "An act granting the consent ture of the Territory of Alaska; to the Com­ The Senate met at 12 o'clock meridian, of Congress to the counties of Valley and Mc­ mittee on Territories and Insular Affairs: on the expiration of the recess. Cone, Mont., to construct, maintain, and op­ "Senate Memorial 1 erate a free highway bridge across the Mis­ The Chaplain, Rev. Frederick Brown "To the Honorable Harry S. Truman, Presi­ souri River at or near Frazer, Mont," approved dent of the United States; to the Con­ Harris, D. D., offered the following August 5, 1939. prayer: gr ess of the United States; to the .Hon­ On April 24, 1946: orable Juli us Krug, Secretary of the Our Father God, we beseech Thee that S. 718. An act to authorize the Secretary Interior: Thou wilt make this moment of devotion of t he Interior to contract wit h the Middle "Your memorialist, the Senate of the Leg­ a pavilion of Thy peace as, trusting only Rio Grande Conservancy· District of·New Mex­ islature of the Territory of Alaska, in the ico for the payment of operation and main­ extraordinary session of the seventeenth ses­ in Thy mercy, we bring our soiled souls tenance charge::; on certain Pueblo Indian sion assembled, does most respectfullf rep­ to Thy cleansing grace.
    [Show full text]
  • C RS Report for Congress
    Order Code RL30666 C RS Report for Congress The Role of the House Minority Leader: An Overview Updated December 12, 2006 Walter J. Oleszek Senior Specialist in the Legislative Process Government and Finance Division Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress House Minority Leader Summary The House minority leader is head of the "loyal opposition." The party's nominee for Speaker, the minority leader is elected every two years by secret ballot of his or her party caucus or conference. The minority leader's responsibilities involve an array of duties. Fundamentally, the primary goal of the minority leader is to recapture majority control of the House. In addition, the minority leader performs important institutional and party functions. From an institutional perspective, the rules of the House assign a number of specific responsibilities to the minority leader. For example, Rule XII, clause 6, grant the minority leader (or his designee) the right to offer a motion to recommit with instructions; Rule II, clause 6, states the Inspector General shall be appointed by joint recommendation of the Speaker, majority leader, and minority leader; and Rule XV, clause 6, provides that the Speaker, after consultation with the minority leader, may place legislation on the Corrections Calendar. The minority leader also has other institutional duties, such as appointing individuals to certain federal entities. From a party perspective, the minority leader has a wide range of partisan assignments, all geared toward retaking majority control of the House. Five principal party activities direct the work of the minority leader. First, he or she provides campaign assistance to party incumbents and challengers.
    [Show full text]
  • Rods Radio Show Notes September 21St 2011
    Rods Radio Show Notes September 21st 2011 To participate in the show’s live call in dial 318-442-8255 (talk) call between 8:05 and 8:55 on Wednesday morning. Do not attempt to call in on Saturday as this is our encore performance (fancy way to say taped). Attachments, Announcements, and Travels: Home builders seminar “When did that change and why?” September 27th Convention Hall 6:00 pm Bon Swirl grand opening last night Regan Cupples and his wife did great job with rehab, need concept, perfect family stop, and it taste so good. Opens 11:00 am and closes at 8:00 pm. Bon Swirl Jackson Street opposite side of McDonalds. LRAPAC Auction September 15th you can bid and buy dinner with former Edwin Edwards. Bob Merrick CEO with Latter & Blum delivered dinner for two at Galatoires. Attached is email from partner, client, friend who lives in New Orleans and upon my request of tips at dinning to impress client at Galatoires here is his reply. This is worth passing on to family: Rod, Glad to report record fund raiser over $10,000. First ever Realtors economic summit November 1st speakers who have committed John Kennedy state treasure, Malcolm Young executive director of LRA, Elliott Stonecipher poster and Chip Songy partner with Stirling Real Estate born and reared right here in River City. Petrus Hieghts Subdivision study Village Green Subdivision study People not properties: Week before last Steven Moret secretary economic development was our guest on the show Last week President Latter & Blum Inc. Rick Haase was our guest.
    [Show full text]
  • Click Here to Search to Get Phone Data Faster, Please Click to Search
    Click here to search To get phone data faster, please click to search button! (318) 473-8234 Available Data Avaiable More info (318) 473-5823 Available Data Avaiable More info (318) 473-8483 Available Data Avaiable More info (318) 473-6048 Available Data Avaiable More info (318) 473-6831 Rapides Parish of, Coroner's OfficeAlexandria, More info (318) 473-2811 Available Data Avaiable More info (318) 473-8054 Available Data Avaiable More info (318) 473-3772 Available Data Avaiable More info (318) 473-4544 Willie Butler ALEXANDRIA,3109 HERBERT ST More info (318) 473-9036 Joseph Kenner ALEXANDRIA,5002 LISA ST More info (318) 473-6687 Available Data Avaiable More info (318) 473-4682 Available Data Avaiable More info (318) 473-1206 Available Data Avaiable More info (318) 473-5625 Available Data Avaiable More info (318) 473-2717 Willie F Brooks Alexandria,1932 Dublin Rd #B More info (318) 473-7775 Available Data Avaiable More info (318) 473-0748 Available Data Avaiable More info (318) 473-9886 Patsy Washington ALEXANDRIA,516 RENE DR More info (318) 473-5140 Available Data Avaiable More info (318) 473-1083 Available Data Avaiable More info (318) 473-4716 Available Data Avaiable More info (318) 473-2709 Available Data Avaiable More info (318) 473-0610 Available Data Avaiable More info (318) 473-9422 Available Data Avaiable More info (318) 473-9899 Vicki Reynolds Alexandria,2316 Mill Street More info (318) 473-7646 Available Data Avaiable More info (318) 473-8074 Available Data Avaiable More info (318) 473-2578 Available Data Avaiable More info
    [Show full text]
  • Reading an Italian Immigrant's Memoir in the Early 20Th-Century South
    University of New Orleans ScholarWorks@UNO University of New Orleans Theses and Dissertations Dissertations and Theses 5-20-2011 "Against My Destiny": Reading an Italian Immigrant's Memoir in the Early 20th-century South Bethany Santucci University of New Orleans Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uno.edu/td Recommended Citation Santucci, Bethany, ""Against My Destiny": Reading an Italian Immigrant's Memoir in the Early 20th-century South" (2011). University of New Orleans Theses and Dissertations. 1344. https://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1344 This Thesis is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by ScholarWorks@UNO with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Thesis in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights- holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/or on the work itself. This Thesis has been accepted for inclusion in University of New Orleans Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UNO. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “Against My Destiny”: Reading an Italian Immigrant‟s Memoir in the Early 20th-century South A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the University of New Orleans in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in English by Bethany Santucci B.A. Millsaps College, 2006 May, 2011 Copyright 2011, Bethany Santucci ii Table of Contents Abstract .............................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Union Calendar No. 607
    1 Union Calendar No. 607 110TH CONGRESS " ! REPORT 2d Session HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 110–934 REPORT ON THE LEGISLATIVE AND OVERSIGHT ACTIVITIES OF THE COMMITTEE ON WAYS AND MEANS DURING THE 110TH CONGRESS JANUARY 2, 2009.—Committed to the Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union and ordered to be printed U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 79–006 WASHINGTON : 2009 VerDate Nov 24 2008 22:51 Jan 06, 2009 Jkt 079006 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 4012 Sfmt 4012 E:\HR\OC\HR934.XXX HR934 sroberts on PROD1PC70 with HEARING E:\Seals\Congress.#13 COMMITTEE ON WAYS AND MEANS CHARLES B. RANGEL, New York, Chairman FORTNEY PETE STARK, California JIM MCCRERY, Louisiana SANDER M. LEVIN, Michigan WALLY HERGER, California JIM MCDERMOTT, Washington DAVE CAMP, Michigan JOHN LEWIS, Georgia JIM RAMSTAD, Minnesota RICHARD E. NEAL, Massachusetts SAM JOHNSON, Texas MICHAEL R. MCNULTY, New York PHIL ENGLISH, Pennsylvania JOHN S. TANNER, Tennessee JERRY WELLER, Illinois XAVIER BECERRA, California KENNY C. HULSHOF, Missouri LLOYD DOGGETT, Texas RON LEWIS, Kentucky EARL POMEROY, North Dakota KEVIN BRADY, Texas STEPHANIE TUBBS JONES, Ohio THOMAS M. REYNOLDS, New York MIKE THOMPSON, California PAUL RYAN, Wisconsin JOHN B. LARSON, Connecticut ERIC CANTOR, Virginia RAHM EMANUEL, Illinois JOHN LINDER, Georgia EARL BLUMENAUER, Oregon DEVIN NUNES, California RON KIND, Wisconsin PAT TIBERI, Ohio BILL PASCRELL, JR., New Jersey JON PORTER, Nevada SHELLY BERKLEY, Nevada JOSEPH CROWLEY, New York CHRIS VAN HOLLEN, Maryland KENDRICK MEEK, Florida ALLYSON Y. SCHWARTZ, Pennsylvania ARTUR DAVIS, Alabama (II) VerDate Nov 24 2008 13:20 Jan 06, 2009 Jkt 079006 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 5904 Sfmt 5904 E:\HR\OC\HR934.XXX HR934 sroberts on PROD1PC70 with HEARING LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • 2. Krehbiel and Wiseman
    Joe Cannon and the Minority Party 479 KEITH KREHBIEL Stanford University ALAN E. WISEMAN The Ohio State University Joe Cannon and the Minority Party: Tyranny or Bipartisanship? The minority party is rarely featured in empirical research on parties in legis- latures, and recent theories of parties in legislatures are rarely neutral and balanced in their treatment of the minority and majority parties. This article makes a case for redressing this imbalance. We identified four characteristics of bipartisanship and evaluated their descriptive merits in a purposely hostile testing ground: during the rise and fall of Speaker Joseph G. Cannon, “the Tyrant from Illinois.” Drawing on century- old recently discovered records now available in the National Archives, we found that Cannon was anything but a majority-party tyrant during the important committee- assignment phase of legislative organization. Our findings underscore the need for future, more explicitly theoretical research on parties-in-legislatures. The minority party is the crazy uncle of American politics, showing up at most major events, semiregularly causing a ruckus, yet stead- fastly failing to command attention and reflection. In light of the large quantity of new research on political parties, the academic marginalization of the minority party is ironic and unfortunate. It appears we have an abundance of theoretical and empirical arguments about parties in legislatures, but the reality is that we have only slightly more than half of that. The preponderance of our theories are about a single, strong party in the legislature: the majority party. A rare exception to the majority-centric rule is the work of Charles Jones, who, decades ago, lamented that “few scholars have made an effort to define these differences [between majority and minority parties] in any but the most superficial manner” (1970, 3).
    [Show full text]
  • ETD Template
    “THE ART OF SERVING IS WITH THEM INNATE”: HUNTING, FISHING, AND INDEPENDENCE IN THE POST-EMANCIPATION SOUTH, 1865-1920 by Scott Edward Giltner BA, Hiram College, 1996 MA, University of Pittsburgh, 1998 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2005 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH FACULTY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This dissertation was presented by Scott Edward Giltner It was defended on June 29, 2005 and approved by Dr. Kathleen Blee, Sociology Dr. Seymour Drescher, History Dr. Marcus Rediker, History Dr. Van Beck Hall, History Dissertation Director ii Copyright By Scott Edward Giltner 2005 iii “THE ART OF SERVING IS WITH THEM INNATE”: HUNTING, FISHING, AND INDEPENDENCE IN THE POST-EMANCIPATION SOUTH, 1865-1920 Scott Edward Giltner, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2005 Abstract This dissertation argues that hunting and fishing became central battlegrounds in the struggle over African-American independence between the end of the Civil War and the 1920s. Throughout that period, those deeply-rooted black cultural traditions, carried through centuries of bondage and further developed after 1865, remained important weapons in African Americans’ fight to control their own lives and labor. Drawing on narratives of former slaves, sportsmen’s recollections, records of fish and game clubs and resorts and sporting periodicals, I show that former slaves used hunting and fishing to reduce their dependence on agricultural labor in the service of whites and maximize their freedom. Because they reflected both symbolic and real African-American independence, hunting and fishing became central targets of white efforts to more firmly draw the racial line and protect their own economic and sporting interests.
    [Show full text]
  • Senate the Senate Met at 10:31 A.M
    E PL UR UM IB N U U S Congressional Record United States th of America PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 115 CONGRESS, SECOND SESSION Vol. 164 WASHINGTON, THURSDAY, MARCH 22, 2018 No. 50 Senate The Senate met at 10:31 a.m. and was from the State of Missouri, to perform the It will confront the scourge of addic- called to order by the Honorable ROY duties of the Chair. tion head-on and help save lives. For BLUNT, a Senator from the State of ORRIN G. HATCH, rural communities, like many in my Missouri. President pro tempore. home State of Kentucky, this is a big Mr. BLUNT thereupon assumed the deal. f Chair as Acting President pro tempore. The measure is also a victory for PRAYER f safe, reliable, 21st century infrastruc- The Chaplain, Dr. Barry C. Black, of- RECOGNITION OF THE MAJORITY ture. It will fund long overdue improve- fered the following prayer: LEADER ments to roads, rails, airports, and in- Let us pray. land waterways to ensure that our O God, our Father, may life’s seasons The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem- pore. The majority leader is recog- growing economy has the support sys- teach us that You stand within the tem that it needs. shadows keeping watch above Your nized. own. We praise You that You are our f Importantly, the bill will also con- tain a number of provisions to provide refuge and strength, a very present OMNIBUS APPROPRIATIONS BILL help in turbulent times. more safety for American families. It Lord, cultivate within our lawmakers Mr.
    [Show full text]
  • CHAIRMEN of SENATE STANDING COMMITTEES [Table 5-3] 1789–Present
    CHAIRMEN OF SENATE STANDING COMMITTEES [Table 5-3] 1789–present INTRODUCTION The following is a list of chairmen of all standing Senate committees, as well as the chairmen of select and joint committees that were precursors to Senate committees. (Other special and select committees of the twentieth century appear in Table 5-4.) Current standing committees are highlighted in yellow. The names of chairmen were taken from the Congressional Directory from 1816–1991. Four standing committees were founded before 1816. They were the Joint Committee on ENROLLED BILLS (established 1789), the joint Committee on the LIBRARY (established 1806), the Committee to AUDIT AND CONTROL THE CONTINGENT EXPENSES OF THE SENATE (established 1807), and the Committee on ENGROSSED BILLS (established 1810). The names of the chairmen of these committees for the years before 1816 were taken from the Annals of Congress. This list also enumerates the dates of establishment and termination of each committee. These dates were taken from Walter Stubbs, Congressional Committees, 1789–1982: A Checklist (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1985). There were eleven committees for which the dates of existence listed in Congressional Committees, 1789–1982 did not match the dates the committees were listed in the Congressional Directory. The committees are: ENGROSSED BILLS, ENROLLED BILLS, EXAMINE THE SEVERAL BRANCHES OF THE CIVIL SERVICE, Joint Committee on the LIBRARY OF CONGRESS, LIBRARY, PENSIONS, PUBLIC BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS, RETRENCHMENT, REVOLUTIONARY CLAIMS, ROADS AND CANALS, and the Select Committee to Revise the RULES of the Senate. For these committees, the dates are listed according to Congressional Committees, 1789– 1982, with a note next to the dates detailing the discrepancy.
    [Show full text]
  • Agrarian Anarchism and Authoritarian Populism: Towards a More (State-)Critical ‘Critical Agrarian Studies’
    The Journal of Peasant Studies ISSN: 0306-6150 (Print) 1743-9361 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fjps20 Agrarian anarchism and authoritarian populism: towards a more (state-)critical ‘critical agrarian studies’ Antonio Roman-Alcalá To cite this article: Antonio Roman-Alcalá (2020): Agrarian anarchism and authoritarian populism: towards a more (state-)critical ‘critical agrarian studies’, The Journal of Peasant Studies, DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2020.1755840 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/03066150.2020.1755840 © 2020 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group Published online: 20 May 2020. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 3209 View related articles View Crossmark data Citing articles: 4 View citing articles Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fjps20 THE JOURNAL OF PEASANT STUDIES https://doi.org/10.1080/03066150.2020.1755840 FORUM ON AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM AND THE RURAL WORLD Agrarian anarchism and authoritarian populism: towards a more (state-)critical ‘critical agrarian studies’* Antonio Roman-Alcalá International Institute of Social Studies, The Hague, Netherlands ABSTRACT KEYWORDS This paper applies an anarchist lens to agrarian politics, seeking to Anarchism; authoritarian expand and enhance inquiry in critical agrarian studies. populism; critical agrarian Anarchism’s relevance to agrarian processes is found in three studies; state theory; social general areas: (1) explicitly anarchist movements, both historical movements; populism; United States of America; and contemporary; (2) theories that emerge from and shape these moral economy movements; and (3) implicit anarchism found in values, ethics, everyday practices, and in forms of social organization – or ‘anarchistic’ elements of human social life.
    [Show full text]
  • Behind the Black Bloc: an Overview of Militant Anarchism and Anti-Fascism
    Behind the Black Bloc An Overview of Militant Anarchism and Anti-Fascism Daveed Gartenstein-Ross, Samuel Hodgson, and Austin Blair June 2021 FOUNDATION FOR DEFENSE OF DEMOCRACIES FOUNDATION Behind the Black Bloc An Overview of Militant Anarchism and Anti-Fascism Daveed Gartenstein-Ross Samuel Hodgson Austin Blair June 2021 FDD PRESS A division of the FOUNDATION FOR DEFENSE OF DEMOCRACIES Washington, DC Behind the Black Bloc: An Overview of Militant Anarchism and Anti-Fascism Table of Contents INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................ 7 ORIGINS OF CONTEMPORARY ANARCHISM AND ANTI-FASCISM ....................................... 8 KEY TENETS AND TRENDS OF ANARCHISM AND ANTI-FASCISM ........................................ 10 Anarchism .............................................................................................................................................................10 Anti-Fascism .........................................................................................................................................................11 Related Movements ..............................................................................................................................................13 DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN MILITANT GROUPS ........................................................................ 13 Anti-Fascist Groups .............................................................................................................................................14
    [Show full text]