African Dancing and Drumming in the Little Village of Tallahassee, Florida Andrea-Latoya Davis-Craig

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Electronic Theses, Treatises and Dissertations The Graduate School

2009 Building Community: African Dancing and Drumming in the Little Village of Tallahassee, Florida Andrea-Latoya Davis-Craig

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COLLEGE OF VISUAL ARTS, THEATER, AND DANCE

BUILDING COMMUNITY: AFRICAN DANCING AND DRUMMING IN THE

LITTLE VILLAGE OF TALLAHASSEE, FLORIDA

ANDREA-LA TOYA DAVIS-CRAIG

A Dissertation submitted to the Department of Art Education in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Awarded: Spring Semester, 2009

______Pat Villeneuve Professor Directing Dissertation

______Patricia Young Outside Committee Member

______Marcia Rosal Committee Member

______Tom Anderson Committee Member

Approved:

______David Gussak, Chair, Department of Art Education

The Graduate School has verified and approved the above named committee members.

I am because you are.

Dedicated to:

My grandmother Aline Mickens Not a day goes by that I don’t think of you. I love you grandma.

My grandmother Lottie Davis I never met you, but I know my dad and know that he is a reflection of you.

My parents Lt. Col. Walter and Andrea Davis Your unyielding support, sacrifice, and example have taught me anything is possible.

My ancestors You fought the fight so that I could walk in the light. Modupe Egun.

iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Life calls us to wear many hats. Some people take off the first hat in order to put on any subsequent hats, and others put on all the hats at the same time. I definitely fall into the latter category. So, I must begin my acknowledgements with the people who kept me sane while wearing all those hats. First and foremost, my husband, Osubi Craig, who never doubted for a minute that I could finish this massive undertaking and gave me the gentle nudging and words of encouragement I needed to keep going; my mom who constantly reminded me to eat, sleep, and “take care of myself”; my dad, who just by his presence made me understand that failure was not an option; Kwame Ross, and Bill and Huberta Lowman for my spiritual grounding and centering throughout this entire process; and Kia Epps, who would call with the most positive words and reassuring tone in her voice at just the right time. When ever you volunteered to do something, I knew it would get done and that freed me to focus on my dissertation (or whatever other hat was on top at the time). Many people offered helpful guidance through this process. I wish to thank the members of my dissertation committee: Pat Villeneuve, Marcia Rosal, Tom Anderson, Jeff Brooks, and Tricia Young. I know I was not the most focused graduate student. Thanks to Yolonda Ferris, our Office Assistant, who helped me stay on task with registration and forms. I’d also like to thank Shauna Stephens and Selina Hall, who edited some of my chapters for me; Dr. Barber who provided me with a ton of research literature to read; and Nzinga Metzger, my dissertation writing buddy and soundingboard. To the parents at Prophecy School of the Arts, thanks for always checking on my progress and asking me “how’s it going.” If you ask me now, my response will no longer be “well, it’s going.” Thank you to my friends, whom I have totally neglected, for being supportive and not revoking my friendship card: Latora Joiner-Francis and Walter Jones. Finally, wish to thank my study participants. I thank you for not only participating, but for being the community I describe in my research. I thank you for your energy, your enthusiasm, and sharing my passion, dance.

iv TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Tables ...... ix List of Figures ...... x Abstract ...... xi 1. INTRODUCTION Statement of the Purpose ...... 2 Researcher’s Background and Interest...... 2 Perspectives and Point of View ...... 5 Significance of the Study...... 6 Definition of Terms...... 7 Overview of Dissertation Chapters ...... 10 Conclusion ...... 11

2. METHODOLOGY

Research Questions...... 12 Phenomenology...... 12 Rationale for a Case Study...... 13 Participants ...... 15 Data Collection ...... 16 Document Analysis ...... 17 Interviews ...... 22 Focus Groups ...... 24 Participant Observations ...... 26 Data Analysis ...... 26 Establishment of Rigor ...... 28 Conclusion ...... 29

3. HISTORY OF WEST AFRICAN DANCE AND DRUM

Introduction ...... 30 Geography of Africa ...... 30 African Dancing and Drumming in Context ...... 31 Significance of Music ...... 31 Significance of African Drumming ...... 32 Characteristics of African Dance ...... 33 Community Participation ...... 34 The History of African Dance in the United States of America ...... 35 Slaves Retain the Dance ...... 35 African Dance Hits the U.S. Stage ...... 36 John Warner Dafora Horton ...... 37 Ismay Rozena Andrews ...... 40

v Momadu Johnson ...... 41 Charles Williams ...... 42 Effiom Odok ...... 43 Nana Yao Opora Dinizulu ...... 43 Recent Pioneers ...... 43 Drum Pioneers in the United States of America ...... 45 African Dance and Drum Gain Popularity ...... 46 Summary...... 49

4. RELATED LITERATURE

Introduction ...... 51 Literature on Sense of Community ...... 51 The Concept of Community ...... 52 Developing a Definition of Community ...... 53 Others Using the McMillan and Chavis Model ...... 54 The Community Concept in Dance ...... 55 Other Related Studies ...... 56 Summary ...... 59

5. TALLAHASSEE, FLORIDA’S AFRICAN DANCE AND DRUM HISTORY

Introduction ...... 61 Tallahassee and its African Dance Scene ...... 62 Why Tallahassee? ...... 62 In the Beginning – 1960s ...... 64 The 1970s ...... 65 1980s ...... 67 1990s ...... 71 Nia Love Enters the Scene ...... 71 The Djembe Orchestra Changes the Scene ...... 73 The Need for Drums Arises ...... 77 Nia Leaves Tallahassee ...... 79 Organizations are Born ...... 81 Osubi Craig Enters the Scene ...... 84 More Drummers Arrive in Tallahassee, Florida ...... 86 The Matter of Race ...... 87 The New Millennium – 2000s ...... 91 African Diaspora Art and Research Collective ...... 92 Prophecy School of the Arts ...... 94 Traditional vs. Authentic vs. Neo-African Dance ...... 95 Summary...... 99

vi 6. DEFINITION OF THE TALLAHASSEE AFRICAN DANCE AND DRUM COMMUNITY

Introduction ...... 100 Social Survey ...... 101 Focus Group Number One ...... 103 Observations ...... 104 Personal Interviews...... 106 Oral History Interviews ...... 108 Focus Group Number Two ...... 109 Defining the Tallahassee African Dance and Drum Community ...... 111 Conclusion ...... 112

7. THE ELEMENTS OF THE TALLAHASSEE AFRICAN DANCE AND DRUM COMMUNITY

Conceptual Themes ...... 114 Tallahassee’s Sense of Community Elements Identified ...... 115 Appreciation of Tradition ...... 115 Cultural Tradition...... 115 Organizational Tradition ...... 115 Concept of Family...... 115 Related Family ...... 115 Un-related Family ...... 116 Communication ...... 116 Verbal Communication ...... 116 Non-verbal Communication ...... 116 Support ...... 116 Facilitation of Support ...... 116 Interpersonal Support...... 117 Energy ...... 117 Synergy ...... 117 Physical Energy ...... 117 Love of the Art ...... 117 Tallahassee Sense of Community Elements Explored...... 117 Appreciation of Tradition ...... 118 Family ...... 121 Communication ...... 125 Support ...... 129 Energy ...... 131 Love of the Art ...... 134 Summary...... 136

8. SUMMARY AND DISCUSSION

Introduction ...... 138

vii Summary of Findings ...... 138 My Findings Related to Prior Research ...... 143 Methodological Issues ...... 146 Implications for Future Research ...... 149 Significance of the Study Revisited...... 150 Conclusion ...... 151

9. APPENDICES

A. West African Dances and Their Meaning as Taught in...... 153 Tallahassee, Florida B. Oral History Interview Protocol ...... 154 C. Personal Interview Protocol ...... 155 D. Social Survey ...... 157 E. Copy of Orchesis Program ...... 159 F. Orchesis Danceography...... 161 G. Tallahassee, Florida’s Drummers History ...... 163 H. FADF Advertisement...... 165 I. Tallahassee African & Caribbean Cultural ...... 168 Arts Festival Advertisement J. IRB Approval and Consent Forms ...... 169

10. REFERENCES ...... 174

11. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ...... 179

viii LIST OF TABLES

Table 2-1. Data Collection Schedule ...... 18

Table 2-2. Demographics of Survey Respondents ...... 20

Table 3-1. Major African Dance and Drum Companies in the United States of America ...... 38

Table 6-1. Data Collection Table ...... 104

Table 8-1. Relating Findings...... 144

ix LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1-1. Djembe Orchestra ...... 10

Figure 1-2. Elder in Tallahassee with Shekere ...... 10

Figure 2-1. Data Collection Model ...... 17

x ABSTRACT

A socially created community has emerged in Tallahassee, Florida, with West African dancing and drumming at its core. This phenomenological study is to describe and understand the nature of the African dancing and drumming community in Tallahassee, Florida, and its function within its participants’ lives as focused on from a group paradigm using a participant case study design. The basic research question is what are the factors that allow African dancing and drumming to help build “community” as the participants describe community? This research uses social survey document analysis, participant observation, interviews (personal and oral history), and focus group methodology to 1) provide an accurate historical account of the development, major milestones, and contributors to the Tallahassee African dance and drum scene, 2) determine what the participants mean by the term “community” and establish a definition of community based on their meaning utilizing the McMillan and Chavis (1986, 1996) model, and 3) identify what factors led to the creation and sustaining of this sense of community. Based on my research, I was able to develop a context specific definition for the term community: The Tallahassee African Dance and Drum community consists of multi-generation members, relating and functioning like a family, providing support and energy for one another, while paying homage to the African cultural traditions, developing through an organic evolution and maintaining through a love for the art. Additionally, through this research process I have identified a set of key elements necessary to create and sustain the members’ sense of community. These elements are: (a) appreciation of tradition; (b) concept of family; (c) communication; (d) support; (e) energy; (f) love of the arts. I have found that in the Tallahassee African dance and drum community, dance has extended beyond a classroom experience and has integrated itself into a way of functioning for most participants. The embracing of family along with the cultural and organizational traditions (social organization) that are in place has created a village (in the African sense of the word) in the capital city of Florida.

xi CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

How does African dancing and drumming help build a sense of community among its participants in Tallahassee, Florida? This research study sought to describe, document, and understand the nature of the African dancing and drumming community in Tallahassee and its function within its participants’ lives as focused on from a group paradigm using a participant case study. I investigated the culture that has evolved in Tallahassee, Florida, and has been nurtured through its participants since the early 1990s. Tallahassee has built a subset culture based on practices of a traditional West African society and has in so doing fostered what the members of the organization consider to be a “community.” This study looked at a socially created community to discover what they found to be the elements that created their sense of community. Using McMillan and Chavis’ (1996) model for the definition of community and model for sense of community, I hope to add a new context specific theory on sense of community. The primary research questions that I investigated were aimed at elucidating factors that have allowed this culture to develop and sustain itself for nearly two decades. What are the factors that allow African dancing and drumming to help build a sense of community as the participants describe community? This is the basic research question. From this basic research question, I was able to garner a sense of the importance or lack thereof that the dancers, drummers, and observers place upon this activity that they devote on average five hours a week to and what the lure of the activity is. How do interactions occur among the various sub-groups within the class? Sub-groups include teacher-student interactions, student-student interactions, drummer-dancer interactions, drummer-drummer interactions, drummer-teacher interactions, different age-group interaction, and observer interaction with all of the above. What is the manner in which instruction, praise, and reprimands are given, as well as, the way newcomers learn the system and the type of attention that is paid to them? These were all questions for which I sought answers. By obtaining as many accounts from the different aspects that were

1 represented, the goal was to find some commonality among the sub-groups that would provide stronger support and triangulation for the common patterns that were found.

Statement of the Purpose

This dissertation reports the results of a study that utilizes a social survey, personal and focus group interviews, archival data, and participant observations to ascertain notions of sense of community. I have challenged the groups use of the word community and in so doing have validated their usage of the term. Utilizing a theoretical framework grounded in the theories of McMillan and Chavis (1976, 1996), I have identified a context specific definition for their community and the elements they deem as necessary to make this community exist. The specific tasks of the researcher are: Supporting-purpose I To provide an accurate historical account of the development, major milestones, and contributors to the Tallahassee African dance and drum scene. Supporting-purpose II To determine what the participants mean by the term community and establish a definition of community based on their meaning utilizing the McMillan and Chavis (1976, 1996) model. Supporting-purpose III To identify what factors led to the creation and sustaining of this sense of community.

Researcher’s Background and Interest

I tell my story at this point so that you 1) gain insight into my background, 2) read the story of my introduction into this community, and 3) identify my perspective and any biases that I may have. Also, a large portion of my data collection methods involve me asking people to tell me their story, and I feel that telling my story allowed me to identify with their process. Dance is a major portion of my life. I am trained in ballet, jazz, tap, hip-hop, lyrical, modern, lindy-hop, African and African Diasporan dance; and have been taking dance classes since the age of three. My husband, Osubi Craig, is a drummer in the

2 Tallahassee African dance and drum community and is considered a major player in developing the community. Together, we started Prophecy School of the Arts (Prophecy) in 2005. Prophecy is a multi-disciplinary arts institution that offers programming for children beginning at the age of two and continues through adult class offerings. I serve as lead teacher and managing director, and Osubi serves as the musical director. At Prophecy, we offer three African dance classes and one African drum class. I do not teach any of these classes but thought it important to disclose my relationship. I became aware of the Tallahassee dancing and drumming community in 1996 when a college company I danced with invited Mr. Marcus Robinson (co-founder and artistic director of the African Caribbean Dance Theatre [ACDT]) to come in as a guest choreographer and set an African dance piece on the company. Mr. Robinson worked with this ballet--and modern-- trained group of girls and guys with a hip-hop background to create a work I remember one audience member describing to me as “fire.” The process was unlike anything I had ever been a part of and performing the final product, although ten minutes long and very high energy, was refreshing. Brother Marcus (as I later came to call him) told me about the community classes that his company offered and invited me to come join them. Initially, I declined and continued to wear my leotards and tights, tuck my pelvis, engage my abs, and continued dancing with my college dance company. Fortunately, the spark that was lit in me during that two-week period would not allow me to continue living in my own self-focused dance bubble and I eventually made it over to take classes with the African Caribbean Dance Theatre. I remember I walked into class and I saw people hugging each other, and all these little kids running around. The drummers played a musical break, and class started. After warm-up, the class moved down the floor toward the drummers with lines of four people so everyone could see who they were dancing with. “Look to your left. Look to your right. The same people should be on your side for the entire class.” A couple of classes later, I learned the importance of energy and the energy that is created by the people in class and disrupting the flow of the class by switching lines or missing your turn. I was told after class by one of the younger dancers that this changes the flow of the energy in the class. At first, I was skeptical and did not believe that I had a metaphysical energy that I brought to that class, let alone an energy that could change the flow of the class. I

3 have now come to find that this is in fact the truth and based on my research in this study other participants are aware of it as well. Additionally, I had never had a discussion in a dance class about a collective energy. In my classical dance forms, there had been discussion of an individual energy that could be summed up in the adage “what you put in, is what you get out.” So, this concept that what I did in class could affect anyone else was new. At the end of class we paid homage to the drummers by acknowledging their presence, the drum and the earth. The first few times in class I was always a little timid and unsure. The people were nice and very helpful, but this was new to me and new to my body, and because I was a “dancer” I did not embrace not understanding a step or a rhythm. That is also where my resolve stemmed from, that place of being a dancer, and the need to understand and get the step. Later I learned that if I got out of my own head and just let my body respond to the music, I would grasp the material with a lot less effort. I continued taking classes at ACDT regularly, and I did a couple of performances with the performing company. However, by 2001 I was a co-founder and executive/artistic director of a college dance company and a graduate student working on my Masters degree in Arts Administration at Florida State University. I continued to go to class, but my attendance was far less consistent. By 2005, I had added business owner to that list, and that afforded me the chance to stop by and take class maybe only once every three or four months. The dance company I was dancing in when I met Brother Marcus did not do African dance regularly. In 1997, I joined another dance company and simultaneously danced with both companies and took classes at ACDT until 2001. The new dance company was the official dance company of the college, Orchesis Contemporary Dance Theatre (OCDT). OCDT’s repertoire included ballet, jazz, modern, tap, and dances of the African Diapsora. My transition to a college dance company that placed a large emphasis on dances of the African Diaspora changed the dancing experience in ways unimaginable. Dance was no longer about the moment, but it extended into building relationships with the other dancers and honoring the source of rhythms, the drummers, and the drum.

4 Orchesis functioned like a little African village. People had African inspired names; wore their heads wrapped in geles (an African head wrapping tradition); had dreads and locs; African drums were always present; African dance class was considered apart of the technique we were expected to study and practice; and then there were just a whole lot of traditions that I had never been exposed to such as pouring libations. Dancers would bring their children to the dance studio. This was all different to me, but I embraced it and believe I am much better for having done so. I must admit, however, that I hated when it was time for the Orchesis company dance class to do African. Again, the music was great, the people were great, and the teacher was amazing, but I knew that we were going to do this West African dance named Lamban (or Lamba) (see Appendix A), and this dance made me feel like I had two left feet and two left arms. I struggled with this dance for two whole years, but again back to that dancer’s resolve I kept at it. Eventually I got it, and now it is one of my favorite families of dances and rhythms. But I always look back and equate my Orchesis experience with doing Lamban. The positive thing is although I never quite got it during my tenure in Orchesis, no one ever discouraged me or made me feel like they did not want to dance in my line because I did not know the steps. Granted, outwardly I probably executed the steps with a lot more grace than I gave myself credit for, but I felt awkward. My love for the dance has led me to travel to Bahia, Brazil, and Matanzas and Havana, Cuba. Although both countries were beautiful in their own rights, the most memorable experiences in all three places came from witnessing the meshing of dancing and drumming into everyday life. The ability of this art to bring strangers together to share in life events was amazing and refreshing. Twelve years later, I am even more involved, and the effects that this art form has from a sociological standpoint intrigues me.

Perspective and Point of View

It is my position that African dancing and drumming teaches social patterns and values and helps people to work, grow, and to praise or criticize the behavior of community members (Malone, 1996). This art has the power to take otherwise unrelated people and give them a commonality that allows them to care for and about the other

5 people associated with the art form simply by nature of their association. Furthermore, I contend, due to the role that African dancing and drumming plays in traditional African society, during its importation to the United States of America, the communal value was retained. I have and continue to be a part of the community in question. At first introduction it was called a community; I have never had reason to refer to it in any other manner. I began this study questioning if that reality was the same for everyone in the community. Is the community called such because it is the acceptable term, or do factors actually exist that constitutes community? What suffices for inclusion into the community? My first contact with ACDT resulted in me calling it a community, and by my second return visit to the community class, I was referred to as being a part of the community. This ease of acceptance made me question the use of the term community. However, embarking on the study, I knew that regardless of the findings, the group would continue to refer to themselves as a community.

Significance of the Study

This study is relevant to the community. Many African based traditions and societies are orally-based, and as such, information is lost from generation to generation. In some cases, eventually, the last person who knows the history leaves and younger generations are left without the knowledge of successes, mistakes, and contributions that have been made before them. This leads to repeat failures and delaying of success. By documenting the Tallahassee African dancing and drumming community, I am providing a written account of history. Also, the study may provide information that the leaders or decision makers of the various organizations within the community can use to improve their services. As an arts administrator and educator, it is important to develop and support programs that contribute to an individual’s whole sense of self. Children in African societies are raised to understand the value of community and their role within the community. Arts administrators can utilize the results of this study to model arts programs that consist of the factors that are found to be contributors to sense of

6 community found in this study. Those interested in arts programming will have a valuable resource for adding sense of community components to program development. Additionally, this study will add to the relatively small amount of literature that has been done on African drumming and dancing here in the United States of America. Throughout the literature review process, I found a lot of information regarding African dance and drumming in its traditional context, but very little information on its role in the New World. All of the published literature that was reviewed consisted of two dissertations focused on transmission of African ideals and an ethnomusicology master’s thesis on cultural retentions through music. This study adds to the gap in the literature and will build a case for future research to be done in this area. Lastly, in the research that I referenced regarding dance (Beckley, 2005; Brown, 2003; Dalili, 1999; Penniston, 2002; Powell, 1997), the authors referred to their participants as a “community.” However, within that same research, I was unable to find any literature that supported calling these entities as such outside of the term community being a user-ascribed term. This study may provide documentation that the members of such communities do in fact consider themselves to be a part of a community setting.

Definition of Terms

One of the problems of this study is to define the term community. Although there are many definitions from varying schools of thought, community in the context of this study is a participant-ascribed term, and I believe it to be an injustice to the participants to narrowly or overly generalize their concept of community. I did, however, use the following working definition of community to allow for a starting point and a framework from which I began my investigation. I include the definition here, even though I have defined community in much more specific terms through the research, because these are the definitions with which I approached the study and the participants. My definition did not evolve until the final phases of the research process (see Chapter 7). Community: a community is a group of individuals who are socially related through a common activity. They share certain practices, have learned how to communicate with each other, and have established a set of norms for themselves. The definitions that follow are working definitions for the study:

7 African Dance: Welsh-Asante (1985) defined the dance of Africa as generational, passed down from one generation to the next, within an ethnic group for religious, social, or ceremonial purposes. Furthermore, African dance has certain inherent qualities that allow it to serve as a common ground among people of African descent. African-American: A person of African ancestry born in the United States of America. African theatrical dance or neo-African dance: traditional African dance forms interpreted by African-Americans, choreographed and presented as stage productions in concert halls, theaters, churches and festivals (Dalili, 1999). Baba: In African societies the term literally means father. It is used as a sign of respect and endearment when addressing an elder male, a male with children, or a male priest. Black: Refers to persons with a brown or dark skin color, regardless of race. Culture: Beliefs and values shared by members of a group that guide their actions and their understandings of those actions (Rossman & Rallis, 2003). Djimbe: (pronounced jim-bay) Other spellings include jembe and djembe: a mushroom- shaped drum common to various parts of West Africa. The Djimbe drum is carved from a tree trunk, hollowed out, and covered with a goatskin or cow skin laced to the body of the drum with wire or cord. Djimbe Orchestra: a family of musical instruments played in West African dancing and drumming. The orchestra includes 3 djimbe players, the dundun family, and accompanying musical instruments. One of the djimbe drums is played as the lead drum and the others as accompaniment to embellish the polyrhythmic structure. The lead drum directs both the rhythm and the dance, identifying when to start, stop, or change the rhythmic and dance patterns. The dun dun family is the bass drums. Dununba, the biggest and deepest of the bass drums, gives the power to the rhythm. Sangban, the middle drum, is considered the heart of rhythm. Kenkeni, the smallest drum, complements and refines the bass melody and adds another layer to the music. Other musical accompaniments may include--but are not necessary-- shekere, balaphone, kalimba, and claves or wooden blocks. Within the context of this study, unless otherwise noted, African drumming refers to rhythms that were originally created or have been adapted to be played on the djimbe orchestra.

8 Djun-djun: a metal or wooden barrel with both ends removed. The ends are then covered with goat or cow skin. This is the largest drum from the old Mali empire area in West Africa and is also called the Bottom or Bass drum in Senegal, Senegambia, and Mali. It is played with a stick. Dun Dun: the talking drum. Bebey (1975) described this drum as the most important African drum because it has the ability to reproduce syllables and words with soft endings. Elder: position based on age or seniority within a certain group. Kenkene: similar in construction and method of play to the Dun dun. However, the kenkene is the smallest of the drums and has the highest pitch and usually holds the rhythm together with a simple pattern. Sangba: Other spellings include songbha and songba. It is similar in construction and method of play to the Dun dun. However, the Sangba is the middle sized drum and usually has the most complex part of the bass drums and is credited with holding the rhythm together. Sense of community: a sense of connectedness among the people of a community (Dreeszen, 1994). It also includes social support that Weber (1998) defines as “a multidimensional concept that involves either tangible or intangible aid, including information, advice, and the communication of caring when an individual needs help. Support is not merely a single incident or an act between two people, but is a process (p. 3).” Shekere: a handmade rattle, originally from West Africa. It consists of a hollow gourd or calabash, covered on the outside with a net of seeds, beads, shells, or any available material. Tallahassee African Dancing and Drumming Community (TADDC): a community member (as defined above) whose shared practices or tasks include attending as an active participant or observer African dance and/or drum classes, performances , or any other function sponsored or held regularly by the case organization. Traditional West African practices: Customs, rituals, habits, and methods of operation that are a direct transport from the West African countries of Africa. These practices have been retained due to cultural memory or taught here in the United States of America by West Africans and may include traditional West African drum and dance.

9 West African: The use of the term West African refers to West African society as a cultural entity and not a series of individual nation states. There are commonalities in West African culture, including, Senegal, the Ivory Coast, Mali, Gambia, Ghana, Liberia, Togo, Benin, Sierra Leone, Nigeria, et al, that permit me to talk about West African society. West African dance: Refers to the dances which are specific to West African culture as opposed to a specific ethnic group, except where so identified.

Figure 1-1. Djembe Orchestra Figure 1-2. Elder in Tallahassee with Top left Djembe Drum; Top Right Songbha; Shekere Front row Kenkene Photo taken by A. LaToya Davis-Craig Photo taken by Crystal Bowser and used with permission.

Overview of Dissertation Chapters

Chapter 2 is Research Methodology, it describes the data and the methods employed in the study. Chapter 3, the Literature Review, covers the topic of West African dancing and drumming from a historical perspective. The chapter begins with the dance and drum in its original context, its importation to the New World, and its evolution once here. Chapter 4 is a continuation of the literature with, Other Related Literature. In this chapter I look at studies that have been done on sense of community,

10 dance with regard to sense of community, and studies conducted on African dance and drum companies in the United States. Chapters 5-7 present research findings. Chapter 5 tells the story of the history and development of the Tallahassee African Dance and Drum Community while serving to answer supporting-purpose I. In Chapter 6, I answer supporting-purpose II and identify the context specific definition of community. Chapter 7 addresses supporting-purpose III and highlights the elements necessary for the creation and sustaining of the members sense of community. I conclude this dissertation with Chapter 8 that is a summary of all the findings, methodological issues, and a discussion on how this research can be applied and future research possibilities.

Conclusion

The Tallahassee African dance and drum community has been in existence for nearly 20 years. This community has existed undocumented and unquestioned. Through this research study, I have gained an understanding of what has allowed this community to grow and sustain itself for such a long period of time. In addition, I have identified the factors that contribute to the members’ sense of community and defined the term community as it relates to these participants.

11 CHAPTER 2 METHODOLOGY

Research Questions

The main goal of this study was to identify ways in which African dancing and drumming helps build a sense of community among its participants in Tallahassee, Florida. The basic research question was what are the factors that allow African dancing and drumming to help build a sense of community as the participants describe community? Based on the methodology, although not direct research questions, I was able to glean a sense of the importance or lack thereof that the dancers, drummers, and observers place upon this activity that they devote on average 5 hours a week to and what the lure of the activity is. I was also interested in how interactions occur among the various sub-groups within the class. Sub-groups included teacher-student interactions, student-student interactions, drummer-dancer interactions, drummer-drummer interactions, drummer-teacher interactions, different age-group interaction, and observer interaction with all of the above. What is the manner in which instruction, praise, and reprimands are given, as well as the way newcomers learn the system and the type of attention that is paid to them? The specific tasks of the researcher were 1) to provide an accurate historical account of the development, major milestones, and contributors to the Tallahassee African dance and drum scene; 2) to determine what the participants mean by the term “community” and establish a definition of community based on their meaning utilizing the McMillan and Chavis (1976, 1996) model; and 3) to identify what factors led to the creation and sustaining of this sense of community.

Phenomenology

I conducted this case study using phenomenology as a methodology. Phenomenology seeks to understand the very nature of a phenomenon. According to Patton (2002) the foundational question underlying this methodological approach is

12 “What is the meaning, structure, and essence of the lived experience of this phenomenon for this person or group of people” (p. 104)? Further, Van Manen (as cited in Patton, 2002) stated “Phenomenology asks the very nature of a phenomenon, for that which makes a some-‘thing’ what it is—and without which it could not be what it is” (p. 104). Through interviews and participant observations I have obtained in-depth accounts from the people who have lived the experiences and who have shared how they perceive, describe, feel about, remember, and make sense of the creating and sustaining of the Tallahassee African dance and drum community.

Rationale for a Case Study

A case study is “an in-depth, multifaceted investigation, using qualitative research methods, of a single social phenomenon” (Feagin, Orum, & Sjoberg, 1991, p. 2). The phenomenon being studied through this research is how a subculture of people participating in African dancing and drumming in Tallahassee, Florida, came into existence and has managed to survive for over 20 years. Merriam (1998) suggested three reasons for a researcher to select a case study design: the nature of the research problem and the questions being asked, the desire for a rich and holistic account of a phenomenon anchored in real-life situations, and to advance the field’s knowledge base. This research study takes its roots in each of these reasons. It was my goal to study this phenomenon in the context of its everyday functioning to learn about the processes within and meanings for the members of the Tallahassee African dance and drum community and provide a detailed holistic account of the phenomenon. This study may add to the field’s knowledge base by providing an additional resource for building the body of literature that exists on African dancing and drumming in the United States of America and by providing a model that can be used by arts programmers who have an interest in sense of community. As a current participant of the community, my participation did not cease once the research began, and, as such, I conducted a participant case study. Olson (Merriam, 1998) has presented a list of factors detailing the descriptive attributes of the case study methodology. This list encapsulates my rationale for choosing the case study methodology as well as the outcomes that I will present in my final account of the phenomenon. Below are the factors identified by Olson (Merriam, 1998):

13 • Illustrate the complexities of a situation – the fact that not one but many factors contributed to it. • Have the advantage of hindsight yet can be relevant in the present. • Show the influence of personalities on the issue. • Show the influence of the passage of time on the issue. • Include vivid material – quotations, interviews, newspaper articles, and so on. • Obtain information from a wide variety of sources. • Cover many years and describe how the preceding decades led to a situation. • Spell out differences of opinion on the issue and suggest how these differences have influenced the result. • Present information in a wide variety of ways…and from the viewpoints of different groups. (pgs. 30-31) I have used the above attributes as outlined by Olson and created a statement supporting my use of case study methodology as it relates to the members of the Tallahassee African dance and drum community (TADDC). It is my goal for the members of the case study to, after reading the case, be able to reflect on the community’s past, present, and future roles and responsibilities within the larger African dance and drum landscape and the Tallahassee area. I would like to show how different personalities and the passage of time have impacted the situation; illustrate that many factors have contributed to the current situation; and by collecting data from a wide variety of sources and presenting my findings through vivid material, such as quotations, interviews, archival data and through a wide variety of ways including different viewpoints from different members of the group, present a clear and detailed picture of the case being studied. The case will concentrate on the arrival of African dance and drum activities in Tallahassee, Florida, beginning in the early 1990s with the first African dance teacher--Nia Love-- to arrive in the community through its present day teachers and participants. However, the research also includes an overview of what has taken place prior to her arrival, the 17 years since her arrival, and the current status. It is my hope that members of the group will read this case study and put into action some of the suggestions on how to deal with and heal the differences so that the community may continue to be viable and grow for another 17 years.

14 This research addresses the group’s ecology, social organization, developmental cycles, and cosmology, as explained below. According to Traweek (1988) and Powell (1997), the ecology of a group is the means by which the group exists and includes the environmental setting and its relationship to the environment, as well as any tools or artifacts that enable the group to exist. Social organization refers to the formal and informal ways in which a group structures itself. Social organization influences such things as the production and reproduction of goods and information, the maintenance or resolution of conflict, and the degree of cohesiveness among group members. The developmental cycle is the period of time necessary for the group to impart the values, skills, and knowledge novices need to become competent and valuable members of the group. The cosmology of a group is the values and beliefs of the group. Group cosmology involves understanding what group members esteem and scorn and the meanings they attach to the group, to their behaviors, and to one another. Participants

The participants include the entire population of the Tallahassee African dancing and drumming community. However, participants for the observations must have participated in or observed a dance or drum class that was hosted within the community during the one month study. Observation participants were participants or observers at ACDT or Prophecy School of the Arts regularly scheduled classes. Participation ranged from those who came to all classes of an organization each week, those who came to only certain classes, and those who made class when they had the spare time. The inconsistency of the class attendance was a part of the culture, and to control for it would have been unfeasible. Therefore, participation at one activity constituted someone who was considered as a part of the community and eligible for inclusion. For the interviews, the participant also had to consider themselves as a part of the community. Participants for the interviews and focus groups were not limited to current class goers. Any past or present member of the TADDC was eligible for selection of an interview or participation in a focus group. The TADDC, at best estimation, has about 70 members. The African Caribbean Dance Theatre (ACDT) has approximately 60 members on its roster that may come at any one time. However, a typical community class does not usually have more than 30

15 participants. Prophecy School of the Arts has approximately 25 registered students for the dance and drum classes. However, unless there is a special workshop or guest teacher, no class typically exceeds 10 students. The estimated 70 TADDC members are based on a reduction of both organizations rosters due to the overlap in attendance between the two organizations. The population ranges from 2 – 65 years of age. The population includes mixed ethnic groups and races, but the majority of the participants are African-American. The educational level is just as varied boasting pre-school students through college graduates. There are drummers from the United States and drummers from various parts of Africa, natives of Tallahassee and transplants to Tallahassee, parents who come alone to parents who come to the class with their kids and people who have been in involved with the community since its inception and others who are newcomers all in the TADDC population who were included in the study. I approached my data collection process holding the assumption that African dancing and drumming within Tallahassee, Florida, created a culture among its participants that led those members to feel a sense of community towards each other. With that concept in mind I developed a data collection model, see Figure 2-1, that served as a visual representation of how I envisioned the various factors contributing to each other. The model shows African dancing and drumming as the catalyst. In turn participants begin to develop or react to things such as group norms, rules, likes, dislikes, etc… (ten substantive issues). Based on the collective’s response to these issues, a culture is developed within the group. This culture then informs how the participants will react to the four elements of community as identified by McMillan and Chavis (1996) and ultimately determine how sense of community is developed among the participants in Tallahassee, Florida. Data Collection

I collected data using observations; individual interviews, oral history interviews, and focus groups; and document analysis from a social survey. The data centered on three levels of social organization with regard to ten substantive issues using the methods of full participant observation. Patton (2002) discussed full participant observation as the

Figure 2-1. Data Collection Model Note: The data collection model shows the connection between African dancing and drumming as it relates to the 10 substantive data collection categories and how that plays into the McMillan and Chavis’ elements for sense of community.

simultaneous combination of document analysis, interviewing of respondents and informants, and direct participation and observation. Table 2-1 provides a visual depiction of the data collection process. The three levels of social organization include data about the group, the interactions among the participants, and individual participation. Studying these levels yielded results on the formal and informal organization of the group. The ten substantive issues (refer to Figure 2-1) included such things as motivation, likes and dislikes, group norms and rules, level of participation and duration of involvement, and activities. The data collected on the substantive issues focused on the group’s ecology, developmental cycles, and cosmology. Document Analysis According to Patton (2002), document analysis includes, in addition to studying organizational or program records, publications, reports, and correspondence, the study of

17 Table 2-1. Data Collection Schedule

# of Location Total Hrs Events PRE-STUDY Surveys ACDT/Prophecy 1 wk 3 WEEK 1 Focus Group Prophecy Studio 1.5 1 Observation ACDT 2 2 Observation Prophecy 3.5 2 Oral History Interview Prophecy Studio 1.4 2 Oral History Interview Participant's Home 0.5 1 WEEK 2 Observation ACDT 2 2 Observation Prophecy 3 2 Oral History Interview Dance Studio NY, NY 1.25 1 Personal Interview ACDT .45 1 WEEK 3 Observation ACDT 2 2 Observation Prophecy 3.5 2 Oral History Interview Participant's Home 0.45 1 Personal Interview Restaurant 2.5 2 WEEK 4 Observation ACDT 1.5 1 Observation Prophecy 2.5 1 Oral History Interview Participants Home Atlanta, GA 2.15 1 Focus Group Library Meeting Room 1.5 1

Note: Unless noted, all data collection occurred in Tallahassee, Florida.

18 open-ended written responses to questionnaires and surveys. I administered a structured social survey (see Appendix B) to a convenience sample of 28 participants aged 18 and older. Two of the survey respondents were under the age of 18, making their surveys ineligible for inclusion. The surveys were distributed at three class sessions over a one- week period at the two case locations. I made the surveys available at the end of each of the three classes. Prior to the start of each class, I announced the study and the request for voluntary participation in completing the survey. Toward the end of class, I placed the surveys on the registration table with a cover letter explaining the purpose of the study, and I instructed the interested participants to return the surveys to the same location. All 13 participants at the Wednesday African-Diasporan Movement class at Prophecy School of the Arts submitted a survey. Participation at the community center location yielded 15 surveys despite the total attendance for the two classes totaling 45 participants. I estimated 15 of the dance class participants, one drummer, and eight observers to be under the age of 18 which left a possible 21 survey respondents. Of the possible 21 respondents, two of the drummers -- natives of Guinea, West Africa-- have very limited English proficiency, which I suspect prevented them from participating in the survey. As shown in Table 2-2, the survey respondents ranged from 23 – 60 years of age, were all black (although ethnicities varied), and covered the full gamut of roles from observer to board member. Based on the survey responses, participation in dance and drum activities ranged from “several times a month if time allows” to “three times a week.” When asked, “Do you consider yourself a member of the community,” one respondent replied, “I consider myself a member of a community, not “the” community. There are a select group of folks I count that close.” With the exception to this response, the remainder of the respondents replied in the affirmative without a distinction. The survey collected demographic information and probed the concepts regarding the four categories of sense of community as identified by McMillan and Chavis (1996). The questions that appeared in the survey section titled Agree or Disagree, numbers 8-15, were adapted from the McMillan and Chavis (1986) Sense of Community Index questionnaire. Additionally, I asked the respondents to write open-ended comments reflecting their personal definitions of community, their thoughts on being a part of the

19 Table 2-2. Demographics of Survey Respondents Code Sex Age Ethnicity/ Yrs. in College Status Roles in Race town Student TADDC A M 25 African 12 Yes Single Drummer B F 33 African 10 No Single Dancer, Teacher, Parent, Musician C M 60 African 20 No Single Drummer, Musician, Teacher D M 23 Cameroon 23 Yes Single Drummer E F 27 Black 6 No Single Dancer F F 35 African- 17 Yes Married Dancer American G F 35 African- 2 Yes Single Dancer, American Teacher H F 30 African 13 No Single Dancer I F 29 African- Native No Single Dancer American J F 33 African- 4 No Divorce Dancer American K F 25 African- 7 No Married Dancer American L F 33 African- 13 No Divorce Dancer, American Parent M M 24 African- 6 Yes Married Drummer American N F 44 African- No Married Dancer American

20 Table 2-2 cont’d. Demographics of Survey Respondents Code Sex Age Ethnicity/ Yrs. in College Status Roles in Race town Student TADDC O F 24 African- 22 Yes Single Drummer, American Musician, Teacher, Parent P F 25 African- 2 Yes Married Dancer American Q M 56 Black 13 No Single Drummer R M 53 African Yes Married Drummer, Musician, Teacher, Board Member, Parent S F 30 African 12 Yes Single Dancer, Teacher T F 24 African/ 3 No Married Dancer Indian months American U F 38 African- 31 Yes Married Dancer American V F 40 African- 2 Yes Single Dancer American W F 38 African- 19 No Single Dancer, American Parent X F 42 African- 14 No Single Dancer, Board American Member

21 Table 2-2 cont’d. Demographics of Survey Respondents Code Sex Age Ethnicity/ Yrs. in College Status Roles in Race town Student TADDC Y M 31 African- 15 No Married Drummer, American Teacher, Board Member Z F 29 Black 11 Yes Married Teacher, Dancer, Board Member Note: Descriptions for Ethnicity/Race are user ascribed terms.

community, and their observations of the Tallahassee African dancing and drumming community and all of the respondents did so. Written responses ranged from complete descriptions to two-or-three word answers. Table 2-2 provides a visual display of the characteristics of the survey respondents. According to Merriam (1998), data found in documents can be used in many of the same ways as data yielded from other qualitative methods, including furnishing descriptive information, verifying emerging hypotheses, and advancing new categories and hypotheses. It is Merriam’s position that documentary data are particularly good for case studies because they can ground an investigation by lending contextual richness. In this case, I used document analysis to start the creation of codes for data analysis, and identify emergent concepts and themes that helped focus the first observation session and focus group. Interviews I used personal interviews to gain further insight into the phenomenon of the Tallahassee African Dancing and Drumming community. There were two sets of personal interview protocols. The first interview protocol -- oral history interview-- I used to

22 answer supporting-purpose 1- provide an accurate historical account of the development, major milestones, and contributors to the Tallahassee African dance and drum scene- utilizing criterion sampling. I interviewed those participants--Dr. Beverly Barber, Nia Love, Nzinga Metzger, Eric Bond, Osubi Craig, Olusegun Williams-- who were given credit with establishing or playing a major role in the establishment of the African dance and drum landscape in Tallahassee, Florida. Participants for the oral history interview had been previously identified as major contributors to the community or identified through the research as having a key role in the development of the TADDC. These interviews were informal/conversational with only a few predetermined questions (See Appendix B). This was done in an attempt to have the informant tell me their story of the development of the TADDC and their role in the development without me interjecting my preconceived version of their story. These interviews ranged in length from 40 minutes to two hours. The second set of personal interviews provided data on the remaining research questions. There are between 40 and 70 active community members including dancers, musicians, and observers. Participants range in age from two to sixty-five years of age, and experience levels vary from new (less than one year of experience) to very experienced (more than ten years of experience). I conducted three open-ended interviews with a variant sample establishing a mix of the following characteristics of the organizations population: a college female student who has participated less than one year, a middle-aged mother who has been involved for the last ten years; and a male elder who serves as a drummer, teacher, and parent. The personal interviews took the form of open-ended questions. According to Patton (2002), and Rossman and Rallis (2003), the standardized open-ended interview is used when the researcher intends to take each respondent down the same course and wants to be able to compare relatively similar answers. I used the interviews in this study to garner specific information and reactions and thoughts to various terms and protocols. I chose to utilize the standardized interview to ensure that each informant is asked about the same things to ease the data analysis process and ensure relatable data. However, after the list of predetermined questions, when necessary, I asked questions for follow-up and further investigation based on the answers of each individual interviewee.

23 The following sample interview questions were originally written by Powell (1997). I adapted the questions to reflect the context of my study. The interview questions focus on gaining information that corresponds to the ten substantive issues and have been broken up into the four categories that correspond to the McMillan and Chavis (1976) theory on sense of community (refer to figure 2.1). Below is a sample list of personal interview questions (see Appendix C for additional questions). I wrote the additional questions in the interview guide. I asked the questions below to every participant. I asked the additional questions (Appendix C) as deemed necessary based on the interviewee. 1. How long have you been involved in African dancing and drumming in Tallahassee, Florida? 2. How did you first learn about the group? 3. In what capacity are you involved, that is, are you a dancer, musician, board member, teacher, parent or some combination of these? 4. How often do you attend classes or events? 5. What do you get from the group that makes you stay involved? 6. Do you consider yourself a member? The interview questions were designed such that the informant tells the story of how and why they started dancing in the TADDC and what keeps them involved. I began all personal interviews with the above questions. The answers to these questions helped guide the remainder of each interview. Focus Groups According to Rossman and Rallis (2003), the purpose of a focus-group is to utilize a social context to get high-quality data. Using this setting, people can consider their own views in the context of the views of others. Further, Rossman and Rallis (2003) suggest a series of different focus groups to gain a variety of perspectives and increase confidence of emerging patterns. I made public invitations to participate in the focus groups during class times at each of the locations. I also sent out invitations via emails in an effort to broaden the potential pool for respondents who consider themselves a part of the community, but who may have missed class due to scheduling conflicts or did not attend class during the time frame when I announced the focus group. As an incentive to participate in the hour-long focus group, I provided food and drink.

24 I conducted two focus group interviews -- one at the beginning of the study and the other at the end of the study. The first focus group, held at Prophecy School of the Arts, was used to explore the five categories of themes that emerged through the survey data. Despite receiving a confirmation from nine participants (six women and three men), only five of the women actually attended the first focus group: three elders, one participant in her 30s, and one in her 20s. Four of the five attendees were dance teachers. Focus group number one lasted a little under one and a half hours. Although the findings will be discussed in detail in Chapter 5, one concept that emerged from this focus group was the idea that a rift had occurred in the TADDC and the community was actually divided into two distinct camps- supporters of ACDT and those who took class elsewhere. Some people moved unencumbered by the rift, but as one focus group participant stated, “It was the elephant in the room.” I point this out because none of the regular participants from ACDT were at the first focus group-- despite the invitation-- and I am led to believe that by choosing to have the focus group at the Prophecy location, I may have unintentionally alienated some potential participants. The second focus group occurred after three weeks of observations, three participant interviews, and seven oral history interviews, and accordingly focused on the themes that emerged in the data to that point. I conducted the last focus group at a meeting room in the public library. The last focus group, conducted three weeks later, I utilized as a means of member checking. In the group forum we discussed the context specific definition of community, the ingredients I identified through the research that contributed to this sense of community, and reviewed the steps for the future growth of the TADDC. There was an unexplainable shift in attendance for the last focus group. Participants included five men and three women; one elder who has been involved in the community since the beginning, four college students who have had less than two years participation, and three participants in their 30s who are parents and have children who participate in the community. I video recorded the focus groups in an effort to address reliability and credibility of data collection (Merriam, 1998). I transcribed both sets of focus group interviews and returned them to the participants for member checking.

25 Participant Observation My participant observation occurred over a four-week period concurrent with the other data-collection methods. Observations occurred either at Prophecy School of the Arts or Palmer Monroe Community Center. The regularly scheduled class times are: Tuesday nights from 6:00 pm until 8:00 pm (ACDT), Wednesday nights from 7:30 pm until 9:30 pm (Prophecy), Saturdays from 11:00 am until 1:30 pm (ACDT and Prophecy), and Sundays from 10:30 am until 12:30 pm (Prophecy). ACDT offers a class known as Afrobics on Thursdays between 6:00 pm and 8:00 pm; however, I did not include these classes in the observations because the class does not fit the definition of an African dance class. Instead, it is an aerobics class that uses African music. Between the community dance classes, and the drum classes, I observed for a total of 20 hours within a four-week period. I chose to conduct observations for a four-week period due to my familiarity with the observation sites. It was my view that I would begin to reach data saturation and begin the process of data redundancy if I were to collect observation data for longer than a four-week period (Denzin & Lincoln, 2005). This was in fact the case, and I used week four of the observations primarily as a means of validating the concepts and themes that emerged during the research period. Within the four-week observational period, I was able to observe, obtain, and document the nuances and overall organizational behavior and structure of the sites with enough data to answer the research questions. Although the personal interaction among the class participants changed from class to class, the structure and flow of the class does not vary dramatically from week to week.

Data Analysis

Rossman and Rallis (2003) said “data analysis is the process of bringing order, structure, and meaning to the mass of collected data” (p. 278). The co-authors identified seven phases of the analytic process: organizing the data, familiarization with the data, generating categories and themes, coding the data, interpreting, searching for alternative understandings, and finally, writing the report. They pointed out that some researchers chose to analyze at the conclusion of the study while others make analysis an ongoing

26 process. I chose to use the latter approach. As themes and concepts emerged, it helped to focus the remainder of the study. After each interview, observation, and focus group, I wrote up field notes and jotted down any additional themes or concepts that came to mind that I may have missed during the data collection. I then transcribed any audio footage. I assigned codes based on the themes and concepts that emerged within the data based on memos and notes. Data were organized in a data matrix (Miles & Huberman, 1994). After each new set of data, I reviewed the old material and added to or updated it as necessary by the analysis results. The process of analysis I applied to the interview data followed four basic steps: written field notes taken at the interview or observation site, field notes then converted into a write-up, transcribed interviews and write-ups assigned codes, and coded data displayed in a matrix on a spreadsheet. Data from each phase informed the next step of the data collection process. I used the grounded theory approach for coding originally outlined by Glaser and Straus (1967) and referenced in Miles and Huberman (1994). “Grounded theory focuses on the process of generating theory rather than a particular theoretical content” (Patton, 2002, p. 125). As called for with this approach, emergent concepts were tested with additional fieldwork. Glaser and Straus (1967) stated, “ Generating a theory from data means that most hypotheses and concepts not only come from the data, but are systematically worked out in relation to the data during the course of the research. Generating a theory involves a process research. (p. 5-6) The grounded approach to coding does not start with a prefabricated list of codes, but rather generates codes based on how the data function in context. Miles and Huberman (1994) noted that “data get[s] well molded to the codes that represent them, and we get more a code-in-use flavor than the generic-code-for-many-uses generated by prefabricated start lists” (p. 58). I used inductive analysis to obtain indigenous categories (categories expressed by the participants).

27 Establishment of Rigor

Miles and Huberman (1994) suggested five main areas when addressing rigor. They pair traditional terms with “more viable alternatives” for assessing the “trustworthiness” and “authenticity” of qualitative inquiry (p. 277). The objectivity/confirmability of qualitative work deals with neutrality and reasonable freedom from unacknowledged researcher biases. Is the process consistent and reasonably stable over time and across methods is the second area of addressing rigor, reliability/dependability/audibility. Internal validity/credibility/authenticity deals with truth value. Warner (1991), as cited in Miles & Huberman (1994), referred to this concept as “the idea that the events and settings studied are uncontrived, unmodified by the researcher’s presence and actions” (p. 278). External validity/transferability/fittingness is concerned with how the conclusions of one study may be imported to another context. Finally, utilization/application/action orientation addresses “pragmatic validity” (p. 280). What does the study do for the researcher, the researched, and the readers? Fraenkel and Wallen (2003) suggested when a conclusion is supported by data collected from a number of different instruments i.e. video and audio taped interviews, documents, observations, and field notes in a qualitative study; its validity is enhanced. As described above, the data collection methods include audio/video taped interviews, structured social survey, and field notes from interviews and observations. To ensure the validity of the data collected throughout the course of the study, I used member checks and triangulation of data and sources to ensure greater validity of the findings. Member checks in the context of this study means “taking data and tentative interpretations back to the people from whom they were derived” and asking if the results make sense (Merriam, 1998, p. 204). An example of member checking in the study is interview and focus group respondents approving the transcripts from the interviews and focus groups. Triangulation refers to using multiple investigators, sources of data, or methods to confirm findings. Triangulation occurred in this study when the data from the observations, interviews, and structured social surveys showed the same data. In addition to member checks and triangulation, the narrative is a part of dealing with rigor. Through my rich description of the processes and accounts and by infusing participants statements throughout the narrative, I have provided as accurate and as

28 detailed an account to satisfy internal validity/credibility/authenticity or the truth value of the study. The pragmatic validity (as referred to by Miles & Huberman [1994]) is addressed in detail in the section titled Significance of the Study. Briefly, however, this study may be of value to persons interested in African dance and drumming or arts programming with community as an outcome. The study also provides a tangible document detailing the story of this community.

Conclusion

Qualitative data “are a source of well-grounded, rich descriptions and explanations of processes in identifiable local contexts” (Miles & Huberman, 1994, p. 1). This case study utilized the qualitative methodology of interviews, focus groups, observations, and surveys to provide a detailed account of the development of the TADDC, the factors that have allowed it to sustain itself for two decades, and a case specific definition of community. Data collection and data analysis occurred simultaneously throughout the course of this research project. The TADDC boasts an approximate current membership of 70 participants from the age of 2-65 with varying ethnicities and races. The survey-- the first phase of data collection-- focused the scope of the initial set of themes, concepts, and factors that were explored through the remaining data collection processes. Between the three open-ended interviews, the six history interviews, and the two focus groups with a total attendance of 15 people, I achieved a diverse sampling of the population. Although participants under the age of 18 were not eligible for inclusion in the interview and survey portions of the study, I was able to ascertain a lot about their roles in the community through my participant observations. Additionally, when the parents of some of the minors were interviewed I asked questions about their child(ren)’s involvement. Using the data coding and analysis methods as identified by Miles and Huberman (1994), I identified themes, concepts, and factors that are important to the participants, developed a context specific definition of community, and an accurate account of the development of the TADDC.

29 CHAPTER 3 HISTORY OF WEST AFRICAN DANCE AND DRUMMING

Introduction

“For the Igede of Nigeria’s Benue State, music and dance contribute to the integration of society by expressing social organization, validating institutions, perpetuating values, and promoting group solidarity.” (Nicholls, 1998, p. 42)

Chapter 3 reviews the history of West African drum and dance in its original context on the continent of Africa. This discussion highlights the role that music and dance plays in the traditional village context. Next, the chapter explores the dance and drum’s transition to the New World as it made its journey from an outlawed form of expression to a popular cultural resurgence in the 1960s. Finally, this chapter looks at the early pioneers and trailblazers who made a contribution to the current state of African Dance and Drum in the United States of America.

Geography of Africa

According to the Columbia Encyclopedia (2004), Africa has the longest human history of any continent with African hominids dating from at least 4 million years ago. Africa is the second largest continent and has an estimated population of 800,000,000 people. Africa, comprised of 54 nations, accounts for over 12% of the world’s population. The nations are further divided in terms of linguistics and cultural groups, which number around 1,000. Due to the vastness and great diversity of the continent of Africa, it is impossible for me to generalize this research to the whole body of Africa. In the context of this study, African dancing and drumming refers to those with its origins in the West African countries of Senegal, Mali, The Gambia, Guinea, Cote d’lvoire, Sierra Leone and Guinea-Bissau. These countries represent the cultural traditions of Malinke, Mandinka (Mandingo), Diakhanke, Bambara (Bamana), Soussou, Diolla, Wolof, Peulh and Ballanth peoples. Although it is important to note that some companies and dance classes do exist in the United States of America that teach and

30 perform dances from other regions of Africa, the dominant forms practiced include those from regions listed above.

African Dancing and Drumming in Context

Dewey (1934) said that flowers can be enjoyed without knowing all the scientific interactions necessary to create the flower; however, he pointed out that the flower cannot be understood without taking these interactions into account. To begin the exploration of African Dancing and Drumming simply as it appears in the New World is to enjoy the final product without taking into consideration the circumstances that created the product. For this reason, I include literature on the role African dancing and drumming had and continues to have in West Africa. There must be differentiation between the African concept of drum and dance as art and Western society’s concept of art. Western society views these activities as an art form that is practiced by individuals for the sake of art (Anderson, 1990). However, Africans see the arts as a communal activity that serves as a means of communication and socialization, which first and foremost are pragmatic and not aesthetic in purpose. In the Western world, the arts are conceptually separate (Wilson, 1992). People have come to think of both the practice and the enjoyment of art as the activity of the individual rather than of the group (Malone, 1996). Indigenous people are remote from Western artistic self-consciousness. In native societies, the arts are aspects of public life that bring together dancing, poetry, and music into a single function: ritual, an all-embracing, often singular, expressive act of a people. Significance of Music Instrumental music, dance, song, literature, and the visual arts are essential to life in traditional African societies. Music, as we know it in the United States of America, is not vital to existence (Modica, 2004). Typically, people in North America use music to escape daily pressures, to relieve stress, to bring out emotions, or to simply enjoy for listening pleasure. We are capable of carrying out the day-to-day activities of life without music. In traditional African societies, the absence of music in daily life is unthinkable. Music existed as an important segment of African culture and is an essential aspect of African life (Kahn, 2004).

31 Traditional music is essential in the daily life of most African ethnic groups and cultures. Eileen Southern said, “One of the most striking features of African life was the importance given to music and dance…” (Modica, 2004, p. 2). For many Africans, music is a part of the process of living and seldom celebrated on its own as a pure art form. Music is used to heal the sick, praise a leader, ensure successful delivery of a child, cure bed wetting, and even to stop a woman from flirting with another woman’s husband. It is involved with birth, naming of a child, teething, marriage, new moon, death, puberty, agriculture, reenacting of historical events, hunting, preparation for war, victory celebrations, and religious rites (Kahn, 2004; Modica, 2004; Nicholls, 1998). According to Malone (1996) music is one of the tools used in West African society to teach social patterns and values. Additionally, the music is used to help people work, grow up, and praise or criticize the behavior of community members (Malone, 1996). Most traditional African conceptions couple music with one or more other art forms, including dance. Most Africans experience music as part of a multidimensional social event that may take place in a village square, a town plaza, a courtyard, a dance plaza, a marketplace, a street corner where groups normally meet for singing and dancing, or a sacred place selected for a particular rite. Invariably audience members participate verbally and through physical movement. Indeed, societal values encourage this kind of participation because it allows members of the community to interact socially in musical situations. Significance of African Drumming Drums are the instrument most commonly associated with African music (Modica, 2004). The drum was most frequently chosen as a royal instrument. The sounds may express happy or sad emotions and may also be used to send messages. References to the “talking drums of Africa” describe the use of high and low tones of drums to imitate the tonal languages that can communicate with others. The variations of drums, as well as rhythms, within Africa are innumerable. Each culture has developed their own way of communicating through the drums and since most drum sounds mimic the tonal language of the culture or tribe, rhythms not only vary depending on occasion, but on location (Modica, 2004). In addition to the drum, accompanying musical instruments may include a Shekere (gourd instrument), Balaphone (similar to the xylophone), bells,

32 whistles, wooden blocks, kalimba (thumb piano), and many other instruments depending on the region and event. According to Wilson (1992), many children in African villages view drumming as a way to complete the inner self. By the age of 10, children usually realize whether they are capable of the skill of drumming. Becoming a respected drummer is a sign of maturity in many African cultures, and the few who do become selected to represent their villages are treated as royalty. Bayo Martins (as cited in Ajayi) said “Broadly (the drum) serves as a means of communication such as calling the people to war, to make peace, or to inform the people of the approach of an enemy, or of a friendly visitor. There is also the healing and therapeutic aspect of drums” (Ajayi, 1998, p. 45). He noted that although these things are important, above all, however “…is the dance through which the individual is led to the discovering of the inner self; the “I” in “us”; man’s innermost self” (Ajayi, 1998, p. 45). It is the drummer’s role to help this discovery come about. Characteristics of African Dance In traditional African dances, the audience and performer usually belong to the same community. The spectators, or audience members, provide encouragement and reinforcement for the dancers by shouting, clapping, singing the choruses, and ululating (a high pitch gurgling sound). For this reason, dances are considered participatory in nature with everyone contributing to the energy that makes the dance arena. Additionally, there is no set designation of spectator and dancer, and the roles are interchangeable depending on the occasion (Nicholls, 1998). Restrained contemplative behavior is not expected, nor is it assigned any particular value in this setting (Malone, 1996). Participants are encouraged to shout appreciation or disapproval if the performance does not meet the standards of the community. When a dancer enters the circle, the relationship between the master drummer and an individual dancer must be one of mutual respect and creative inspiration. In African- rooted dance, the dancer and the drummer are one (Hine, 1993; Messer, 2000). There is no dance without the musician. The drummer talks to the dancer through the drum. The drummer may tell a dancer to start or stop moving, to change steps, or to change tempo all by the signaling of the drum; also known as a drum break.

33 Community Participation In the traditional context, dance extends further into the life of the community. From the perspective of the individual, the complexity and the frequency of the dance experience is greater than that in Western society (Nicholls, 1998). It is commonplace for the dance to involve symbolic interaction with peers and community members at regular intervals throughout the life-span. For example, A child becomes a member of a community at his naming ceremony; an adolescent is initiated into the responsibilities of adult life; a woman moves from her paternal home to that of her husband’s family; an elder receives a recognition for his services in the form of a title; a member of the community joins the world of the spirits; at none of these times is an individual left alone to bear the emotions which accompany these critical changes. The members of the community carry him through the crisis with appropriate ceremonies that can contain the emotion of the moment in music, song, and dance. (Nicholls, 199, p. 45) The age range of participating dancers is also greater in traditional communities than in modern society. In the traditional context most sections of the community are involved in some aspect of dance (Harper, 1978). Elders are revered as living archives of the traditional music and dance. For example, the Igharo dance guild of Ipele Village in Harper’s (1978) research is for men over the age of sixty-five years. Although certain dances (i.e. rites of passage, flirtation, courting dances) are reserved for specific age groups, there are countless dances and dance occasions that are multi-generational. Based on the literature presented, I have identified five characteristics that demark the African dance and drum aesthetic in its original context. The first characteristic refers to the drum as a method of communication. Next is the role and relationship between the dancer and the drummer. The wide age range of participants is another factor; the notion that the dance and drum are multi-generational activities. The concept of cyclical energy is another characteristic – drummer, dancer, and community member/observer. And, finally, the idea that the dance is not an isolated event, but rather is an integral part of life that extends far into many aspects of life. These same five tenets, with the addition of

34 some others, were also found in the research I conducted on the Tallahassee African Dance and Drum Community.

The History of African Dance in the United States of America

The transition of African dance from the continent to the United States of America was a long journey. Although in some countries, such as Brazil and Cuba, the African slaves did not lose their connection with the drum and dance, those slaves brought to the United States were forced to disassociate themselves from such practices, which were seen as heathenistic. The Congo Square in New Orleans was the anomaly to this practice. With the passing of the Black Codes of 1865, the states officially outlawed the slaves’ use of the drums; although this was a practice that had unofficially been in place since the Haitian Revolution in 1804. Dancing became an activity that was permitted on occasion by slave masters to keep up the spirits of the slaves. Despite this long period of disconnect, traditional African dance did finally make its way into North American culture. Slaves Retain the Dance New Orleans was the only place the drum and dance were not taken away from the slaves. New Orleans had a French-Spanish cultural influence and a large Catholic religious base. Emery (1988) and Donaldson (1984) noted that the French, Spanish, and Catholic were more civil in dealing with slaves and contributed to the ability of the slaves in this area retaining many of their cultural nuances. Although the exact dates are not known, it is believed that starting as early as 1806 the Blacks were allowed to congregate in what is now known as Congo Square to hold weekly Sunday dances. Donaldson (1984) gave a spectators account that has the dances occurring when New Orleans was under Spanish rule as early as the 1780s. At these dances the newly imported Africans were able to play their native rhythms and perform their native dances on drums created here in the New World but modeled after their native drums. Accounts given by researchers differentiate the view of the spectator who viewed these scenes as a privilege given by the White slave owners to their slaves and the view that research supports that notes that this prerogative was a means to control the secret clandestine meetings that were occurring anyway. Emery (1988) wrote about the Whites

35 natural fear of the increasing secret meetings. This fear led to the passing of legislation in 1817 that laid out strict guidelines for the meetings of the slaves including the stipulation that gatherings could take place only in designated areas, on Sundays, and had to end before sunset. The location designated by the Mayor was the large and open Congo Square. Here, the slaves were able to be kept under careful surveillance and monitored for any signs of plotting or uprising against the whites. The dances came to a halt in the 1830s, but not before many visitor accounts through articles and letters were written describing the shape and use of the drums and the organized and sometimes frantic dances performed by the slaves in the Congo Square. Not much literature exists about the state of African dance and drumming between the end of the Congo Square era and the return of the African drum to the United States of America as documented in the 1930s. Although I am led to speculate that these activities may have covertly occurred during the 100 year time period, this was an offense punishable by death, and hence no accounts may exist. African Dance Hits the U.S. Stage The first documented appearance of authentic African culture presented in the United States of America occurred during the Chicago Colombian Exhibition of 1893 in which Dahomeian dancers performed as a part of a typical village scene for the Chicago World’s Fair. According to Perpener (2001) this performance occurred 10 years earlier in 1883. Hughes and Meltzer (1967) remarked “a troupe of Dahomey dancers helped make Americans conscious of the rhythmic excitement of African dancing, and attracted Negro performers in the United States to its entertainment values” (p. 266). The dancers were also slated to perform in 1894, but due to a delay at sea, the Africans were replaced by an African American vaudeville act (Heard, 1999; Long, 1989). Despite the warm reception of the Dahomey dance troupe, it remained common practice to grossly exaggerate and distort African culture via films, minstrel acts, Broadway productions, and other entertainment mediums. It was not until the 1930s that African dance really began to make headway. It was Asadata Dafora, “the first native African artist to exert a strong influence on American concert dance and American culture in general” (Perperner, 2001, p. 101), that a consistent effort to debunk the myth of the savage African and their primitive lascivious dancing began to nudge the American

36 psyche. Haskins (1990) noted Dafora’s greatest initial impact on White Americans was the portrayal of the African as a regular human being and for the Black American seeing authentic African dance being performed on a concert stage. Other artists who influenced a shift in attitude during this same era included Ismay Andrews, Momodou Johnson, Pearl Primus, and Katherine Dunham. Also during this period, Toniea Massaquoi, a young Liberian dancer, was making appearances at Radio City Music Hall and with the Creative Dance Unit of Hampton Institute. Edith Isaacs, editor of Theatre Arts, credits Massaquoi with bringing “to both old ritualistic and modern dance forms his own free African character and clear sense of beauty (Hughes, L. & Meltzer, M., 1967, p. 266).” Charles Williams and the Hampton Creative Institute, a college university sponsored group, changed attitudes while touring the United States and visiting colleges across the nation. John Warner Dafora Horton. John Warner Dafora Horton (Asadata Dafora), a native of Sierra Leone, came to New York in 1929 with the hopes of becoming an Opera singer. After a few performances, he changed his aspirations and realized he needed to educate the United States public on the richness of Africa. By 1933 he had established himself as a vocalist, dancer, and choreographer, and created a company known as ASADATA: African Opera & Dramatic Co. (Heard, 1999). With this group, he presented his first dance-opera entitled Zoonga at the Harlem Y.M.C.A. Later that year, he added to the Dramatic Company, “Horton’s African Dancers.” On flyers advertising the event, he wrote, Dafora invites you to “see the real Africa” (Heard, 1999, p. 77). In the literature reviews only Heard (1999) makes reference to the ASADATA: African Opera & Dramatic Co. and Horton’s African Dancers as a part of the Dafora history. Although mentioning Zoonga as his first small scale production, other accounts credit Dafora with initially organizing a group of men whom he made contact with through the Native African Union--an organization founded to assist Africans living in New York (Perperner, 2001; Sherrod, 1997). He called this dance group West African Jabawa. The name later changed to Shologa Oloba, meaning dancers and singers, and included female dancers (refer to Table 3-1).

37 Table 3-1. Major African Dance and Drum companies in the United States of America

Name Location Year Founders/Birthplace * Sholoba Oloba New York, NY 1933 Asadata Dafora Sierre Leone, West Africa * Swa-hili Dancers New York, NY 1934 Ismay Andrews Philadelphia, PA Dinizulu Dance Co. Philadelphia, PA 1953 Nana and Alice Dinizulu

Kulu Mele African Philadelphia, PA 1967 Baba Robert Crowder American Dance Philadelphia, PA Ensemble Chuck Davis Dance Bronx, NY/ 1968 Chuck Davis Company/ Raleigh, NC / Raleigh, NC African American 1980 Dance Ensemble KO-THI Dance Co. Milwaukee, WI 1969 Ferne Yangyeitie Caulker Sierra Leone, West Africa Muntu Dance Theatre Chicago, IL 1972 Amaniyea Payne New York, NY African Music and Oakland, CA 1973 CK Ladzekpo Dance Ensemble Ghana, West Africa Diamano Coura West Oakland, CA 1975 Dr. Zak Diouf and African Dance Naomi Washington Company Liberia and Senegal

Kuumba House Dance Houston, TX 1982 Lindi Yeni Theatre South Africa Maimouna Keita Brooklyn, NY 1983 Marie Basse-Wiles' and School of African Olukose Wiles Dance Senegal, West Africa /NY, NY KanKouran West Washington, DC 1983 Assane Konte, Abdou Kounta African Dance Senegal, West Africa Company Djoniba New York, NY 1993 Djoniba Mouflet/Martinique

African Caribbean Tallahassee, FL 1993 Marcus and Jevelle Robinson Dance Theatre Tallahassee, FL Note. African Dance and drum companies that have made major contributions to the dance and drum arena in the United States of America. Most Americans who participate

38 in African dance and drum can trace there teachers lineage through one of the companies above. (* Indicates the company is defunct)

In 1934, Dafora presented his first successful dance-opera Kykunkor (The Witch Woman). The production followed the format of an opera, but was heavy with dance; as a result, modern day historians and critics refer to Dafora’s works as dance-dramas. The cast consisted of representation from many ethnic groups: Hausa, Ibo, Calaba, Yoruba, and Bini people from Nigeria and the Kru people of Liberia (Sherrod, 1997). It is Dafora and Kykunkor that is credited with laying the foundation and setting the tone for the African dance companies that would follow (Barber, 1984; Emery, 1972; Heard, 1999; Long, 1989; Perperner, 2001; Sherrod, 1997). Additionally, Emery (1988) stated, Dafora was the first to demonstrate “the potential of ethnic material to black dancers…” (p. 251). According to Long (1989), in 1935, Dafora changed the name of the group to the African Dance Troupe of the Federal Theatre Project (African Dance Unit). I have not found any additional references to this name change in other literature. Dafora proceeded to choreograph numerous other African dance-dramas and operas with continued success including: Zunguru (1938), Batanga (1941), and Battalokor (1953). Later, Dafora became the Director of the dance division of the African Academy of Arts and Sciences (founded in 1943), and his company became the resident dance company. In this role, Dafora organized a number of dance festivals with notable audience members including Eleanor Roosevelt and Mary McCleod Bethune. Dance critic Edwin Denby’s review of Dafora’s first “African Dance Festival” appeared on December 19, 1943 of the New York Herald Tribune: I think the qualities I have mentioned show him to be a remarkable choreographer as well as a fine dancer. The proportions and the sequence of the dances were excellent. But beyond this, the dancers he has trained are, after all, American girls, to whom life in an African village would be as foreign as life in a Russian one would be to the Russian-dancing Americans in our Ballet Russes. Yet this village festival (like Dafora’s previous Kykunkor and Zunguru) had in performance a definite local atmosphere. It was not mere decorative exoticism. It brought with it across the ocean the sense of a real landscape and a real way of

39 life. I wish it were possible for so sincere and intelligent a choreographer as Mr. Dafora to bring over across the ocean a small company of real West African dancers to add to his well-trained American pupils, and then show us more the extraordinary wonders West African dancing hold. (Long, 1989, p. 52) As will be discussed later (see Chapter 5), parallels exist between the 1940s attitude and the present-day attitude toward non-Africans teaching and presenting traditional West African culture and the concept of authenticity. Dafora continued to produce and work with his group, but not to the same extent. In 1946 and 1947 the Hampton Institute, Fisk University, and Howard University sponsored his group on a tour of the United States of America (Sherrod, 1997). Later works exhibited a shift in artistic focus. Some speculate the change occurred due to his acculturation to U.S. life, and others speculate it had to do with the changing artistic climate. Dafora did not write notes regarding his artistic process, so the only certainty is that the “authentic Africa” he presented so well at the beginning of his career melded into a European-African sensibility towards the end of his career. According to Haskins (1990), the works in the late 1950s were a reflection of the nationalist feeling in Africa and the emerging independence from Europe that many African nations were experiencing. Sherrod (1997) asserted the shift possibly occurred as a result of Dafora’s effort to educate the U.S. public about the vastness and multi-dimensional aspect of West African dance. Ismay Rozena Andrews. One of the first African Americans teaching about African dance traditions in New York was Ismay Rozena Andrews. Ismay, as she was called, taught East African dance at the Abyssinian Baptist Church in Harlem beginning in 1934 (Creque-Harris, 1991). According to a personal interview with Chief Bey, “she was probably the first African American woman to play and teach traditional African drumming” (Sherrod, 1997, p. 304). In addition to teaching, Ismay began a performing group that she named Swa-hili Dancers. She melded folklore, Kiswhahili language, and authentic replicas of costumes and village scenery (Creque-Harris, 1991; Sherrod, 1997). However, the performing group never reached the status of being recognized as more than a community group.

40 Ismay met great opposition with regards to her teaching African dance in the Harlem community. When asked why she was teaching that “African mess” by a member of the Abyssinian Baptist Church, Andrews replied, “do you know why you call yourself Abyssinian? …As long as you call this place Abyssinian, I’m going to play my drums” (Barber, 1984, p. 50). Adam Clayton Powell, pastor at the time, stood up for Andrews and supported her in her teaching endeavors. Sherrod (1997) conducted an interview with African American master drummer James Hawthorne, later known as Baba Chief Bey. Chief Bey began taking dance classes with Andrews when he was a young boy, and eventually she taught him how to play the drums. In speaking about the attitude of the times, Bey remarks: The people there [Abyssinian church] were somewhat black minded but they were the bourgeoisie. Adam Clayton Powell, Sr. was in charge at first, and he really ran that church, but then the son, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr. took over [officially in 1937], and he said “no,” when they wanted to get rid of Ismay. He said, "as long as I'm pastor here, she can teach dance here." You see, most of the congregation didn't live in Harlem, they lived in the areas around Harlem. And a lot of them were Black conscious but they were real uppity with it. It was funny, but they were the very people who didn't want to be around Whites, but they wanted to live like them and they didn't want to have anything to do with Africa. (Personal interview with Chief Bey, Sherrod, 1997, p. 312). She believed in presenting the material authentically. Bey recalled sometimes having rehearsal in the basement of the Schomburg Library, after they had read, talked, and discussed music and art. The accounts given say she explained everything she did to her students: what the songs meant, what the movements meant, the history behind something (Barber, 1984; Creque-Harris, 1991; Sherrod, 1997). Andrews continued to teach into the late-1970s. Momadu Johnson. Momadu Johnson, co-director of the African Dance Unit, and a continental African from Nigeria, also contributed to the African dance and drum scene in the 1930s (Long, 1989). Johnson, along with Norman Coker wrote and produced Bassa Moona, an African dance drama that premiered at the Lafayette Theater on December 8, 1936. Coker was an African drummer, and based on research, I am led to speculate that

41 he was one of the first continental African drum teachers in the New York area. Others before him, such as Dafora, had drum experience and could drum, but their emphasis was on the dance. The African Dance Unit was short-lived, reorganizing in 1938 for a small performance, but disbanded shortly there after. Charles Williams. Charles Williams, director and founder of the Hampton Institute Creative Dance Group, utilized students from the Physical Education department of Hampton University--a Historically Black College-- to challenge the African stereotype and present African centered and African American centered themes on the concert stage. According to Perpener ( 2001), Williams was inspired by his experience at the 1933 Century of Progress Exposition in Chicago, Illinois (Laverty, 2003). Among the performances presented at this exposition was “Darkest Africa.” A performance depicting the cultural and musical history of Nigeria, French Equatorial Africa, Algeria, Belgian Congo, French Congo, Ghana, and Kamaroon. In a paper written by Williams, he commented on the dignity exuded in the performance as opposed to the use of exoticism (Laverty, 2003). One of the performers at this exposition, Abdul Assen, would remain in the United States of America and begin to perform with Asadata Dafora. After witnessing this performance, Williams returned to the Hampton campus and began to recruit the International African students on campus and added African dances to the company’s repertoire. In 1934, with the assistance of students Dwight Summer and George Taylor of Sierre Leone, and Koinange from Kenya, two African dances appeared on the group’s concert program--“Ya Ma Wise” and “The Feast of Ramadan.” In November of 1936 the group added “Zulu War Dance” and had a new Liberian dancer named Frank O. Roberts. Roberts would go on to contribute much material to the dance company’s repertory. Over the next 14 years, the group continued to perform for the Hampton community and also toured extensively. Williams booked engagements for the college company to tour throughout the Northeast, Southeast, Mid-West, and a 1936 debut in New York City. However, among all of the many performances, one of the most monumental remains the Mosque performance in 1935. The Mosque was Richmond, Virginia’s, largest auditorium and prior to the Creative Group’s performance was an all- white venue. Blacks were not permitted as audience members or performers and as

42 Laverty (2003) remarked, Blacks retained a valid fear of lynching in the still-segregated South. So, not only was the group’s 1935 performance momentous in breaking the color line, but it was showcasing African and African American themes in a positive and authentic light. Effiom Odok. Effiom Odok, another continental African, directed Calabar Dancers. Little documentation exists on this group; however, Odok claims to have had his company performing African dances in New York in the 1920s (Sherrod, 1997). However, little to no documentation exists to substantiate Odok’s claim. The company did present a concert entitled A Marriage Festival in an African Village on April 9, 1938, sponsored by the Brooklyn Museum Dance Center. There were 19 performers listed in the program; although it is assumed highly likely that several of the performers, in addition to working with Odok, were working with Dafora and Johnson as well (Long, 1989; Sherrod,1997). Sherrod suggested that there were a core group of dancers training in traditional African dance forms in New York City. This core group would then fill the rosters of the various dance companies as needed. Nana Yao Opore Dinizulu. Dinizulu and His African Dancers, Drummers, and Singers--one of the oldest remaining United States based African companies (refer to figure 3.1)--was founded by Nana Yao Opore Dinizulu. Dinizulu began teaching African dance and culture at the Harlem YMCA in 1947, and his company presented themes based on a wide spectrum of African dance (Long, 1989). The Dinizulu Dance Company was officially established in the early 1950s by Nana and his wife Alice Dinizulu. Alice Dinizulu studied and performed with Joseph Comadore (see discussion on drummers), Ismay Andrews, and Asadata Dafora among others (http://www.dinizulu.org/serv01.htm). Recent Pioneers. The above-mentioned artists are what I will refer to as the first- generation trailblazers. They laid the foundation for African dancing here in the United States and taught and inspired a core group of students that would go on to teach and inspire other students. The following people went on to make a name for themselves in the African dance community and are mentioned due to their importance: The Charles Moore Dances and Drums of Africa (can find no dates on the company), but Moore was a modern and ballet dancer who studied for a period with the Katherine Dunham Company and Assadata Dafora; Chuck Davis originally based out of New York, New York (he and

43 his company visited Tallahassee and some members of the company choreographed an African dance for OCDT); Arthur Hall and the Afro-American Dance Ensemble (1958) out of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; and Melvin Deal in Washington, D.C (Long, 1989). Of interest in this latter group of people is Melvin Deal. Although no detailed written documentation was found on him outside of the mention of his name, I received an oral account on his role from the interview conducted with his early student Nia Love who later became the lead African dance teacher in Tallahassee, Florida. Chuck Davis initiated “Dance Africa” in 1979 at the Brooklyn Academy of Music. Now an annual festival, Dance Africa remains true to its initial goals and presents an array of African American dance companies displaying the vastness of cultures, music, and dance of the African Diaspora (Long, 1989). The opening program presented the following companies: Dinizulu and His African Dancers, Drummers, and Singers Chuck Davis Dance Company Charles Moore and Dances and Drums of Africa The International Afrikan American Ballet The Little Black Heritage Dancers By 1985, the festival had grown to a 3-day event, complete with street vendors and an extended list of performing companies. The following performers had been added to the 1979 line-up (Long, 1989): Arthur Hall’s Afro-American Dance Ensemble A Touch of Folklore and More Calabash Dance Theater (Osubi Craig performed with this group) Izulu Dance Theater (Isizwe) Muntu Dance Theater Ko-Thi Dance Theater Sabar Ak Ru Afriq The Art of Black Dance and Music The Bernice Johnson Dance Company Women of the Calabash

44 Of these companies, only four remain as functional performing companies today (refer to Table 3-1). Others such as Sabar Ak Ru Afriq and Women of the Calabash assemble from time to time and are still involved in the African dance and drum scene. Drum Pioneers in the United States of America. An independent look at the drummers of the era does not turn up as many results as the dance pioneers, but this does not lessen their importance or contribution to the rise of African Dancing and Drumming in the United States. I believe one reason for the lack of documentation on specific drummers is due to the marriage between the dance and the music in African culture and the idea that the two go together. Therefore, in my opinion, the history of the drummers is omitted because it is presumed the drummers accompany the history of the dancers. This section includes the information that I have been able to decipher from the accounts of the African dance presenters, dancers, and teachers. It is known that the male members of Dafora’s dance company were all continental Africans. So, although no specific mention is made of company members whose primary role was drumming, it can be inferred the drumming for his company was handled by his male dancers. As discussed earlier in the section titled African Drumming, drummers are selected at an early age from the village to become master drummers and are taught the rhythms for their culture. An excerpt from Dafora’s Kykunkor program notes stated “the drummers, who all came from West Africa, were to begin with, trained in this difficult art, in their own village…” (Sherrod, 1997, p. 298). It was Dafora, himself, also a drummer and a trained musician, who was able to bring the different cultures together to create not only dance-opera, but the music for it as well. Other first wave African drummers included Norman Coker (or Koker), Moses Miann or (Moses Meanus), and Alphonse Cimber (Sherrod, 1997, p. 295). Moses Miannes, a native of Nigeria from the Igbo people, came to the United States of America to play for the 1933 World’s Fair (www.drums.org/djembefaq/ashiko_history.htm) and remained in New York. Babatunde Olatunji, from the Yoruba people of Nigeria, arrived to the States in 1950 on a Rotary scholarship to Moorehouse University. Upon graduating, he attended New York University and started a small drumming group there to earn extra money (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Babatunde_Olatunji).

45 Finally, James Hawthorne (Chief Bey), regarded as the first African American master drummer, began his drum career with dance trailblazer Ismay Andrews after four years of dancing with her at the Abyssinian Baptist Church (Sherrod, 1997). Bey credits his knowledge of drumming to Andrews, Baba Olatunji, and Destin Leone (a Haitian drummer). After playing with Andrews, Chief Bey went on to play musical accompaniment for concert dance greats Katherine Dunham and Pearl Primus. He traveled to West Africa with Primus and Percival Borde to study drumming. Although no formal study has been conducted, based on oral histories I have heard during my time in the African dancing and drumming community and conversations with many elders of the drum community, Bey is regarded as the father of the modern-day hand percussion movement. Osubi Craig believes “most African American drummers were taught by Bey himself or can trace their drum teacher’s genealogy back to Chief Bey” (personal communication). The above drummers aligned themselves with and worked with the Black concert dance community. It is my opinion that their willingness to align themselves with other forms of concert dance and allow the drum to be played out of its original context began to pave the way for the acceptance of African percussion and the role that the percussion ensemble has in today’s society (i.e., mainstream music). For example, Bey and Olatunji both went on to become accomplished recording artists appearing on jazz, Latin, and gospel recordings.

African Dance and Drum Gain Popularity

It was during the 1930s the African dance aesthetic was first performed by African American dancers for the general public in the United States of America, but it would take another 30 years before the form would gain popularity. Based on the literature, I am led to believe this gap existed due to the attitude of the era: It was rough because people did not want to be associated with anything African. When it [African dance and music] began to flourish was when Nkrumah [Kwame] became the president of Ghana [March 1957] and the people of Harlem noticed how the Ghanaians were dressing, their style and elegance of their

46 traditional dress. Well, the attitudes of people changed. (Personal interview with Chief Bey, Sherrod, 1997, p. 319). Brown (2003) cited three reasons for the rise and popularity of African dance in the United States of America and the shift in attitude in the Black community. First, the 1960s Black Power Movement. Blacks were reclaiming their cultural heritage and slogans like “I’m Black and I’m Proud” and “Black is Beautiful” signaled the collective attitude of the community (Dalili, 1999). African Americans in the United States were looking for something to connect them back to their African roots. The second incident was the film adaptation of Alex Haley’s Roots. Smith (1998) argued that African American audiences had never seen such culturally affirming representations of African culture and this movie marked their introduction to Senegal and Gambia (as cited in Brown, 2003). The last major influence was the influx of Senegalese and Guinean dancers into the United States of America during the 1970s. This influx also marked the introduction of the Djimbe drum and orchestra. The large influx of Senegalese and Guinean dancers that Brown (2003) referred to includes drummers as well and coincided with Keita Fodeba’s touring of the United States. Keita Fodeba began presenting African dances on the Paris stages in the late 1940s. By 1952, Fodeba had created a dance company from the village professionals in francophone West Africa. Fodeba’s company is credited with ushering in a new genre of dance – African theatrical dance. The reception of the Ballets Africains Troupe in the United States contributed to a widespread movement combing ideology and “aesthetic impulse” and created yet a new genre of dance, neo-African dance. Keita Fodeba’s explanation of his work upon bringing “Ballets Africains de Keita Fodeba” (later to be called Les Ballets Africains) to the United States of America was, In preparing our programs it has been our constant care to avoid leading the audience into error in presenting to them a picture of a fictitious Africa. It is because our songs and dances belong as much to the traditional and pre-colonial Africa of our ancestors as to the Africa of today, which little by little is becoming tinged by Western civilization. To us authenticity is synonymous with reality. To the extent that folklore is a mixture of traditions, poems, songs, dances and legends of the people, it can be no other than the reflection of the life of the

47 country and if that country develops, there is no reason why the folklore which is the living expression, should not develop as well. That is why modern folklore in present Africa is as authentic as the Africa of old, because both are a real expression of the life of our country lived in different times of our history. (Long, 1989, p.105) It is rumored among today’s participants of African drummers and dancers that it was on these tours that the West Africans would defect and remain in the United States of America and begin to teach the dances and rhythms to the people here. I have found no documented literature that substantiates these claims, but based on the oral history I have received over the years, these details coincide with today’s history. Following Fodeba’s example, most African nations created National Folklore Troupes with much of the same success. “Les Ballets Africains” returned to the United States many times after their initial appearance along with the National Folklore Troupes of Senegal, Guinea, Mali, and Ethiopia (a rare exception to the West African dominated touring circuit) to name a few (Long, 1989). African dance groups sprung up all over the United States following Fodeba’s trip. Dalili (1999) added that the successful presentation of neo-African dance and African theatrical dance contributed to the popularity of the teaching and performance of traditional West African dance in African American communities. Community-based groups were forming, and both amateur and professional dancers and musicians began to work together. Most groups remained community-based and never reached the status of professional companies. This movement sparked the start of a social cultural practice that replicated the concept of the extended family as found in African villages as an organization principle (Dalili, 1999). Many companies have grown out of this movement, but only a handful have withstood the test of time and continue to serve as vanguards for the perpetuation and teaching of African dancing and drumming; however, there were a few groups that came to professional status during this era and have remained operational (see Figure 3.1). No formal study has been conducted to the impact or role each company has played in setting the stage for the current African dance and drum climate, but when speaking to

48 elders in the African Dance and Drum community, these companies are cited as making a longstanding contribution.

Summary

In this chapter, I have provided a brief overview of the history of West African dancing and drumming in its birthplace and its emergence in the New World. Unlike some places in the Caribbean and South America, the drum was taken away and outlawed from the slaves that arrived to the United States of America. This loss created a gap in the transfer of knowledge and purpose, but trailblazers such as Asadata Dafora, Ismay Andrews, Momadu Johnson, Charles Williams, Effiom Odok, Nana Yao Dinizulu, Moses Miannus, and Norman Coker broke the trend of representing African culture as lewd, lascivious, savage, and brutal and began to present a more “authentic” or traditional view of African culture. These trailblazers were the first to make significant headway in changing the perceptions that were prevalent as late as the 20th century. Through research, education, and successful dance and drum presentations, African dance and drumming began to make a positive appearance in the United States of America during the 1930s. However, the majority of success this form achieved for the first 30 years was more consistent with the Western concept of art than its role in African society. There were clear spectator and performer boundaries, and there appeared to be no real integration of the art into everyday life, at least for the African Americans who began to participate. By the 1960s, a shift emerged, and African dance and drum found its way into the communities, regaining its Eastern concept as an integral part of everyday life. More modern-day pioneers have expanded on the ideas and foundations laid by the early trailblazers, and African dancing and drumming continues to get more interwoven into the fabric of U.S. society. African percussion can be found on mainstream recordings; major annual festivals are held in cities such as New York, Chicago, Los Angeles, and Tallahassee; classes are being offered at professional and community dance studios around the country; and the classes have made there way into course offerings at some universities. All of this progress comes less than a century after its first appearance on the U.S. stage.

49 Based on the literature, I have identified five characteristics that are a common thread in West African dancing and drumming in village life. These characteristics include 1) drums as a method of communication, 2) the relationship between the dancer and the drummer, 3) the multi-generational involvement in dance and drum, 4) the lack of separation between participant and observer, and finally 5) the idea that the dance is not an isolated event, but rather is an integral part of life that extends far into many aspects of life. I will explore these characteristics and compare them with regard to the Tallahassee African Dance and Drum scene in Chapter 9.

50 CHAPTER 4 RELATED LITERATURE

Introduction

Chapter 4 explores the concept of community in various forms. The term community does not hold the same meaning for all fields of research. This chapter looks at the concept of community and how different researchers have applied the term and the results of their research. The chapter begins with a look at the community concept as it relates to dance (African dance and modern dance) and ethnomusicology. Next, I discuss the research psychologists, sociologists, health care professionals, and educators have conducted on the psychological sense of community (PSOC). The chapter concludes by presenting the research on the different theories and definitions of sense of community with special emphasis placed on the research by McMillan and Chavis (1976, 1986, 1996).

Literature on Sense of Community

The Journal of Community Psychology has devoted three editions to the theories and definitions of sense of community. The first issue, published in 1986, featured the work of McMillan (1976) who is credited with the evolution of a theory of community. It was in this issue that McMillan and Chavis presented their definition of sense of community (SOC) and the four dimensions involved in SOC. Since that time, this paper is still regarded as the foundational work in the progress of SOC. In the January 1996 issue of the Journal of Community Psychology, McMillan and Chavis conducted a literature review of the various studies and research that had been done on SOC. This survey of literature on SOC will look at McMillan and Chavis’ (1996) literature review, McMillan’s revised theory on the definition of SOC, and other studies that have looked at SOC in various settings.

51 The Concept of Community There are many theories, definitions, and methods of inquiry regarding the concept of community. Hillery (1964) noted 94 different definitions of community in the literature. Despite the vast number of conceptions, Hillery (1964) and Gusfield (1975) pointed out that they fall into two broad categories: a territorial and geographical notion of community and a relational notion of community. Geographic communities are based on locale, land, neighborhoods, etc. (Mcmillan & Chavis, 1986; Sonn & Fisher, 1996). Under this concept of community, such terms as community building, community development, and community reconstruction are found. Emphasis is generally on the economic value (Hill, 1996). This is not the school of community thought that I am interested in researching. The next category of community is socially constructed communities. These type of communities can be subgroups within the geographic communities and can be formed on the basis of shared activities, race, gender, values, goals, just to name a few. The psychology of sense of community falls under this heading of socially constructed communities, and this is the field my research centers around. Based on Hill’s (1996) ingredients of a socially constructed community, the participants of African dancing and drumming in Tallahassee have identified a shared activity. The variables--race and gender--do not appear to play as important a role within the community, but shared values and shared goals definitely emerged as key identifiers in the participants’ identification of community. In addition to the numerous definitions of communities and the split between the two camps on types of community, Puddifoot (1996) cited another conceptual problem he felt has dogged the notion of community-- three broad-brush approaches to its use. The first approach uses community as a catch-all baggage term. This, the author argued, places the word dangerously close to losing any specific meaning. The second approach involved a simplistic dimensionality designed to distinguish communities into typologies. The issue here is this often leads to a highly artificial polarization. Last, is the use of the word community as a qualifier in compound terms such as community care, which the argument is, signals deinstitualization. The use of the term community as a catch-all phrase is a part of the concern that I have alluded to in previous chapters of this study. The term community was found

52 throughout research papers and no true qualifiers for why “community” was chosen to refer to the various groups were found. Through my research, I have documented that the TADDC’s use of the word does not place them in the catch-all “community,” but instead validates the use of the term. Developing a Definition of Community In Puddifoot’s (1996) review of the research literature he concluded there were 14 dimensions of community identity with different researchers placing emphasis on different dimensions or combinations of dimensions. He further purported that any formalized system for the analysis of community should include the individual members’ perceptions of, and orientations to, their community as a physical entity and as a social arrangement. According to Garcia, Giuliani, and Wiesenfield (1994) when members defined their own communities, the same aspects that were stressed and found in the literature addressing community were present in their definitions. Wiesenfield (1996) argued that this may be a reflection of the participants’ telling the researcher what they think the researcher wants to hear. It is for this reason, I did not venture in to the research setting with preconceived notions of the dimensions to look for with regards to the factors that contribute to sense of community. Wiesenfeld (1996) argued that any definition of community should stress the unique characteristics of the individuals and subgroups within the community. Researchers adopting different theoretical perspectives and methodologies have come to similar conclusions about the nature of community (McMillan, 1986; McMillan & Chavis, 1996; Puddifoot, 1996; Wisenfeld, 1996). This concept holding true, I have developed my own definition of community (see Chapter 7) using the criteria established by McMillan and Chavis (1986). McMillan and Chavis (1986) proposed four criteria that were necessary for a definition and theory of sense of community: First, the definition needs to be explicit and clear; second, it should be concrete, its parts identifiable; third, it needs to represent the warmth and intimacy implicit in the term; and finally, it needs to provide a dynamic description of the development and maintenance of the experience. (p. 9)

53 The model they proposed had four elements. The first element, membership, is the feeling of belonging. The second element is influence, which is defined as a sense of mattering. Integration and fulfillment of needs, the third element, is the feeling that members’ needs will be met by the resources received through their membership in the group. The last element is shared emotional connection. This is the belief that members have shared and will share history, common places, time together, and similar experiences. The above four elements shaped the basis for my survey questions, interview questions, and categorizing my data collection. Initially developed by McMillan (1976), based on further research, McMillan and Chavis (1986) later revised their theory and definition on sense of community. The definition provided is as follows: Sense of community is a feeling that members have of belonging, a feeling that members matter to one another and to the group, and a shared faith that members’ needs will be met through their commitment to be together. (McMillan, 1976 as cited in McMillan & Chavis 1986, p.9) I used this model in developing the Tallahassee African dance and drumming community’s definition of community and the dimensions they believe helped to create their sense of community.

Others Using the McMillan and Chavis Model

Sonn and Fisher (1996) used McMillan and Chavis’ (1986) sense of community model to build a profile of a politically constructed group. The researchers’ found the model to be a useful tool for investigating group-specific meanings and understandings of community. Lounsbury and DeNeui (1996) also used the sense of community model. Their research, however, was geared towards colleges and universities. The results of their study also seemed to support the model of McMillan and Chavis. Chavis, Hogge, and McMillan (1996) conducted a study in which the goal was to develop a Sense of Community Index (SCI) that could judge the influence of various factors on the judgment of sense of community. The results were interpreted as supporting the theory of McMillan and Chavis (1986). Further findings indicated that the meaning of community

54 for different groups needed further investigation because the different aspects of sense of community could vary depending on various cultural and situational factors.

The Community Concept in Dance

Dalili (1999) argued that West African dance contributes to the physical, mental, and spiritual well-being or wholeness of a community. Through her participant observation and experience-centered approach, Dalili used the belief system of dancers and drummers of African descent living in Philadelphia to find that dance contributes to the health and well-being of the individuals and the communities of which they are a part. She argued that dance class participation is a customary behavior that becomes a “time- out-of-time” habitual activity that produces a dance community, dance family bonds, and a knowledge community. Dalili’s (1999) findings confirm the “synergy, solidarity, unity or a feeling of community, as a process and outcome in traditional African dance” (p. 33). The dancers’ and drummers’ comments in Dalili’s (1999) study substantiated assertions and viewpoints made throughout the study that participation in traditional West African dance creates social relations. For example, one participant remarked, “In traditional West African dance, drummers and dancers strive for a sense of community and communication. The objective is to bring the dancers, drummers, and other participants closer together in the process of the dance experience” (Dalili, 1999, p. 32). Another participant stated, Beliefs about morality expressed in African American dancers’ and drummers’ conception of family as a motif creates a community with its own identity and aesthetics. In its ideal form, family is expressed both by musical arrangement and communication between and among dancers and drummers. (Dalili, 1999, p. 33) The above quotes are a few examples of the types of comments Dalili (1999) was able to capture during the fieldwork process. These comments are also consistent with the some of the key characteristics that I identified as components of African dance and drum in its original context in Chapter 3. Beckley (2005), an ethnomusicologist, conducted a case study of the ACDT organization. In her work, she discussed and analyzed how aspects of memory, identity,

55 ethnicity, history and community are at work both in the organization and the community that it surrounds. Although the members of ACDT refer to the community aspect in interviews throughout the study, Beckley was concerned throughout her research with the Tallahassee African American community that gave shape to ACDT. Concepts of ethnicity and identity are discussed in order to explain how and why the ACDT was formed, as well as how it is the source for many members to establish and assert their identity. The main focus was on these behaviors and expressions within their American context as a means of reconnecting with a conceptualization of “traditional African values.” This work sought to establish music and dance as the vehicles of memory that have created new senses of identity, self esteem, and place in a “diasporic community.” Through her research, Gondo (1999) documented through direct quotes taken from interviews and observational analysis the sense of community that had developed within the KanKouran West African Dance Company (KanKouran) (see table 3.1 for history) community. The study focused on Assane Konte, leader in the development of African dance and drum in the United States of America and his development of KanKouran. She wrote, “It was clear to me that the dance class was a prime source for social and community connection…” (p. 2). Similar to Beckley’s (2005) study, Gordon was interested in studying the transmission of traditional African cultural and societal values to the African American community members who participate in the KanKouran community. The researcher was interested in African dance and drumming from the standpoint of cultural preservation, personal transformation, and community empowerment. In the context of the latter statement, community refers to the larger African American community. Congruent with the other research presented here, KanKouran community became a user-ascribed term, and no investigation was conducted to ascertain the source of the communal sense. It is my opinion that researchers imposed the traditional African concept of community on the U.S. communities they studied that participated in traditional West African practices. I believe that researchers assume that there is an automatic carryover from traditional African societies to modern societies. Further, it is my opinion, that similar to my own experience of

56 coming to use the term community, participants went with the established practice and referred to the entity as what it was called prior to their arrival. This does not negate that there may in fact be a community that exists, but the lack of research creates a gap in the literature that substantiates this notion.

Other Related Studies

Penniston (2002) conducted a qualitative research study using grounded theory methodology to examine the experiences of women attending a women’s modern dance class at the Conservatory of Performing Arts in Regina, Canada. This study is included in the literature review as an addition to the resources on the concept of community. Penniston was interested in the role that dance played in the lives of the women in the study and theorized that the women who attended the dance class did so because “dance offers a form of expression that cannot be found in any other way” and led to “personal growth and healing by providing a place to deal with or escape from significant life events or those small day-to-day events that cause aggravation…” (p. 7). One of the research questions explored was how does their experience of dance enhance their lives (Penniston, 2002). Although not an expected result, the research showed that the creation of a community was one of the most important outcomes for the participants and the class became a place of fun, refuge, and a source of support. The participants of the study defined themselves as a “group” or a “community” during the data-gathering process even though the “class was billed as just that, a class” (p. 59). This phenomenon led Penniston (2002) to identify many qualities that were considered important in the dance class having the effect it had on the women. “The class has structure, which contributes to a feeling of safety that allows for the freedom of expression. The atmosphere is collaborative, not competitive and participants feel supported by other group members” (p. 61). All of the qualities have also been identified in the research as elements for sense of community (Garcia, Giuliani, Wiesenfield, 1994; Puddifoot, 1996; McMillan, 1996; McMillan & Chavis, 1986; Hillery, 1964) and are present in the Tallahassee African Dance and Drum Community. Penniston (2002) noted that the community-building aspect of dance had been documented by Brown and Penniston (2002), Green (2000), Lomas (1998), and Serlin

57 (1993). The group environment provided a place for members to foster relationships that offer the benefits of mentoring and social support (Adler, 1992; Green, 2000; Thompson, 1996; Weber, 1998). Powell (1997) conducted an ethnographic research study of a national network of local dance groups, The Old-Time Dance Community. The study was situated in competing claims of Wuthnow (1994) and Bellah, Madsen, Sullivan, Swidler, and Tipton (1985). Bellah et al. argued that groups such as these are incapable of giving participants a true experience of community. Wuthnow contended they are capable. Findings from the study confirmed both arguments. Some participants found community, and others neither sought nor found community. The focus of the study was on group practices and traditions that create meaning and connections among participants and how members construct meanings of intimacy, community, and play. The study sought to build theory and extend existing theory. I utilized Powell’s (1997) study as a key reference in designing my research study. Powell, like myself, was a member of the group being studied and approached the concept of community as a user-ascribed term. Although less interested in the collection of historical data, Powell’s desire to understand the lure of the participants to The Old- Time Dance Community and what contributed to that experience provided a valuable resource tool in constructing my own research design. Powell (1997) was a member of the group being researched. Additionally, Powell noticed that the participants referred to the group as a “community” or as their “family.” This lead to the question, “can voluntary associations create feelings of belonging and community for participants” (p. 5)? Data were obtained about participant motivations for involvement, duration of involvement, level of participation, likes and dislikes, emotions, activities, physical setting, group norms and rules, sanctions, and group organization. Further in line with my study, Powell (1997) wondered what participants meant when they used the term community. The results were participants attach multiple meanings to the term and use it in various ways within the same sentence. “Dance community” was used to refer to the overall body of people who belong to local groups throughout the U.S. and to refer to the people who attend and support their local dance series. Participants use the term

58 community to refer to feeling a part of the group or to express warmth, friendliness, and camaraderie towards other participants… Additionally, some participants use the term community as a label for local groups and the overall national network of groups because they offer the same benefits as small towns and communities. Some said the OTDC is the only place in their lives where they find community. Other[s]…call the OTDC “the dance community” because it is the common form of reference for the group. (Powell, 1997, p. 169) Powell (1997) identified the following dimensions to creating community in the OTDC: 1) Providing feelings of well being and belonging; 2) Identifying the self with the group; 3) Participating in common activities; 4) Sharing common goals and values; and 5) Promoting and using inclusive practices. As demonstrated by the literature, the conceptions of community vary, and the dimensions to creating a sense of community vary depending on the social group that is creating the meaning. Although research exists on African dancing and drumming, a gap exists in the literature on its role regarding the development of sense of community.

Summary

Hill (1996) conducted a review of literature on sense of Community. This review included 30 published research studies, one theoretical study, and work done on the sense of community index (for full description of all studies, reference Hill, 1996). The conclusion was that the idea of sense of community is context specific, must be understood as more than involving individual behaviors, and should be researched at a community level. More theoretical discussion of the dimensions of sense of community is needed. I have studied a socially created community to discover what they find to be the elements that created their sense of community. Using McMillan and Chavis’ (1986) model for the definition of community and model for sense of community, I hope to add to the body of literature a new context specific theory on sense of community. I have taken into account the four elements identified by McMillan and Chavis (1986) and the research that supports site-and context-specific meanings.

59 Dewey (1934) wrote, “If social customs are more than uniform external modes of action, it is because they are saturated with story and transmitted meaning” (p. 326). In Africa, drumming and dancing is a social custom that is entrenched in meaning, and was/is used to strengthen family life, village life, and the community. In the United States of America, Traditional West African dance and drumming, Neo-African dance and drumming, and theatrical African dance and drumming can still serve those same purposes. In Tallahassee, Florida, a phenomenon has developed and sustained itself for nearly two decades perpetuating a culture and a lifestyle that has led its members to believe they have created their own community. Chapter 5 will provide a detailed account of the historical development of the Tallahassee African dance and drum community.

60 CHAPTER 5 TALLAHASSEE, FLORIDA’S AFRICAN DANCE AND DRUM HISTORY

Introduction

This Chapter addresses supporting-purpose 1) to provide an accurate historical account of the development, major milestones, and contributors to the Tallahassee African dance and drum scene. The information for this chapter was collected by compiling data from concert programs from 1960 – 2001, interviewing six of the major players in the establishment of the TADCC: Dr. Beverly Barber, Nia Love, Eric Bond, Dr. Nzinga Metzger, Osubi Craig, and Olusegun “Segun” Williams, and by watching the video tape of a going away party for Tallahassee native and drummer Wilbur Davis on the occasion of him leaving for Africa as a part of the personal video collection of Baba Segun. Prior to this research, the information that existed regarding the history and development of the Tallahassee African dance and drum community was limited to word of mouth accounts and oral history. This is in line with traditional African society cultural traditions, but as time passes the keepers of the information leave or pass away, and the information is lost or scaled down. The first hand accounts I have gathered cover the time-span beginning in 1960 through present day and provide detailed knowledge of how, when, and why things came into existence. My effort in obtaining an accurate account of the history is to 1) document what I believe is a rare phenomenon and 2) provide a document that can be reviewed for generations to come. After conducting oral history interviews, I began compiling the TADDC story and extracting the important dates and additional key names. During this process, it became evident to me that although the interviewees’ accounts of events were consistent, the dates and some of the minor details differed from person to person. This led me to an additional research source, the document analysis of old programs. Dr. Barber has in her collection a copy of every OCDT dance program from 1960 through the present, and by

61 examining these programs I was able to verify certain details, develop a more accurate timeline, and garner more specific information. While analyzing the interview transcripts, the necessity for a documented story became even more evident. When a detail from an interviewee did not corroborate with the other’s story, I went back to both sources to gain clarity. In most instances, the issues were easily rectified and in instances where I was unable to resolve the discrepancies, they are noted throughout the history.

Tallahassee and its African Dance Scene

Tallahassee, the capital city of Florida, boasts a population of 150,624 (U.S.

Census Bureau, 2000). Tallahassee is considered a college town due to the two major universities’ and community college students (Florida State University [FSU], Florida Agricultural and Mechanical University [FAMU], and Tallahassee Community College [TCC]) that constitute close to half of the city’s population. The black or African American population consists of 34.2% of the total population. The per capita income is $19,990. Approximately 48% of the population is male and the median age is 30. The city of Tallahassee was a land populated by the Creek--later called Seminole- -Indians. Later the land was adopted as the state capital due to its location. According to McCarthy (2007), Tallahassee means “old fields” or “abandoned village” based on Apalachee Indian terminology. However, Read (2004), credits the name having Creek Indian origins and lists it as a derivative of Creek talwa, “town” and hasi, “old” – hence old town. Yet another exploration for the name yields origins from the Seminole Indian tradition in which in 1799 Hawkins calls the town Sim-e-no-le-tallau-haf-see, a name in which f has the value of s.

Why Tallahassee?

A component of group ecology is the environmental setting in which it is found. In the case of the TADDC there is a very distinct macro and micro environment. Although not a direct question, four respondents in the oral history interview commented about the nature of Tallahassee in describing how the TADDC evolved. When compared with other African dancing and drumming meccas – New York, Philadelphia, Chicago--

62 in the United States of America, Tallahassee, Florida, should not appear in the same discussion, yet it has. Tallahassee is not a major urban area, it is not highly populated, and there is not a large population of persons from the African Diaspora. Be it lore or fact, the progenitors of the community ascribe significance to the non-demographic qualities of Tallahassee as why African dance and drum has taken a stronghold in the community. In the interview I conducted with Nia Love (2007) I asked what about her teaching style allowed the African dancing and drumming to take off while she was in Tallahassee. She humbly remarked that it had little to do with her and more to do with the universe; she exclaimed, she was in the right place at the right time and the “stars aligned” that all of these factors would come together while she was in Tallahassee. As the discussion of this topic continued she elaborated and attributed the forces of Tallahassee as the major contributor to bringing the TADDC together. She said, You know all that stuff happening in Tallahassee. Supposedly what I heard about Tallahassee is that it was called Talla wah hass ee and it meant the burial ground. So it was one of the few, OluSegun, actually told me this. If you draw a line from Tallahassee eastward all the way you would end up in Egypt. It’s a direct line from the Egyptian burial ground to the [inaudible] burial ground to Tallahassee. I don’t know what that means in that sense, but there’s a huge connection between all these energies that surface through our ancestors. You know. Whether we know that they are there are not, and because Tallahassee is a burial ground all those mounds there’s tons of information, tons of energy that surges through our bodies all the time that we don’t know about. (Personal interview with Nia Love, 2007) Similarly, in the interview with Olusegun Williams (2007) he remarked about the metaphysical nature of Tallahassee when I asked him to tell me his personal story of how he arrived in Tallahassee and how he became involved in African dancing and drumming there. Early in the conversation he says, “you know, Tallahassee is the only place in Florida, that has hills.” He later goes on to state, The name Tallahassee--if you’re Muslim--they say Allah lives here because it’s in the spelling of the name of the city. It seems the Indians had an affinity for the

63 area. They have the Ceremonial mounds. [There’s] something spiritual and something magnetic about this community. (Personal interview with Olusegun Williams, 2007) Eric Bond referred to Tallahassee as “just being that type of place where you can plant a seed and the energy here is such that it will just grow” (Personal interview with Eric Bond, 2007).

In the Beginning – 1960s

The discussion of African dancing and drumming begins with what started as a dance club at FAMU. The Florida A&M University Orchesis Club was organized to allow students, faculty, and alumni an opportunity to gain inner satisfaction and mutual stimulation from working together and participating in dance as a form of art expression. Undergoing several name changes, it has been the Orchesis Contemporary Dance Theatre (OCDT) since 1977. It is a collegiate intramural extra curricular activity that welcomed the community from the beginning. According to Dr. Barber, “it’s been a community company for years since the 1960s.” Throughout the years OCDT has consisted of college and high school students, faculty, and Tallahassee residents who did not fall into any of the above categories all working together for the love of dance. Falling under the direction of Dr. Beverly Barber in 1960, the company would serve as a training ground, a haven, and the birth place of today’s African dance and drum community in Tallahassee, Florida. Dr. Barber had little to no experience in the black dance vernacular--nonetheless African dance upon--assuming the role of director of the college dance company. She commented, “My background was Wayne State University in Detroit and until I got to FAMU did very little with black music or anything that related to black dance unless I was working with a sorority or something like that.” Fortunately for the TADDC, in 1963 something changed. Dr. Barber saw the play called In Black America and by her account, “that just turned me around.” From that point on, Dr. Barber used black music: classical, sacred, folk, and ballads and used black themes in her work. This 1963 revelation--as she called it--was the first step in laying the frame work for the integration of African dance into the Orchesis repertory and the Tallahassee community.

64 When I asked Dr. Barber about the transition of incorporating a more African aesthetic into the company’s repertoire, she responded that she had always been interested in African dance and “the only reason I hadn’t done it before was because I was limited in my knowledge of African dance.” She said “it’s just that you do what you can do.” After seeing the play Dr. Barber began to travel to New York to take classes with such dance legends as Sevilla Ford and Katherine Dunham to enhance her knowledge of the Afro-Caribbean based Dunham technique. Shortly after, she began to integrate the lessons into her choreography, and using store-bought-taped-music began presenting her stylized African dances to Tallahassee audiences. In December of 1963 Orchesis premiered African Dances in their annual dance concert (see Appendix E for copy of program). Again, Dr. Barber had no training in African dance and this piece was a stylized version performed to taped African Folk songs. This event, however, marked the company’s first foray into the realm of Afro- Caribbean dance vernacular. The dance was re-performed in the 1964 concert with a name change to African Rhythms, but based on program information appears to be the same dance. There was no new choreography of this type presented in the 60s, and no live musicians listed on any of the program information.

The 1970s

The 1960s was a decade characterized by a stylized version of African dance (a modern/Afro-Caribbean hybrid) and the sole use of taped music. By the 1970s a more traditional approach was taken in the presentation of African dance to the Tallahassee community. The Conga drum, live percussionists, and visiting artists entered the scene. Guest artists would travel through Tallahassee and be invited to FAMU to work with the dance company by presenting and teaching more traditional African dance. The use of the word traditional in this context refers to dances more like those that would be found in Africa as opposed to the previously discussed hybrid and stylized form of dance. However, a discussion on the terms traditional and authentic will follow later in this chapter. From 1972 to 1974 a cultural dance appeared on each of the Orchesis dance programs (see Appendix F for OCDT Danceography). Dr. Barber is the only

65 choreographer of record for the African inspired dances during this time period, and the choreography conformed to her expertise. Also in keeping with the tradition of the 70s, music that is listed as traditional music and percussion is played on the Conga drum. Dr. Barber’s choreography during this period was heavily influenced by Katherine Dunham and Pearl Primus. For example, the title of her 1972 Afro-Caribbean Suite: Sacrifice a Damballa, is a direct reflection of her studies with Dunham who fused anthropological and dance studies of Haiti and other Caribbean islands with modern dance to formalize the Dunham technique. According to the program information, in 1975 a gentleman by the name of Noble Nkosi choreographed the first traditional African dance for the company entitled West African Suite. The dance was a compilation of 3 sections: Kwesi Adae (a men’s dance of strength from Ghana), Alunje (a dance of fertility from Dahomey), and Federkoba (a challenge dance for men and women from Guinea). Dr. Barber recalled the young man visiting the FAMU campus, not as an invited guest choreographer. She commented that he only stayed a few days, but during that time he set his choreography. She also recalled him working with the drummers to modify the music from an African drum orchestration to fit into the Conga drum construct. Based on the program notes, the drummers for the 1975 concert included John King, Vincent Love, James McAden, Otis Thomas, and Auyetotofun (see Appendix G for complete list of drummers). The 1975 concert also featured two additional African inspired dances. Dr. Barber choreographed Roots and Rhythms and student choreographer Karen Stewart choreograped Afro Moves. Both pieces featured the same musicians on congas, but no additional program notes are included to indicate the specific style of movement. However, based on the interview conducted with Dr. Barber I am led to believe the above mentioned pieces were stylized Afro-Caribbean and Afro-Modern dances. Reginald Yates, a FAMU alumnus, appeared as one of the student dancers in this 1975 concert. Reginald Yates would later go on to garner notoriety in the African dance world as a dancer, choreographer, and master teacher. Today he is regarded as one of the top African-American choreographers with regard to traditional West African dance. He has served as Executive Director of Dance Aid for Africa; has performed throughout the country at some of the largest dance programs and events such as the Alvin Ailey 40th

66 anniversary gala, Jacob’s Pillow, and the Juilliard Dance Division; and is a Simon Guggenheim Fellow, and a three time Fellow in choreography through the Division of Cultural Affairs in Florida. In 1976, while still a student performer, Yates began choreographing African dances for the company. In 1979 he was invited back as a guest choreographer for his expertise in African dance to help choreograph Africa to America. The 1979 concert centered around three acts: Homeland, Passage, and Struggle. Dr. Barber, Yates, and Jaikym Stephens (another ODCT alumnus) choreographed the entire evening’s dance concert and featured Wilbur Davis, Ralph Stewart, Dennis Everheart, and Al Reese on the Congas. During the same year, Chuck Davis presented the first annual Dance Africa Festival in Brooklyn, New York (refer to Chapter 3). In addition to the changes in choreography that was presented on the concert stage, a shift occurred in what was going on in the classroom. The conga drum became a musical staple in classroom accompaniment. Now known for their use of drummers and presenting Neo-African dance on the concert stage, men would come into the dance studio with their drums to see if they could be of any service to Dr. Barber and the OCDT. Drummer Wilbur Davis recalled men were coming home from the service and just had a lot of time on their hands. They would come into the studio and Dr. Barber would recruit them to play for a class. He further went on to note that many of the men did not stay long, but there was a constant string of men with drums coming into the studio during the years. I have also heard rumored that during the late 70s men would show up to the FAMU football games with their Conga drums and, while seated in the stands, play during the games. Although I was able to track down the actual source of this story, I was not able to schedule an interview with him during the time frame of this study.

1980s

The 1970s closed out and ushered in the 1980s with not much of a drastic shift in African artistic production for OCDT. The 1980s found Orchesis hosting professional African dance companies on the FAMU campus, attending workshops to become more proficient in the style of African dance, and traveling to the Black College Dance

67 Exchange with drummers as a part of their ensemble. The Black College Dance Exchange is an annual dance conference originally started to provide Historically Black Colleges and Universities the opportunity to come together and take dance classes, fellowship, and perform with and for each other. Based on the program information, there were only two African style dances performed by OCDT during their annual concerts in the 1980s. In 1985 Dr. Barber choreographed Afra-Moves and in 1988 Dr. Barber and the group arranged and staged Pearl Primus’ Fanga (West African Welcome Dance) for the Tallahassee concert stage. The influx of men interested in playing the conga drums continued. In the interview with Dr. Barber (2007) she stated, During, I would say around 1980s, young men would come into the studio with a conga drum and just say well I have a drum, I would like to play. Most of the time they had never played before, and so it was a learning experience for us and a learning experience for them. They played primarily for Orchesis... Their contribution was major because it was the beginning of us doing more exploration into the African dance although we were not using the traditional drums. We did more choreography that had African style movement to it. (Personal Interview with Beverly Barber, 2007). The facts, anecdotes, and stories that I collected from the oral history interviewees were consistent with documents that I was able to analyze for the 1960s and 1970s, but during the 1980s the timeframes associated with stories would differ a little for each participant and I was unable to find any documentation to corroborate or clarify time frames. I do not doubt that these events took place; I am just unable to verify the time frames. Dr. Barber and Wilbur Davis both talked of professional African dance companies that would come through Tallahassee during this decade, but I found no documented proof on any of the companies they mentioned or their specific involvement or impact on the TADDC. Dr. Barber (2007) recalled, Eventually we had visits from Chuck Davis, Arthur Hall. Both are black artists, dance artists, who focus primarily on the African dance. Arthur Hall has passed away. Chuck Davis is very much still doing the African dance. He does extensive research and travel to the continent to continue to learn and to share what he’s

68 learned with other people. Their coming to our campus performing with their company provided us with information about African dance that we did not have. They did classes for us. We worked with them in the various sessions. (Personal Interview with Beverly Barber, 2007). Outside of finding no documentation on these artists’ visits, the two stylized African dances that were presented during this decade also cause me to question the validity of the time frame of these visits. Both informants attribute learning a great deal from these visiting artists, but it is not reflected in the programming that was presented during the 1980s. I am led to speculate that the artists may have come during the late 1980s and the impact of these exchanges played more of a role in the early part of the 1990s. Wilbur Davis reminisced on the role that Margo Blake and Margo’s School and Cultural Dance Corporation of Tallahassee (later called Community School of the Performing Arts) played in helping build the drummers. Margo Blake, former principal dancer of Arthur Hall, after moving from Philadelphia owned and operated a dance school catering to African American students in the Tallahassee community. Eventually, as a resident of Orlando, Florida; Blake would drive up to Tallahassee every Saturday and have classes in a one room school. Well connected to the African dance scene from her time with Arthur Hall, Blake would bring special guests artists to work with her students each year. Typically, the artists would focus on a specific type of African dance and would bring drummers with them. Wilbur Davis remembered practicing with Orchesis and then, whenever there was free time, going over to work with the musicians Blake had in town. Playing in the annual recitals Margo’s dance school had provided the musicians an opportunity to perform the music they learned from the visiting artists. Unlike Orchesis, Margo’s School was geared towards teaching youth. This developed a core group of young Tallahassee residents that were taking African dance classes on a regular basis. These dancers would later contribute their talents to OCDT, and Blake would work with the OCDT members. A symbiotic relationship was established between the community dance school and the college dance company that benefited the students of both organizations. Margo Blake is credited with establishing the first African dance class in the Tallahassee area through her dance school.

69 Marcus Robinson, at the time a member of Orchesis, would also study with Margo and the many guest artists she brought in-to-town. In the interview conducted with Baba Segun he jokes “Marcus was drumming when I got to town [1987], and the day I walked into the dance studio to drum is the day Marcus put the drum down and walked out onto the dance floor, and the rest is history.” During the upcoming decade, Brother Marcus (as he is referred to throughout the community) would apply the things he learned during his dancing tenure with Orchesis and his interactions with these guest artists to start the African Caribbean Dance Theatre and the Florida African Dance Festival in Tallahassee, Florida. The last major event with regard to African dancing and drumming in the 1980s was Baba Segun moving to Tallahassee, Florida, in 1987 from Miami, Florida. Baba Segun dabbled in playing Afro-Cuban music on the Congas. He played only enough to help facilitate spoken word pieces in his theatre group--The M Ensemble--in Miami, Florida. Upon arriving to Tallahassee, he was introduced to OCDT and became a drummer for one of the dance classes. No one, not even him, knew that twenty years later he would consider Tallahassee, Florida, home and would have played such an integral role in ushering in a new chapter in Tallahassee dance history. As the 1980s came to a close, the Conga drum was still the drum of choice. The regular musicians in town were not yet familiar with traditional African drums, and as Wilbur stated “traditional music came along in the 90s, before that we played whatever people came and showed us (personal video footage of Wilbur Davis, 1994).” Orchesis remained the main staple on the black vernacular dance scene; however, other players such as Margo Blake entered the picture and made a lasting contribution as well. Although their contributions were not realized during the 1980s, Marcus Robinson and Olusegun Williams made their entrée onto the scene as well to close out the decade. As stated earlier, I did not obtain any records of guest choreographers or traditional African choreography being performed on the concert stage, but by the accounts of Dr. Beverly Barber and Wilbur Davis, the 1980s were a time when several guest artists--well versed in African dance vernacular--came through Tallahassee and taught the residents the dance style.

70 1990s

As Tallahassee began to usher in a new decade, many changes would take place. The 1990s are characterized by the exit of the Conga drum and the introduction of the djembe orchestra, a large influx of dance and drum knowledge, regularly scheduled African dance classes on a collegiate level, the start-up and evolution of two African percussion organizations, and an “organic” approach to building what is referred to today as the Tallahassee African dance and drum community. The changes, policies, and traditions that were instituted during the first half of the 1990s lay at the core of the cultural traditions that are in effect today. Nia Love Enters the Scene Nia Love, daughter of longtime Florida State University faculty and sculpture Ed Love, came to the dance department of Florida State University to complete her graduate work in choreography/performance in 1990. A dual degree graduate in science and theatre directing from Howard University, Nia was living on the West coast touring and trying to establish herself as a choreographer when her father asked her to consider coming to Tallahassee to finish her schooling. After some thought, she decided to take him up on his offer, and the rest as they say is history. After arriving at FSU, Nia recollects being shocked at the lack of a black community that was in place. “I don’t think there was a huge black community there. I won’t say that it wasn’t huge, but the black community that I had been introduced to was a middle aged {inaudible} black community that had been there” (personal interview with Nia Love, 2007). During her acclamation process, Nia was told she needed to meet Atiba Kojo [long time Orchesis drummer]. By this point, Atiba and Olusegun had started a band called Phoenix Uprising and they would play gigs around town. One day Nia ventured to one of the performances. Baba Segun laughs as he retold the story of Nia meeting Atiba at one of their performances. Nia credits the gentlemen with being her “entryway to the black community.” At some point during the course of the evening Segun suggested that Nia meet Dr. Barber. Throughout this entire chapter I have discussed the role that FAMU has played in the evolution of this dance community, but I have been remiss in mentioning Florida State University. As indicated earlier, Orchesis is an extracurricular intramural dance

71 club that is housed under the auspices of Florida A&M University. FAMU did not and does not have a dance major, but over the years has maintained an amazing wealth of dance talent. Some of this talent has come courtesy of the dance department at Florida State University. As Dr. Barber mentioned, OCDT has been a community organization since the 1960s and has reached out and accepted membership from people with various backgrounds. One of the relationships nurtured was between Orchesis and the black students in the FSU dance department. Orchesis provided a place where the black students could come and participate in activities and tell their stories through a dance medium that more closely mirrored their existence. So throughout the Orchesis history, there has been a reciprocal process where the black students and faculty of the FSU department would come over and make contributions to Orchesis. For example, in the 1992 Orchesis program Lynda Davis, dance faculty at Florida State University contributed choreography for the concert as well as Kevin Veiga, an MFA student in the FSU dance department. The examples are endless and this same type of scenario is what brought Nia over to FAMU. In fact Nia’s main students and protégés—Dr. Nzinga Metzger, Deidra Fields, and Onye Ozuzu-- were all Florida State students who participated in Orchesis. When Nia finally met Dr. Barber (per Segun and Atiba’s suggestion), she was asked to come over to FAMU and teach some modern and West African dance classes. As a part of her assistantship, Nia was already teaching a Beginning African Dance I class at FSU, and reported that she was excited to “cross the tracks.” Nia stated that at the time Dr. Barber was offering an Afro-Caribbean dance class that was “jam packed.” During this time frame, the main drummers at FAMU included Atiba Kojo and Segun Williams, although included in the transition were also Richard Smith, Ralph Stewart, and Wilbur Davis. The drummers were still on the Congas and their musical knowledge was still comprised of things that they could “pick up.” Nia was using taped music in her Florida State dance classes. Atiba and Segun committed to offering Nia help as they took on the challenge of learning how to play for a West African dance class. This required the drummers to move away from playing the cultural dance rhythms which were an amalgamation of Caribbean rhythms to playing more traditional rhythms. But Nia, not a skilled drummer, was not

72 able to relay the parts to the drummers to assist them in recreating the music. Segun reminisced that Nia handed the two drummers a tape by a man named Leon Mobley which had the rhythms that Nia was interested in playing for class. He joked that because it was an audio tape and not a visual tape, they had no idea as they listened to the music that this man was playing all these different rhythmic parts on different drums. So with their two Congas and this tape, Segun and Atiba mimicked as best they could, the rhythms to help facilitate Nia in teaching her West African dance classes. A traditional djembe orchestra, at minimum, would have at least five different drums each playing and layering on a different rhythmic pattern to create the full sound the brothers were listening to and trying to recreate on their two Conga drums. Nia said there were times when the drummers would just play a 6/8 rhythm pattern and she would fit the steps within the meter and explain to the dancers that this is not the traditional rhythm. She stated “the energy was coming from such a pure place that no one complained.” Nia smiles fondly as she recounted, So, then we would have to go out and get recordings come back and listen to the recordings. Ok what are they playing? brak da brak brak brak da brak brak brak/ding ding ding/ding ding ding [italics added] And just play. Ok, I’ll play the bell, you play the top, you play the bottom. And we just work. And it was the best. Nobody was coming up saying to me like you can’t do that shit, you ain’t representing properly. You ain’t, you ain’t, you ain’t. So I had freedom, liberation and people were like we didn’t even know what you know, so give us something, and I honored that. (Personal interview with Nia Love, 2007) The Djembe Orchestra Changes the Scene Around December of 1991, Eric Bond, a native of Cincinnati, Ohio was returning to Tallahassee, Florida, to take a job offer. Eric had started playing West African drums around 1989/90 in Cincinnati, Ohio with Charles Miller who came out of the Conga school. Miller was also a member of Sun Drummers. The Sun Drummers included some of the people that were the founders of Muntu Dance Theater (refer to figure 3-1) and some other groups in the Midwest in Chicago and most of these drummers were descendants of Chief Bey out of New York. Eric remembered that in addition to packing the normal items for his trip, he packed his Songba, and how although only a novice,

73 drumming had really become therapeutic for him. The introduction of the Songba to Tallahassee was about to revolutionize the way music was being played in the city. Eric lived in Tallahassee at two other points in his life, one of which included undergraduate school at FAMU in 1982-1984. Eric, while familiar with the landscape, was not as familiar with the people. When he returned in December of 1991, the city was getting ready to host its citywide Kwanzaa celebration. He attended and took his drum with him. Eric could not remember how he met Segun, but Segun remembers it being at that Kwanzaa celebration. Segun (2007) said “we were both there with a drum and the organizers asked us to play something,” so they did. Eric did, however, call to mind that Segun was one of the first people he met upon reentering the area. Eric told the story of his reentry into the Tallahassee African dance and drum scene: I inquired about where is there a dance class in town and I ran into some people. There’s this sister named Nia Love and she’s teaching classes over at Florida State University. But before I could make it over to the classes, she called me. We need players and she was very very vibrant, very charismatic, very energetic. (Personal interview with Eric Bond, 2007) He went on further to state, and when I went to her classes there was no djembe playing even though she was doing Sene-Gambian, Djembe orchestra stuff, or Kuitro orchestra stuff, there were no Djembes in Tallahassee. When I first came to one of Nia’s classes…I brought my drum and I remember them asking me What kind of drum is that? I said well, it’s called a Songba and they said what do you do with that? and I said it’s a part of the Djembe orchestra. And they were playing Mandiani and Lamban off of a Leon Mobley tape that Nia had given them and they were trying to play it on Congas. (Personal interview with Eric Bond, 2007) He remembered going to a couple of classes that Nia was teaching both at FSU and at FAMU, and trying to share his knowledge of these rhythms with the two men who had been holding down the dance classes all this time. These brothers were trying to play Lamban/Mandiani and those were the main two rhythms at first that anyone even ventured to play, on congas. And they were

74 trying to actually imitate note for note what they had memorized off of this Leon Mobley tape. And I was trying to explain to them, well you know Lamban does go different ways and I’ve heard a different version and there attitude was “well, this is the version…this is the real version.” So, I was like, well, ok, whatever. (Personal interview with Eric Bond, 2007) Eric admitted that Segun was a little more receptive to this information than was Atiba, but either way, getting the brothers to switch from what they were doing was difficult. The other ironic component to this story is that there was in fact a Djembe in Tallahassee. Segun’s mother had just come back from a festival in South Carolina and brought him back a Djembe. He, at the time had no idea how to play, care for, or maintain the drum, but added it to his collection of musical instruments and there it sat for a while. Segun quipped he had no previous desire to play the Djembe and although he had seen one in other contexts, never thought it was something he would play. Next to Eric arriving in Tallahassee with the Songba, the other major occurrence during this time period was the presence of a son/mother duo Derek Hemingway and Craigie Houston, respectively. Derek and Craigie are Caucasian Tallahassee residents that would frequent Nia’s dance classes at Florida State. Eric had noticed that Derek would come to the classes but never do anything other than watch and his mother would dance. They had been coming prior to Eric’s arrival, but when Eric showed up to the class with the Songba, it would later reveal Derek’s extensive knowledge of African drumming. And so, I never will forget one day Derek came to class and he brought the base drum from his drum set. And he didn’t play it, but he brought it. And he kind of waited until class was over and he very kind of very very humbly, almost apologetically came over and said, hey you know I really appreciate your playing, blah, blah, blah, blah, thanks. He said, I don’t have a Djun Djun, but, you’re familiar with…but there’s another base drum, …and he was basically trying not to offend me by acting like he knew more about drumming…. But he was trying to say you can incorporate this base drum if you don’t have a Djun Djun, this base drum from my drum set could play the Djun Djun part. Have you ever heard this part that goes into Lamban like this? And he played this base line part that was

75 different than the Sangba part that I was playing, and Segun was kinda checking it out and Atiba didn’t want to hear anything he had to say. (Personal interview with Eric Bond, 2007) The established drummers began integrating the base drum into the orchestration. Although Eric admitted, “the playing was real kind of disjointed because they weren’t use to playing with a base line.” A few weeks later, Derek transitioned from being a spectator in the class to a participant in developing the history of the TADDC. Craigie had just gotten a Djembe made from a man out of North Carolina who had come to Tallahassee to visit an event Marcus Robinson hosted. Craigie allowed Derek to play her drum during Nia’s African dance classes. Eric (2007) narrated the point when Derek began to show he knew how to play the Djembe. Derek very humbly came in and he showed that he actually knew how to play Djembe. And it just kind of came out, well I studied under Ladji Camara. I barely knew who Ladji Camara was, nobody else really knew who he was, but I was like Ladji Camara, yeah. And of course Ladji’s a great master, but Derek is just really humble. I remember one day after class he was trying to show Atiba and Segun and another brother that was a friend of Atiba’s who had started coming at this point. He was trying to show them, look Lamban has parts. [Imitating different parts]. So Craigie, this white woman and her son, was showing Atiba and these…well…and I was sitting up there like, yeah she’s right but I was still bugged out that they were the ones that were showing it, but they were right [imitating more musical rhythms and parts]. They were really trying to show the orchestration of how Lamban could sound. Nia was saying, what he’s actually playing, that’s what I want to hear. (Personal interview with Eric Bond, 2007) Derek joined the group of drummers as a regular playing for the dance classes. This led to Segun bringing his Djembe and learning how to play basic rhythms for the class as well. And so now, there were 2 Djembes--Segun’s and Craigie’s. Ladji Camara was a master drummer from Guinea, West Africa who performed with the Les Ballets Africains (see chapter 3 for discussion) and like the dancers who stayed to populate New York after their tour to the United States, he defected to the

76 United States of America. For the sake of comparison, Ladji Camara with regards to his influence over African drumming is the African version of Chief Bey. In the discussion in Chapter 3, I discussed how Chief Bey is the father of African-American drumming in the New World. Papa Ladji Camara taught and recorded with the same far reaching arch except he was a native African. His tapes were and are still widely used for new drummers to learn the rhythms and use as a reference tool. Between December of 1991 and the spring of 1992, the drum scene in Tallahassee had morphed from two Conga’s to the start of a full Djembe orchestration. Eric had the Songba, Derek was bringing his base drum, and there were the two Djembes. New drummers were also entering the scene: Yazid Pointer who was Nia’s husband at the time, Beyah Kareem (a man from Miami who had previously known Segun from Miami), Lonnie Hudspeth (Eric’s roommate), and Wilbur Davis who was already drumming for Orchesis had now started coming to play for the classes. The dance class scene had expanded exponentially as well. Prior to Nia’s arrival, Dr. Barber was holding regular Afro-Caribbean dances classes at FAMU, and Margo had her African dance classes through her school that were not weekly classes. After Nia’s arrival, there was an African dance class in town at least five days a week. There were classes two days a week at FSU and two days a week at FAMU. Margo had officially left Tallahassee, but her aunt Mrs. Mayre Herring had taken over the school (now named Community School of the Performing Arts) and Wilbur played for an African dance class there once a week. The Need for Drums Arises All of the advances in dance and drumming created a demand for drums. The base drum from Derek’s drum set was functional, but in addition to wanting a more authentic African base drum, the number of people interested in drumming created an outgrowth of the available drums. This quandary led Eric to call his drum teacher in Cincinnati to place an order for some drums. Upon placing the call, Eric was told the raw materials necessary to construct the drums just were not in place at that point in Cincinnati. He said they needed skins, and because it was cold up there, there was a shortage. Not discouraged, Eric knew he needed an alternative.

77 I never will forget one day in March--in March of 92--I was at a stop light and I looked across the street. They had just cut down a huge tree and there were these big logs on the ground and then on the other side of the street was the beginning of the fence to the FAMU Ag [Agricultural] department and their goats and cows running around. And I remember at the stop light, I remember saying to myself, “shit, I don’t need to be ordering drums, we need to be making drums right here.” I said, we got what everyone else is trying to get, it’s here. We got trees, we got cows and goats. And this is what people need to make drums in all other parts of the country and we have it right here. I’m looking at it. (Personal interview with Eric Bond, 2007). The new mission was to now figure out how to make a drum. No one in the group had any idea of drum construction, but Eric was sure he could figure it out. Shortly after deciding to make the needed drums, Eric met Weser Khufu. Khufu, also a Tallahassee resident, owned a building and construction business located near FAMU. Eric and Khufu (as he is known) began talking and realized they could help each other. Khufu had admitted that he always wanted a drum. Eric’s (2007) position was, “Well, I know what a drum should look like and how a drum should sound,” and he figured by instituting the help of Khufu’s knowledge of tool working, they could make a drum. With both men on board, they decided to utilize the techniques they were learning in the Ausar Auset metaphysics class being offered at Khufu’s store and meditate on the drum making process. While meditating and reading the book The Drummer’s Path, they began the journey to fill the demand for drums in Tallahassee, Florida. We bought three of these logs that had been on the side of the road over to Khufu’s yard. And so, sure enough after a couple of days, What ya’ll brothers doing with those logs? [italics added] Well, we go make some drums. Make some drums! What kind of drums you talking about? [italics added] Drums that you play. Man check this out, these brothers go make some drums. What do you mean drums? Drums that you play? Yeah, like Bongos. [italics added] So Khufu’s place became a spot that after 5:00 o’clock brothers that worked at FAM, brothers in the community started coming by, … and we would figure out how to construct these drums. The first two drums he and I made were these huge Djundjuns. We

78 didn’t know at the time, but they were way too large to be practical for use, but it was just the energy. So brothers use to congregate at Khufu’s place after five and they’d come by with 6 and 12 packs of beer and they’d watch these crazy brothers carving these drums. (Personal Interview with Eric Bond, 2007) Nzinga Metzger (2007) laughs as she said “I remember one of the first drums he [Eric] carved and it was so heavy. It was like he left a lot of wood on the inside of the drum, so that the drum was very heavy…” Through this process Eric Bond, Weser Khufu, Yazid Pointer, and Phil Gail carved three Sangbas, two Djunduns, and one Kenkene. The process took about two and a half months. After the drums were constructed, they developed a ritual and ceremony to mark the conclusion of the project and imbue the drums with the necessary energy. Later, a group of the brothers drove up to Atlanta where they met Yousof Crowder who showed them how to put skins and heads on the drums. While conducting my literature review and learning about Ismay Andrews, there were a number of sources that quoted her as saying she learned the African movements she taught through meditation and the movements just came to her. Other sources would doubt this and say she probably in fact learned them. I fell somewhere in the middle as to how I believed she acquired the knowledge. But upon recording the Tallahassee story, I must admit I have been forced to reevaluate some of my notions, and accept that she may have in fact learned these steps through mediation in conjunction with the research she was doing. Also, in my attempt to relay accurate information, I did confirm the meditation story with two other people who were around during this time frame. I did not conduct an official interview with these sources, but I did informally ask “how did you learn how to make your drum?” Nia Leaves Tallahassee Nia graduated from FSU during the Spring semester of 1992, and headed up to Washington, D.C. before she landed in her current residence of New York, New York. I received three different versions of the events associated with Nia’s departure, but the end result of all three stories are the same. According to Nia, after graduation it was just time for her to leave. She noted, right before her time to leave:

79 There had started to be a little bit of turmoil among the different people that were there. I’m not mentioning any names. But people I think who are now like, well she brought it in, but I’m taking it over and I’m a do this with it and I’m a do that with it. But I was desperately not trying to get into like an ego thing. Because I knew this was something that I just wanted to give to the community and then after that, the people can do what they wanted to do with it, and it can take off from there. (Personal interview with Nia Love, 2007) Later in the interview in reference to Brother Marcus starting his own classes, she said I could feel the division, and when I left it didn’t feel good to me…. It started to get like a little arrogant with each other as opposed to I do this and you do that, and that’s cool and people come and go. (Personal interview with Nia Love, 2007 No one else mentioned a division and it would seem no one else picked up on Nia’s discontent with the situation. In her version, she just packed up and left and there was no ensuing fanfare. Eric began his story of Nia’s departure as she was packing up the truck to leave and about to pull off with her family. He recalled there being a sob fest as some of her students and the drummers were on hand for her farewell. Nia, not crying, tells the audience to stop crying and begins shouting out directives for them to keep this thing going, which includes beginning to teach the classes for themselves. He remembered her as listing Nzinga as being the one to follow because she had a good grasp on the steps. According to Eric, everyone was emotional and the entire event was a big production with a motivational speech attached to it. In Nzinga’s (2007) interview, she does not provide the context for the story, and similar to Nia’s version does not mention any of the hysterics. She said, After Nia left--she finished her MFA--she asked myself, Onye Ozuzu, and Diedra Diggs to continue the dance class, and we were like [eyes rolling in her head]. Now mind you, I had been taking beginning African dance for four semesters [laughs], and I still just felt like there is no way I can teach a class. So, we decided to teach the class together. And the way that we structured it was that we would teach the warm-up together and then we would just alternate one person to the

80 other giving a different step. And we went on like that probably for, I don’t know, probably at least a year. (Personal Interview with Nzinga Metzger, 2007) Another slight variation occurred when referencing how the classes actually resumed after Nia left. Based on Eric’s narration, the ladies “dodged” Nia’s edict for close to a year. He says the drummers would see the dancers around, and say “what’s up” with regard to getting the classes started and the dancers just never quite felt ready. Finally, the drummers got a call and the dancers wanted to go over some of the steps they learned from Nia. Eric said after a few of these types of meetings, the dancers felt they were ready. Nzinga, although admitting apprehension among the dancers to teach the class, did not drag the downtime out for nearly as long. While not clear on the exact time frame the dancers, using the Orchesis dance studio, would hold free classes open to anyone every Sunday at 11:00 am utilizing the group teaching method. Dr. Barber remembered not knowing they were using the dance studio for the classes. On gaining studio access, Nzinga (2007) stated, We were allowed to use the studio up at Florida A&M. Most of the time it was unlocked, sometimes it wasn’t unlocked. And we would separate the metal cage that was on the door, we would push it open and slide our hands and turn the door knob from the inside and it was open. (Personal Interview with Nzinga Metzger, 2007) Eric (2007) rehashed the story of when the FAMU Police arrived to the studio ready to take them in because they thought they had broken into the studio. In actuality, they had, but after the police called Dr. Barber, they let them remain in the studio space. When the group could no longer use the studio space, they moved dance classes outside. The only requirement, since the class was free, was that participants bring some type of offering (fruit, water, juice, money) to the drummers. Organizations are Born With the growing number of drummers and classes in town the need for organization arose. Phone calls started to come in with some regularity requesting the drummers’ services at events that were held on FAMU’s campus, family reunions, weddings, and other activities. The Tallahassee Drummer’s Alliance was developed in the Fall of 1992 to handle these requests. It was a loose organization on paper, but it gave

81 them a name and a basic structure. The Tallahassee Drummers Alliance was open to anyone who had a passion to drum. The members volunteered their time and services as needed and provided service to the community. The organization’s members are listed on the back of Dromatala’s 10th anniversary tee shirt as Eric Bond, Alex Harvey, Derek Hemingway, Olusegun Williams, Lonnie Hudspeth, Weser Khufu, Wilbur Davis, Beyah Kareem, and Mershell Sherman. Although not the next event chronologically, I will discuss the history of Dromatala. Dromatala was founded in the Fall of 1993 by some of the drummers and members of the Tallahassee Drummers Alliance: Eric Bond, Alex Harvey, Derek Hemingway, Olusegun Williams, and new drummer on the scene, Osubi Craig. Dromatala became the performing arm of the Tallahassee Drummers Alliance and unlike the “come- hang-out” attitude of the parent organization, Dromatala took a business approach to the organization. They developed regular rehearsal schedules to improve their musicianship, secured paid contracts to play for the classes and events that were going on in town, and eventually became a nationally and internationally known African drumming ensemble. As of today, Dromatala still provides the musical accompaniment for most West African related events in Tallahassee and the surrounding regions. It is also important to note that Derek Hemingway, of Caucasian descent, is considered by the members of Dromatala as one of the best American born drummers to ever play a Djembe in Tallahassee. This fact caused much controversy among some of the Blacks involved, and Derek eventually decided, for the sake of the art, that he would no longer perform with the group. According to Dromatala’s history, [It] is an organization interested in the perpetuation, presentation and study of Hand and Stick Drumming of the African Diaspora (the dispersion of African peoples form the continent of Africa through slave trades). The mission of the organization is to serve as part of the vanguard that is continuing to expose the link between African-American culture, Caribbean culture, and the traditional style of West African music and dance. (www.geocities.com/dromatala/aboutus)

82 The name Dromatala is a loose play on words that means Drummers of Tallahassee. Now there is a Dromatala of Philadelphia as well, and plans are being made to start a Dromatala of Chicago. Also in 1993 the African Caribbean Dance Theatre was born. Marcus Robinson, former Orchesis member, was invited by Jill Harper, founder and director of Florida Arts and Community Enrichment (FACE), to the Fourth Avenue Recreation Center and teach an African dance class to the kids. The program targeted at-risk youth that lived in the Tallahassee Frenchtown neighborhood. During this time period, Frenchtown was a low- income Black community that harbored one of the city’s housing projects. The African classes were a huge success and the kids would travel throughout Tallahassee performing. The group performed at such places as the Governor’s mansion and the Capital building. The arrangement between Brother Marcus and Jill Harper lasted for a few years, but due to a difference in opinion, Mr. Robinson ended this relationship. After encouragement from some members of the community, Brother Marcus began having his own classes and later formed the African-Caribbean Dance Theatre (ACDT) which offered community dance classes open to people of all ages. Shortly after, he started a performing company with the participants of the dance class. He offered his classes on Tuesday’s and Thursday’s, the off days of FACE’s Monday and Wednesday classes, and some of the youth took classes in both locations. ACDT is currently in its 14th year of operation and has been considered the driving force of the community in its formative years. ACDT expanded to include drum classes; Afro-Robics (African based aerobics); and the Florida African Dance Festival, an annual event that brings people from throughout the United States of America to Tallahassee to partake in African dance and drum classes. Refer to appendix H for a copy of a flyer for the Florida African Dance Festival. ACDT has played for weddings, funerals, wakes, naming ceremonies and many other occasions similar to the occasions as found in African society. At the time this research was collected, ACDT’s lead drummers were Laurent Camara and Abu Babacar--former members of Les Ballets Africans. However, beginning in the Spring of 2008, ACDT transitioned to a Congolese dance and drum focus and contracted with Congolese to become the resident drummers.

83 Osubi Craig Enters the Scene When I asked Osubi Craig (2007) how long he’s been drumming, his response was “I never remember a time when I wasn’t drumming.” A third generation percussionist, he has been involved in many organizations committed to the preservation and perpetuation of African and African-American culture since he was a child. A native of Brooklyn, New York, Osubi and his family moved to Gainesville, Florida, during his high school years. By the time he arrived in Gainesville, Osubi was an accomplished performer and had studied African percussion from such greats as Chief Bey and Nana Dinizulu, in addition to what he learned from his father Gary Arthur Craig and the other local Brooklyn drummers. When he arrived in Gainesville he began teaching African to earn income, and playing for an African dance class taught by his spiritual mother Abayomi “Yomi” Goodall. Yomi had also been to Tallahassee to choreograph for Orchesis (see Appendix F). Nia met Yomi on her trip to Tallahassee, heard about the classes she offered in Gainesville and suggested some of the dancers and drummers take the two and a half hour drive southeast to Gainesville to take Yomi’s class. Eric (2007) recalled he had also heard about this 15 or 16 year old boy that was down there drumming and he wanted to check him out. So one Saturday, Nia, Eric, Onye, and Nzinga (maybe some others) drove down to Gainesville to take Sister Yomi’s class. Eric (2007) remembered, There was this young dude holding it down. This little young cat on a bicycle with a Djembe on his back and he’d ride up on his bicycle, hop off, and come in. Ok, let’s do this [italics added]! [Eric imitating musical sounds]. And he’s handling it, no accompaniment or nothing and he’s holding it down. And so we were this anomaly because we had this whole battery of drummers. We had no lead drummer. Well, we had Derek who could play lead, but we had this group of drummers, but we didn’t have no lead. And here was this cat. He was leading and accompanying himself, and holding it down. (Personal Interview with Eric Bond, 2007) The push to get Osubi to attend FAMU for college began after this trip. Eric (2007) said a lot of the people in the crew had taken the Ausar Auset metaphsyics class and they used the meditation techniques once again to “straight up meditate and pray that

84 the energy be manifested to bring this cat to Tallahassee.” Eric (2007) said, “this cat [was] a lead drummer without a battery and we [were] a battery without a lead drummer.” Baba Segun and Eric made another trip down to Gainesville to talk to Osubi’s mother. They took her out to the movies and assured her that if she sent her son to FAMU, they would help take care of him. They stressed to her that the drum and dance community needed him, and the community had established itself enough that it could provide him the type of support he needed. During the summer of 1993 Osubi was on tour with Jerry Gonzales and the Fort Apache Band. He had his own apartment in New York and was making a substantial amount of money from his band gig. Osubi admitted that he was torn between leaving that life style and coming to take on the lifestyle of a broke college student. But after some coaxing from his mom, he decided he “would give the college thing a try.” During the Fall of 1993, Osubi arrived in Tallahassee to pursue a Bachelor’s degree in Mechanical Engineering with a Minor in Jazz Studies. Osubi was in the FAMU Marching 100, and between school work and band responsibilities did not think he had the time to devote to playing for dance classes. Eventually he came around and at 16 became the groups lead drummer. When he came into the scene, he was like the youngest cat in our group, and yet he had the most chops of anybody. As soon as he got on board, he just elevated our level of play. It just hopped up to like two or three levels above where we had collectively been. Because he understood how to play in an ensemble, he understood how to lead an ensemble, he had showmanship that even Wilbur didn’t have, he was on the level of Wilbur. Immediately, as soon as he came on board, Derek was like “oh my gosh this is live.” That means now I can stretch out cause I won’t be the white boy showing off. So that meant Derek could play some shit that he had been holding back because he didn’t want to objectify himself.… It was literally, for those who understand the reference, the difference between impulse and warp speed. We just hopped about three or four levels. (Personal Interview with Eric Bond, 2007).

85 More Drummers Arrive in Tallahassee, Florida Prior to the 1990s, the drummers in Tallahassee were not skilled African percussionists. The drummers either had previous knowledge on how to play the Conga’s or learned during their stint in Orchesis. The total opposite occurred during the 1990s. Many drummers arrived to town already possessing an amazing wealth of knowledge. Khari Clemmons, Djembe player, arrived in Tallahassee during the summer of 1994. The previous spring semester the drummers accompanied OCDT to the Black College Dance Exchange in Hampton, Virginia where they met the drummers from Penn State University of which Khari was a part. Impressed with a few of the people he met from FAMU, Khari moved to Tallahassee that same summer. The following semester (Fall of 1994) Tunde Mendes--a resident of Houston, Texas-- and Korey Brown--resident of Altamonte Springs, Florida-- joined the drum battery. Both gentlemen arrived at FAMU for school and had prior experience playing the drums. In fact, Tunde’s decision to attend FAMU to obtain his undergraduate and masters degree hinged in large part on FAMU’s African drumming scene. Eric recalled while he was working at FAMU receiving a call to his office about a young man who was interested in attending FAMU, but wanted to know what the University had to offer as far as African drumming. Tunde was a highly recruited National Merit Scholar, and Eric was urged to meet with him to discuss the drumming group (although it was not a University sponsored organization). I assume Tunde liked what he heard, because he enrolled in the School of Business and Industry at FAMU. Osubi reported that around this time is when Melody Burgess began to “hang around.” Melody was already in school at FAMU, but started to come around Orchesis during the 1994 and 1995 school year to learn how to play the Djembe. In the Spring of 1996 the Black College Dance Exchange was held at Virgina State University. The drummers accompanied OCDT. On this trip Osubi met elder Obayanna Olumide Gilbert who was living in Virginia at the time. Impressed with his knowledge, Osubi thought it would be a good idea to contract Olumide to come down to Tallahassee and work with the drum group. Olumide arrived in the Fall of 1996 and stayed for a while. The exact time period is unknown. He left to return to Virginia, but later came back to live in Tallahassee. On his second trip down, in addition to working

86 with Dromatala, he also drummed for ACDT and FACE. While I was the dance teacher at FACE, Olumide drummed for me on the days I taught the kids African dance. Stone Montgomery, another elder in the drumming community, arrived sometime during 1997. Stone, a master Djembe player, primarily drummed for Brother Marcus at ADCT. The drumming battery for ACDT were the members of Dromatala, and eventually Stone became a member of and teacher for the members of Dromatala. Over the next two years, a group of brothers from Chicago joined Dromatala. First to arrive during the Fall of 1997 was Yaasiel Davis. The following year, his blood brother, Akinjobi Davis arrived. The brothers, as we call them, played the bottoms (Kenkene, Songba, Djundjun, and Bell). Jahmal Haywood also arrived with Akinjobi, and he played the Djembe. Jahmal served as the drum teacher at Prophecy School of the Arts for the 2007-2008 school year. All three men studied in Chicago, Illinois under Mischach Silas. Mangue Sylla, another student of Mischach Silas and Chicago resident, would also attend FAMU in 2003. The African dance and drum scene in Tallahassee factored in to the decision of the above gentlemen when making their college decision. The Matter of Race During the 1990s, in addition to growth, the TADDC also underwent some major events that challenged the concept of community. Two separate events centered on the concept of race. Who has the right to perform and represent African culture by participating in African drumming and dancing? Race, at least on the surface, no longer creates great barriers within the TADDC. The demographics of the participants in the study show that the members of the TADDC are predominately black. Are other races excluded? Is the lack of participation by other ethnic groups indicative of the community’s receptiveness to their participation? I have witnessed the same acceptance for new participants of different races that I have noticed for new black members. When I was a regular attendee at ACDT, between 1999 and 2000, there was an older white woman and her grandchild in attendance regularly. Prophecy has also had a white middle-aged woman and an Asian college age woman that were welcomed and treated as any other new student coming to the class. The attendance of non-blacks constitute a minority, but similar to Powell’s (1997) study of the Old Time dance group, the lack of participation has more to do with the fact that the activities focus

87 on a particular history and that these types of associations recruit new members through word of mouth as opposed to open advertisement. In the formative years of the TADDC, however, race played a large issue. During Nzinga’s (2007) interview I asked if some of the practices that were put in place deliberate or did things just happen. She responded by saying there was always definite discussions about what we were doing and why they were doing it and should we let white people in… and at the time Derrick was, well he’s still white, [laughs], but he’s white and he was in the Tallahassee Drummer’s Alliance and we had conversations about whether we should allow him to participate and somehow at the end of our conversations he always ended up continuing to participate. (Personal interview with Nzinga Metzger, 2007) Eric (2007) also addressed race in his interview. He discussed the efforts the drummers made to get the community to understand that Derek and Craigie were to be accepted and respected as a part of the community. We would do certain gigs and we would get the phone call and “man we want you brothers to come” [italics added] and we would negotiate the whole thing and then they would get right down to the very end of it and whatever you do, don’t bring that yimbo, don’t bring that white boy [italics added]. We were like hold it, you don’t tell us who we bring. He plays with us, he rehearses with us, he practices with us, he’s apart of our community-- him and his mother. There was a lot of people who just had issues with him playing. His approach was so humble, his interest was so genuine and sincere. His gift and what he would give to the community of himself, of his time, of his instrument, of his resources for the community betterment. (Personal interview with Eric Bond, 2007) Previously I discussed Derek’s entry into the drum battery. I mentioned the apprehension that the then drummers exhibited when he approached with drumming information. Eric points out that Derek always approached the group humbly. The issue of race was an issue that Derek remained cognizant of his entire time in the group, but because of Derek’s sincerity and his musicianship the issue of race became a moot point for some of the other drummers.

88 But Derrick was the kind of person that he was a vital and integral part of our community and an integral part of our drumming community. And he would always say when we would have different type of things in the community that drumming was called for, he would ask the question, “Is this something where my presence would disrupt it?” And we would tell him like naw. He was extremely humble and he was an excellent player. (Personal interview with Eric Bond, 2007) The following narration is a quote taken from the interview with Eric (2007). It epitomizes the drummers view, the TADDC service community’s view, and Derek’s view. The deal was that it was such an incredible, honest, love, begrudging acceptance kind of animosity that people had towards Derek and his mother; because they were accepted as members of our community because that’s what they were. They were honest, they were real, they were not aggressive. They had very humble spirits. And when you talk about a bunch of Afro-centrist in the early 90s, I mean Derrick and his mom had been to Africa multiple times. The average Afro-centrist walking around with they geles [headwrap] on and all that other stuff had never been out the country. They hadn’t been to Africa. They didn’t speak any Wolof. They hadn’t been anywhere. They wanted to. And so when Derek would play with us.… You know Tallahassee’s a very spiritual place. There was more than one instance where we would do a performance and we would come off and everyone would be clapping and Derek would look down and be like oh my gosh and his drum would be covered with blood. His hands are bleeding and so we would wipe his hands off, rinse them off and there would be no cuts. He would have no cuts on his hand. There would be no place that the blood is coming from, and yet there is blood everywhere on his drum, on his hand. He was even in tune. Well he’s very much in tune, and he said man maybe I shouldn’t be playing. He had been to the continent enough to know this is the result of the collective ill will that people have for me being able to competently play. And he said the lead drummer for an African drumming group in this community should not be white. And we were like fuck that. Man you a

89 part of us, you with us and this is how we roll. (Personal interview with Eric Bond, 2007) This sort of back and forth struggle continued for the approximate three or four years Derek drummed with the drum battery. The next major community disruption surrounding race occurred during the end of 1996-- the rehearsal period for the upcoming concert. Referred to by those involved and affected as “the Sounou incident,” the January 1997 OCDT concert was marred by a strike and a boycott due to the inclusion of a Caucasian male in the performance of the African dance piece Sounou. Sounou, choreographed by SuQuan Diop based out of Atlanta, Georgia, is a courtship dance. The male Tallahassee community member, name unknown, arrived at the dance studio and asked if he could participate in the piece. The guest artist obliged. On the subject Baba Segun stated, “Plus, how she gone say no? FAMU’s a public institution, equal access, equal opportunity. How we gone look if it’s reverse discrimination and something like that” (Beckley, 2005, p. 150)? As discussed earlier, OCDT was comprised of community members and students. Common for outsiders to participate with the company and work harmoniously, the students in the company and other community members interested in performing in the African dance were not happy about the inclusion of a non-Black in this piece. Some female dancers took issue with the white guy being in the dance. Ah, they went to Dr. Barber and demanded that she take him out. Well, what she wound up doing was kicking the sistas out of the company, you know, for even having the audacity to make a demand like that. (Beckley, 2005, p.150) Some of the drummers also refused to participate in the piece. Dr. Barber and Osubi both laughed as they remembered Osubi had no choice but to play in the concert regardless of his feelings because he was a student worker and that was his job. He never stated what side of the issue he was on. The piece successfully premiered in FAMU’s Lee Hall Auditorium, however, not without controversy. Along with the dancers who were dismissed from the company, some dancers and drummers decided to boycott the performance. The Spring of 1997 was my second semester at FAMU and my first time going to see an Orchesis show. Walking

90 from my car to the auditorium I noticed a group of young men and women handing out flyers and trying to convince people to not go and see the show. Unclear about exactly what was happening, I took a flyer and proceeded inside the theater. I remember reading the leaflet and being totally confused. Without stating specifics or details, I remember the handout reading something to the effect that what I was about to witness was not authentic African dance and it called into question my support of an event that would allow a Caucasian to perform an African dance on the concert stage of a Historically Black College and University. It was not until that specific piece hit the stage that I understood what was going on. Baba Segun recalled, “I remember one night we came, when we finished the show, when the audience came out, there were leaflets under everybody’s windshield proclaiming that, you know, what they had witnessed was not a representation of traditional African dance” (Beckley, 2005, p. 151). Baba Segun recalled how he was alienated by some Tallahassee community members for years because he voluntarily drummed for this piece (Beckley, 2005). Since that time, Neo-African dance has been presented on the concert stage without any upheaval. Later in this chapter, under the section titled Tradition vs Authentic vs Neo- African Dance, a more in-depth discussion on the concept of traditional African dance is presented. If race remains an issue within the community, it does not present itself as a surface issue. During the course of the research, with the exception of referring to past events, race did not emerge as a factor for inclusion or exclusion in the TADDC. This may be because of the work that has been done around race in the past or because my interview questions did not specifically address race. When I asked Baba Segun (2007) about his thoughts on non-African descendant people playing the drum, he replied, “someone told me….The drum wants to be played. It don’t care who’s playing it, it’s got to be played or else its decoration, it’s not functional.” I mention it as a discussion point here because it played such a major role in shaping the TADDC.

The New Millennium - 2000s

The 1990s ended with the TADDC organized, growing, and making a name for themselves outside of the Tallahassee, Florida, geographic confines. As the community

91 approached the new decade, these same trends would continue. Organizations continue to develop, new dance classes continue to form, and a new group of drummers are being cultivated. African Diaspora Art and Research Collective The African Diaspora Art and Research Collective, Inc. (ADARC) was the second African dance centered organization to form here in Tallahassee. They, however, were the first to be formed in this new era. Olumide Gilbert and Kiah Graham are given the credit for coming up with the idea to start the organization; and Baba Segun later assisted by coming up with the name and helping to file the paperwork. Help also came from community members Crystal Thomas and Amber Golden. This organization was developed to serve as the historian and knowledge repository for the Tallahassee community. ADARC offered community dance classes at The Garden (a local club) on Wednesday evenings. Wednesday’s were chosen specifically to provide those interested in learning another opportunity to learn and not force participants to have to chose between the classes being offered by ACDT on Tuesday and Thursday nights. Despite the conscious intentions, a segment of the community considered the start of ADARC as a backlash against the practices and happenings at ACDT. Segun remembered being called a “traitor” as he bumped into some dancers from ACDT at the annual Caribbean Festival that is held each August in Tallahassee. They were calling him a traitor because he was a part of this new organization. He simply replied, “If I were a traitor, we would be having dance classes on the same night” (personal interview with Olusegun Williams, 2007). Segun is very firm in his position that ADARC was not started as a statement against what Brother Marcus was doing, but rather as an alternative and a way for the TADDC to continue to grow and do new things. The heads of ADARC discussed branching out into teaching other types of African Dance and following the collective tradition of inviting members of the community to teach. I remember a specific instance in a class that was at The Garden. A long time community member returned to Tallahassee on break from college and came to take class. After some whispering in the corner, Kiah (the scheduled teacher for that evening) introduced the young sister and said she would be teaching the class. Before she

92 began teaching, she expressed, she had learned so much here [Tallahassee] and she was honored to be able to come back and share with her community what she had learned while she was away. At the end of the class, Kiah explained that as a collective it was not the responsibility of one person to have all the knowledge, but for us to work together and to share whatever knowledge we had individually so that we could all benefit. This moment left an impression on me because I had finally heard someone articulate what I interpreted to mean as “this thing is not about me, but about us,” and that made me even more eager to participate in class. McMillan and Chavis (1986) list sense of mattering as an element of sense of community, and in that moment I truly believed that everyone’s voice mattered and I was free to share and explore, and that I would be supported in that endeavor. The point of the above story is not to insinuate that the same opportunities did not exist at ACDT. In fact, younger students at ACDT would often be invited at some point during a class session to come and lead a few steps down the line. I simply share this story to highlight the point I experienced my moment of transition from calling the community a community because it was expected, to actually believing in the notion of community. Nzinga Metzger moved back to Tallahassee in 2001 to start her course work in a Ph.D. program in Cultural Anthropology at Florida State University. Upon returning she began teaching African dance classes under ADARC at their rented space at The Garden, and later at their rented space at Montgomery School of Dance. The drummers at this time included Asegun Henry, Akin Lowman, Jahmal Haywood, Segun Williams, Akinjobi Davis, and Stone Montgomery. By the time the organization began holding classes at Montgomery School of Dance, Osubi Craig had returned to Tallahassee to pursue a Masters degree in Arts Administration at Florida State University, and he began drumming for the classes as well. In addition to community dance classes, the organization was to sponsor research, discussions, and house artifacts. Although still functional on paper, the organization stopped the community dance classes after two years, and never really began the collection and recording of history.

93 Kufere Bandele Kule (Kufere) was the performing arm of ADARC. Kiah Graham was the lead teacher and choreographer for Kufere and ADARC. Kufere still performs today on an event basis. At the request of a presenter, the dancers meet and begin to work on choreography for the event. There are not ongoing classes or rehearsals for Kufere and the dancers appear to enjoy the less rigid structure of performing with Kufere. Although children were allowed in the ADARC community classes, Kufere does not perform with the children, unlike ACDT’s performing company. Prophecy School of the Arts Prophecy School of the Arts, although not established to be considered a player in the African dance and drum community, started offering African dance and drum classes. Prophecy is a studio that offers classes in ballet, tap, jazz, hip-hop, lyrical, pilates, drama, African drumming and African dancing, belly dancing, and Argentine Tango. The studio caters to students ages two thru adult, and opened in August of 2005. Osubi Craig and I are the owners and directors of the studio. Prophecy has introduced the dance and drum to a new generation of students. At one point, we offered a total of three adult African dance classes and one drum class each week. During the 2007-2008 school term, the emphasis shifted more to the younger kids and two classes for students 2-16 were added. The African dance teachers at Prophecy have included Nzinga Metzger, Kiah Graham, Tahembe Simmons, and Nictoria Frazier; and the drum teachers have included Osubi Craig and Jahmal Haywood. Now in its fourth year of existence, the school has received many requests for African performances and has had as many as 25 people in the community dance classes. Some students are totally new to the West African culture and some students participate in the activities sponsored by some of the other groups as well. In 2005, when Prophecy first began offering African Dance classes, there were only two drummers: Osubi Craig and Baba Segun. However, similar to the trend during the 1980s young men would come to the studio or approach Osubi at his office at FAMU (The Center for Caribbean Culture, now known as The Office of Black Diasporan Culture) and inquire about learning how to drum. These brothers had seen drumming, but had never learned and Osubi invited them to class and began to teach the new cadre of

94 drummers on the scene in Tallahassee, Florida. These drummers include: Chris Nicholson, Frank Lamar, Brandon Hollins, and Desmond Johnnie. In February of 2008, the studio hosted the first Tallahassee African and Caribbean Arts and Cultural Festival (see appendix I). This event boasted eight African-American teachers who specialize in teaching dances and rhythms of the African Diaspora. Although West African dance and drumming remains a constant style, this festival highlighted Afro-Haitian dance and drum, Palo dance (a style of dance done by the Bantu people from the Kongo), and Orisha dance (a dance to praise the deities represented in the lives of the Yoruba people of Nigeria and later transplanted to Cuba) and Bata drum (a sacred drum dedicated to playing the rhythms for the Orisha). The positive feedback from the festival was overwhelming and really showed the desire from the members of the community to have the opportunity to learn styles other than West African. Comments that I received from the guest teachers of the Tallahassee African Caribbean Arts Festival after all the activities were over really solidified my position that what was taking place in Tallahassee was unique and unexpected. The festival teachers hailed from big city places such as Brooklyn, New York; Atlanta, Georgia; Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; and Los Angeles, California. Without fail, each teacher remarked on how they could not believe this was happening in Tallahassee, Florida. I heard comments regarding the “energy” of the students; one of the teachers said, “this little community down here is popping;” and another teacher stated they felt “so welcome here” and the other teachers echoed these sentiments. Traditional vs. Authentic vs. Neo-African Dance I call attention to the fact that the teachers at the Tallahassee African Caribbean Arts Festival were of African American descent because that has also served as an area of dissension here in the Tallahassee community. I mentioned earlier that the notion of race and who has the right to participate in African dancing and drumming was the first real area of contention within the community. I also stated that, at least on a surface level, those issues have been resolved. The next issue to create a division within the community centered on who was doing the authentic or real version of African dancing and drumming. Earlier I referenced a rift within the community, and it is this topic that is at the core. As one participant in the focus group stated, “it is the elephant in the room.”

95 Before delving into the TADDC’s story, I will first review or expand on some previous concepts. Throughout the United States of America it is not uncommon to see an advertisement for a “traditional” African dance class or performance; nor is it uncommon to hear the word authentic when referencing the movements, style of dress, or rhythms. But what is traditional and authentic? Are the two words interchangeable? Long (1989) does use the two words interchangeably. “Can African Americans label what they do as traditional African dance? To us authenticity is synonymous with reality” (Long, 1989, p.105). On a personal level I struggle with labeling the forms we witness on the concert stage and participate in during a class time as traditional or authentic. I am more comfortable applying the term neo-African dance (Dalili, 1999) or African-Diasporan dance (influenced by dances of the African diaspora) or even just African dance when referring to what is done here in the United States and more specifically Tallahassee. When I use the word traditional my definition is colored by my belief that a tradition can be created and it does not need to be rooted in a practice centuries old. Unfortunately, it is unfeasible to provide a clarifying note each time I use the word, so I prefer to abstain from its use and use a term that gives a more adequate depiction of what I am trying to convey. The following definition encapsulates my idea of tradition: Traditional pertains to tradition or that which is handed down from the past and still utilized in the present. It often connotes such meanings as authority, truth, pristine, or unchanged; however, the tenure and tenor of the past is never static, for the past has been as subject to change as the present. Tradition is not a passive state, but a dynamic process. (Cheska, 1987, p. 67) The traditional and authentic debate normally stem from a place of credence. My preference, however, does not stem from the belief that what we are doing as a form is less than, but more from the standpoint that what we are doing has been informed and adapted to work within our current culture and time. For example, in the United States we have a tradition of taking an African dance class barefoot and on some type of dance floor. However, in all of the videos I have seen with dancing in West African villages, the dancing takes place on concrete or dirt and typically in shoes. Yankadi (a courtship dance from Guinea West Africa and the Western equivalent of a partner dance) is done on

96 moonlit nights outside. In the United States, although the movements may be the same, the dance cannot survive and retain all of the cultural nuisances because the environment is different. Nia Love (2007) talked extensively about the division that has occurred and will continue to occur over the concept of traditional. She uses the word pure in the following excerpt: Instead we come into these camps and say well, that persons not doing the pure blah de blah, but what I say is “ain’t shit pure!” Cause when I go to Africa and see what they doing, that shit ain’t quote unquote “what we say is pure” cause folks is borrowing and shifting shift. And the pure idea of it--from based on what I know living in Africa--the purity of it is when its placed inside of a context and we ain’t got no context. There is no context for Soli [a men’s rites of passage dance]. We don’t have no brothas undergoing, moving into manhood in that way, collectively going into the bush and learning all that. So, Soli? We gonna do Soli in the context? No! But we can study Soli. So if I do Soli this way, and you do Soli that way, so what? You got a context for Soli? Neither do I. Anybody going to the bush? What bush we got? Is there a bush in Tallahassee? Ain’t no bush in New York unless you going upstate. You know! So I think we have to be clear and we have to be sensitive and I think there needs to be more caucuses in our community that say what a minute ya’ll we are all doing the same thing. We are trying to do the same thing. And finally, the purity is in the context and we don’t really have a context, so all we can do is extend upon an idea and pay homage to the tradition and move past that. You know. And finally, the dance is spirit. So what are we doing? We wasting a lot of time. (Personal Interview with Nia Love, 2007) The concept of what is authentic is not a new debate with relation to African dance and drum in the United States of America. Critics, as early as 1934, questioned the authenticity of Dafora’s Kyunkor due to his use of African-American women in the performance. Musical America perhaps touched upon a real weakness of the performance when it complained of the background chorus singing in plain diatonic harmony which the critic likened to ‘Nearer my God to Thee’ and which he found very irritating to a Western ear which does not expect its own harmonies and tunes…In fact,

97 though the eighteen Africans in the cast included all the male performers, the women were largely Harlem natives with light-brown skins and straightened hair, despite African stage names. They had been taught their songs by rote, much as the drummers had, but probably with less success for, not only were they completely unfamiliar with African singing, but many of them, including the female lead, were appearing on stage for the first time. (Martin, 1975, p. 120) Smith (1991) addresses the issue of authenticity as it relates to the African dance and drum community in Los Angeles, California. Ibrahima Camara is credited with being one of the first continental Africans in Los Angeles to begin teaching West African dance to the black community there. When asked about the notion of teaching authentic African dance Camara responded: We came to Los Angeles to share our culture with the Blacks. You ask why – because when African groups arrive in this country, people are excited and go to the shows. But when they see Black people in America doing African dance, then they look at it differently. So in this respect, my job is to help Blacks to be able to share African culture with the Whites so they can respect all of us. They don’t have to see people from Africa to respect African culture. They can respect African culture when they see how a Black American would do it. So the Blacks can expose the U.S. to African dance. (As quoted by Ibrahima Camara in Smith, 1991, p. 140) The issue of authenticity and traditional versus non-traditional is in some ways at the root of the largest divisive event in the history of the Tallahassee landscape. Originally, the drummers played for the ACDT classes for gratis. According to Baba Segun, in the spirit of community everyone When Brother Marcus said he no longer had money to pay the African American drummers that were here in town, but contracted with continental African drummers to come and play for the classes, a rift developed that as of today, has not fully mended. At the core of the problem, the African American drummers felt the actions taken by Brother Marcus discounted their ability because they were not continental Africans, and paid no respect to the years they had devoted to the art of learning and studying the drum. Since Brother Marcus or his wife Jevelle did not grant me an interview, I do not have their side of the story to share on this matter, but the above

98 mentioned story is the view that is widely held by the drummers that were around during this time frame. Presently, many of the drummers that were around during the latter part of the 90s still chose not to play at ACDT. In informal conversations that I have had with dancers and drummers alike from the TADDC, they would like to see a time when African American teachers and drummers are given as much respect and as many opportunities as their African counterparts. Most of the American teachers begin their learning here in the United States of America, but go on to do extensive study abroad.

Summary

Prior to the dominance of the Djembe orchestra and dances from West Africa, the Conga drums reigned as the musical instrument for class accompaniment and performance pieces. The dance of choice was a stylized form of African dance based on the techniques of Katherine Dunham, Pearl Primus, and the modern dance training of Dr. Beverly Barber. This hybrid style of dance was referred to as cultural dance and was the predecessor for the later West African dance surge. Dr. Barber taught these cultural dance classes to the members of the OCDT and would choreograph concert pieces to be performed in their annual dance concerts. Between 1960 and the 1990 OCDT was the primary source of African based expression. This was accomplished through a mix of Dr. Barber’s knowledge and guest artist that would be invited to work with Orchesis or that would travel through Tallahassee and share their time and talent with the members of Orchesis. During this time Orchesis cultivated a core of Conga drummers. Beginning in 1990 a huge shift occurred and traditional African based percussion and dance became a staple in Tallahassee, Florida. The Conga drum was replaced by the Djembe orchestra after Eric Bond arrived in Tallahassee with his Songba in 1991. Nia Love began offering regular African dance classes at FSU and FAMU. Accomplished drummers such as Osubi Craig and Derek Hemingway entered the scene. Organizations such as the Tallahassee Drummers Alliance, Dromatala, and the African Caribbean Dance Theatre were established. The developments that began here and carried over into the 2000s laid the foundation for the TADDC as it exists today.

99 CHAPTER 6 DEFINITION OF THE TALLAHASSEE AFRICAN DANCE AND DRUM COMMUNITY

Introduction

During the course of this research, I have challenged the notion of community in an attempt to ascertain if the members of the TADDC embraced the term community and its implications or simply accepted the term and applied no true credence to its meaning. As a member of the community, as discussed in Chapter 1, after my first contact with the activities sponsored by ACDT I picked up on the term community, and without question referred to it as such from that point forward. By my willingness to attend dance classes, I too was accepted as a member into this community. What constitutes membership into the TADDC? What does it mean to be a part of the TADDC? Is their definition of community the same as Peck’s (1987), or Donaldson’s (1989)? This chapter presents data results, analyses, and findings for supporting-purpose II: To determine what the participants mean by the term community and establish a definition of community based on their meaning utilizing the McMillan and Chavis (1976, 1996) model. I have developed my own definition of community using the criteria established by McMillan and Chavis (1996). The four criteria they list as necessary for a definition and theory of sense of community are: First, the definition needs to be explicit and clear; second, it should be concrete, its parts identifiable; third, it needs to represent the warmth and intimacy implicit in the term; and finally, it needs to provide a dynamic description of the development and maintenance of the experience. (McMillan & Chavis, 1996, p. 9) To best illustrate how I arrived at the TADDC’s definition of community, I will provide selected community members’ responses to various questions broken up by research methodology. Following each methodology, there is a brief

100 discussion of the codes or themes I generated from the data set and an overview of how I arrived at each set of codes or themes. From there, a brief discussion ensues on how each step informed the next process of the study.

Social Survey

The first step in the data collection process- the social survey- garnered codes and labels that remained intact throughout the duration of the study. The results from the convenience sample of the 28 participants aged 18 and older (see Table 2-2 for demographic information) were analyzed to find patterns with regards to my data collection issues such as duration of involvement, level of participation, likes, etc…. I selected the responses below based on two criteria. I wanted to show the frequency with which certain terms, concepts, and ideas were used, and I wanted to show any answers that did not fall within the normal parameters of the answers that were provided by the other participants. The following statements are direct text from the open-ended comments each respondent was asked to write reflecting their personal definition of community, and their observations of the Tallahassee African dancing and drumming community. The alphabet attached to each response is the identifier the survey was tagged with during the data collection process. Question: I often hear the term ‘community’ during the course of a class. What does that term mean to you? Answers: Respondent B: A collective of individuals and families coming together for a common purpose, to share, embrace, and promote African culture. Respondent D: Community involves principles of coming together with those who surround you and building a nation and legacy of people. Respondent G: I wish it meant that there was more cooperation between the majority, but for me here it means I can depend on folk I’ve known more than 8 years. Respondent H: A group of people who share something in common & through deed and action support something in common.

101 Respondent J: Many things, but within class is especially means people immersed in dance/drum/African Diaspora. Community for me means people with shared values and common interests (cultural/artistic/etc.). Respondent L: In this context it is sharing a bonding with people who share a love of dance; the healing power of dance & self-expression) – exploration, healing through dance. It is also time when I can express my love, offer support and hopefully uplifting energy through the conversations/play with dance. Oh yeah, we have a lot of fun together too. Respondent M:. It means, a set of people that come together on some issue, topic, nature, value, etc…And they generally nurture and feed each other. It’s also a support group. It’s also a family. It goes beyond geographical locale.

Question: Based on your experiences, how does your definition of community compare with your experiences in the Tallahassee African Dance and Drum Community? Answers: Respondent B: The Tallahassee African dance and drum community has more of [a] close-knit, family “vibe” than compared to that of other cities (i.e. Atlanta, Charleston, Hollywood, FL, etc.) Respondent G: It is actually more cohesive here than anywhere else I’ve been. I will always return here and consider myself a product of this dance community. Respondent K: I believe that the people in this dancing/drumming community share the same values especially when it comes to knowing ones African heritage and its importance. Respondent L: I have found this in many places. I have also found that there are people who are not open/comfortable with the self-exploration part – but share a love of dance & sharing positive energy. So I can interact w/ people on many different levels. Respondent M: My definition is just that. This community is one aspect or embodiment of my definition, definitely. Respondent Q: We usually come together in dance, celebrate the African dance culture. The following answers were to the contrary:

102 Respondent F: There’s a little of philosophizing about it, but many are hesitant to really partake. Respondent P: Making progress Respondent R: Mixed reactions To analyze the survey data I went through each response and noted any words or word groupings that stood out as possible codes. I then went back through the data and counted the frequency of occurrences to arrive at a frequency count. If the idea occurred more than three times (three tick marks) I included it in my table. If the idea had two or less tick marks, but could potentially garner more references as the research went along, I included it in my “Things to Watch For” category. In instances where the idea was the same, I chose what I considered the broadest of the term as the category and included similar phrases in the count. For example, one respondent wrote African culture, whereas another wrote African Diaspora, and another wrote heritage. African Diaspora and heritage received a tally mark under African culture. Common interests, common bonds, common concerns are all phrases that appeared. I divided the phrases, making the word common the category title and the words interests, bonds, and concerns the category’s descriptors. Under the together column, the process is inverted. Refer to Table 6-1 to see a partial table that I created from the survey data.

Focus Group Number One

The purpose of the first focus group was to explore the elements previously identified and to decide what direction to move in next. I started the focus group by asking each of the five women present to introduce themselves and tell me a little bit about their role in African dancing and drumming in Tallahassee, how they got started in it, or some other fact pertaining to African dancing and drumming. Although a very active participant in the focus group, I tried to let the participants map out the discourse. The natural discussion focused little on the definition of community, but more on building/maintaining/evolving; highlighting things that made the African dance and drum scene in Tallahassee, Florida, unique; and the rift that had developed within the community. When I addressed the topic of trying to develop a context specific definition

103 Table 6-1. Data Collection Table COMMON SHARED CULTURE COLLECTIVE SUPPORT TOGETHER (like) Interest Values African Family Depend Coming Bond Morals Diaspora Support Group Helping Working Ideas Experiences Heritage As One Nurture Gathering Concerns Bond Extended Family Feed each Living Other Goals Background Existing Purpose Building Experiences Culture Note: This table represents a partial display of the data collected from the social survey as codes and themes.

there was still not much discussion about it. I then read out the themes previously identified and there was, however, consensus on the themes that I presented from the survey data. I did generate new ideas for the definition of community. As the participants were discussing the various topics, I would jot down concepts that emerged that either corroborated a standing code or theme, or gave way to an addition. The new themes I added from the focus group included: embracing of family, multigenerational classes, sense of connectedness, and organic evolution. Some of these concepts were previously noted, but the terminology was new and since I wanted to use verbiage from the members of the community I made note of them.

Observations

The observations took place concurrently with the other data collection methods during all four weeks of the study. During the observations I was interested in how the themes that emerged actually surfaced during the course of the class. I entered each observation session with the same approach. If I noticed something during an observation

104 that was not previously identified, I added that theme to the list and made a special effort to pay particular attention to the new theme in the next observation setting. The observations solidified the idea of family and the multi-generational concept. During an observation in my second week of the study at Prophecy School of the Arts, I looked around the room to jot down a comment on the age range and smiled to myself when I realized that in one space there were people from 2 to 56 years old all having fun under the auspice of the dance and drum. I stated earlier that only on occasion do children officially participate in the dance classes at Prophecy. Even though they are not in the lines going down the dance floor, they are in the front studio mimicking the steps the adults are doing in the back studio. However, on this night, the teacher was feeling particularly inviting and there was a line of children dancing and a little boy, who I would estimate to be three years old, drumming with the drumming battery. This multi- generational and family dynamic was not isolated to that class or that space, but permeated the entire observation process. There was no direct dialogue with regard to definition of community during the observations. Therefore, I decided to include all themes from the observations to assist in defining community. It was my assertion that as I collected more data those themes that were not central to defining community would shift to the appropriate research questions. Communication and organizational habits were two of the themes that emerged from the observations. There was no prior mention of either of these concepts, but they were pervasive in my field notes. The notions of support and family were upheld, and as a way to document the group’s social organization, I created Customs (CT) code. After analyzing data from the surveys, focus group, and the first week of observations, I developed a coding scheme with examples to support each theme. Below is an excerpt of the first draft of what became my working code outline. Customs (CT) Barefoot during class Attire (women and men’s dress) Relationship/communication of dance to drum Respect to elder OC – “When African dancing and drumming is done in other contexts…I believe the

105 proper respect should be paid…” Organizational Habits (OH) Payment procedures Formation of lines Dealing with new class attendees Announcements at end of class Flow of class Communication (C) Verbal (VC) T - “Good job everybody.” Non-verbal (NVC) Eye contact Motion to watch Rounding of hand Patting foot Clapping by teacher Clapping by class Drum breaks

Personal Interviews

I conducted three personal interviews during the second and third week of data collection, two and one respectively. The names attached to the responses are pseudonyms in the interest of confidentiality. Question: I often hear the term ‘“African dancing and drumming community” during the course of a class. What does that term mean to you? Answers: Mr. Todd: The parents, the children, the relatives that are involved directly and indirectly that are involved with the classes as well as the company and the somewhat family support system that has developed. Sheila: A group of individuals that have the same interest and love for African Drum and Dance. They all have fun and enjoy working together.

106 Mrs. Briggs: That term means we are dealing with an organic collective, comprised of community members of varying ages, races and backgrounds. Once we cross the threshold from outside to the sanctity of the classroom, we are all one, utilizing the energy of the space and of each other; paying homage to the ancestors in a way.

Mr. Todd’s answer spoke of family and support; while Sheila’s answer addresses shared (interest), dance (love), together (working), and fun. Mrs. Briggs touched on a multitude of the established themes. The interview with Mrs. Briggs was my last data collection of week three. Her reply incorporated every major theme that had surfaced thus far. Her use of the word organic caused me to reevaluate previous data. I noted the word in the survey analysis, but with only one tally mark it fell under the “Things to Look For” category. Someone mentioned it during the focus group, and I jotted it down, but I had yet to really attach any true meaning to the term. When she said organic within the construct of her definition, I experienced an “aha” moment. I reviewed the transcripts of my oral history interviews and everyone talked about this place from which the Tallahassee African dance and drum community evolved. How that pure and natural place and intent lay at the basis of what exists today. I thought the word organic sums it up perfectly and it lends itself to all four elements of a definition as identified by McMillan & Chavis (1986). One focus group participant said, Being in the South, Tallahassee in particular, it has sort of a rootsie or earthy kind of feeling. It’s a community that developed out of the ground as opposed to developing as an art form that was imposed on the community. I think that it developed out of Tallahassee, and out of people’s experiences. The word organic, in my opinion, epitomizes this sentiment. I added “fun” as a concept during the personal interviews. The word first surfaced on a survey. During the observations the class members looked to be having fun, but an idea as simplistic as fun just escaped my attention. Another coding change that occurred was under the heading of Dance. Originally I listed dance as my level one code, and love was a level two code under dance. After analyzing the personal interviews “Love of the Art (LOA)” became a level one code. The relationship between the drummer and dancer

107 emerged among all three respondents, and they all mentioned some aspect of energy. Of course, the element of family (related and non-related) remained a huge talking point. Since the survey, there had been no additional mention of locale, with regard to definition of community.

Oral History Interview

The purpose of the oral history interviews was to gain background or historical information about the community. Unlike with the personal interviews, on my interview protocol for the oral history participants I did not have a question that specifically pertained to definition of community or even necessarily a line of questioning that alluded to the definition of community. In designing the interview protocol I determined it would be best to let the conversation take a natural course. During the course of two of the interviews, based on the dialogue, I felt the need to determine if I needed to place parameters within the definition, especially regarding membership. The discussion prior to the membership question centered on the concept of African cultures and values. In many of the responses, an emphasis was placed on cultural heritage and the experience being a way to claim a part of that heritage. This led me to preclude that membership may be contingent upon being able to identify with the cultural heritage. Below is the question I asked to address the issue of membership. Question: What do you think constitutes membership in the African dance and drum community? Does just coming to class, does commitment, skin color make you a member? Answers: Nzinga: Well, I would tell you in the state that it is now, just coming to class, and unfortunately, you don’t even have to come consistently to be a member. Segun: The community are those people who are interested in the African drum and dance. This question and the conversation that ensued resulted in the determination that there were no membership requirements. True to its original “come one come all” atmosphere, the only requirement is interest. Although some participants place a great importance on the maintenance of culture and passing on of cultural values, those who were not

108 participants for the same reason were more than welcome to come, attend, and be considered a member. I demarcated the concepts, themes, and ideas generated from the Oral History interviews to answer questions about sense of community, and to tell the story of the Tallahassee African Dance and Drum Community. No new themes emerged from the data with regard to supporting-purpose II.

Focus Group Number Two

The second focus group, and my last data collection procedure, did not provide any new information with regard to supporting-purpose II either. Its intended purpose was, however, to triangulate the data, and that purpose was fulfilled. I resumed the line of questioning that I began in the oral history interview regarding membership requirements. The verdict was the same among the focus group participants. Although all attendees in the focus group expressed as a part of their reasoning for continuing membership in the community a sentiment of African cultural tradition retention, they admitted that it was not a necessary reason for everyone. I first asked, Question: What constitutes membership into the community? Answers: Mr. Clayton: Being a part of the community is a two way street. And yes, I feel if someone sees you at a class twice they may consider that person a member because in their mind “oh we are here for the same thing.” But the real question is does that person feel like a member? They may just think it’s a nice activity and like coming to the class. I think if they continue to come, then they get engulfed in the culture [organizational] that is there and because people in this setting are inadvertently trained to greet you, hug you, talk to you, help you, the person eventually feels like they are a part of a community. But on the second class did they feel like that? Noel: I also think that it’s the person’s energy that hurries or slows the process in which they are accepted into the community; accepted either by the community or accept that they are a part of the community. I don’t think it takes too many times of after class announcements for a new person to realize the participants don’t just see this as a dance

109 class. I mean in how many “just dance classes” do we congratulate kids on grades, listen to the most mundane announcements and clap and support them like they were the best, or sit around and talk for another 30 minutes after the class is finished- not to one person, but circulating around the room. Ms. Hassan: Well, as a new person in this community, I did feel like I had to show a level of proficiency before I was accepted into the community. I mean everyone was nice to me and helped me and everything and I after my third class I saw someone at New Leaf and she went out of her way to speak to me, but it was my own personal “stuff” that made me feel inferior and that I had to prove something. I mean there were five-year-old kids outdancing me and who knew more history about the rhythms and dancing than me. But in hindsight, I don’t think there were any requirements for membership. I just had to show up. These responses led me to ask the following question. At first, the answer to the question below was a chorus of “well,” “hmm,” “not really,” and no’s. But then the attendees began to provide more in-depth answers. Question: Everyone in this room is Black, and I wonder how much that has to do with the easy acceptance. Previously we talked about the importance of maintaining our culture, and how good it was to have “a space of our own.” Does this acceptance into the community change when it is a person with non visible African ties? Answers: Mr. Jeff: Everyone is entitled to learn and experience culture, but they should respect were it came from and who they learned it from. They should always give credit where credit is due. Sydney: I think that one Tallahassee being a town, a college town, lends itself to a more open mind set with respect to non-African descendants learning traditional African dance.…The concept of African dance and drumming being sacred is one that I very much strongly believe in, but what makes it sacred is the context it is used in. African dancing and drumming in a class context is exactly that an activity that is being done in class. When African dancing and drumming is done in other contexts -like a naming ceremony, a wedding, a healing ceremony- I believe the proper respect should be paid and it should not be seen as a novelty. And that goes past what maybe seen as exclusion

110 of non-Africans to people of African descent who approach it with a negative connotation. People would say that, that is a racist perspective, but I would say that African-Americans have been stripped of all cultural traditions due to enslavement that there is not a platform for someone to stand on and say that it is wrong for you to practice something in a traditional way. The verdict remained, that there are no requirements for membership. This idea is explored in Chapter 7. I used the remainder of the focus group to gauge the accuracy of my definition of community, and the elements I identified as necessary for the creation and sustaining of the TADDC. Mr. Clayton identified “participants’ use of this as a physical activity” as an omission. However, this element had been apparent to me, but since I was looking at what this form provided to its participants other than a physical activity, I decided not to factor that into my analysis. Additionally it did not surface as a topic of great substance throughout the study. I asked the focus group if they agreed that Mrs. Briggs definition of the Tallahassee African dancing and drumming community (see Personal Interviews above for complete definition) accurately represented their intentions. Although, all agreed, Ms. Clemmons said, “that definition is good, but it would be great if there was something in there about the love for African drum and dance.” Sydney agreed and added, “although she mentioned homage to the ancestors, I think more of an emphasis should be placed on the tradition. You know the African traditions.” There were a few more side comments, but mostly affirming what had been said.

Defining the Tallahassee African Dance and Drum Community

What do the participants mean by the term community? Well, the term means many things to many people. Everyone comes to the table to receive something different. A participant in the first focus group said, I think the community is like concentric circles. They just keep going out and out and out. So it can embrace a lot of different people in different places. Multi- dimensional level of African dance allows it to tap into a variety of different things. Some people will enter with an emotional need and that’s what gets

111 fulfilled for them, and some people have a need to affirm who they are and that’s what they connect to, and some people are looking for support. I mean there are so many different things. I think in most communities you have the ability to get a variety of different needs met, and that’s what makes a community. That you can get all these multiple different kinds of needs met simultaneously. Covering this level of diversity in a definition needs to be 1) explicit and clear, and 2) concrete and its parts identifiable proved to be difficult for me. The difficulty came in narrowing down the components of the definition, and not feeling as though I was losing the essence of the situation. I wondered if part of my difficulty was spurred on by my close connection to the subject, and if maybe as an outsider I would have had an easier time. I was admittedly worried about what my fellow community members would think about the definition. Then I realized my job as the researcher is to portray the most accurate picture given the data. I began to study, rank (based on number of occurrences), and consolidate all of the terms and phrases I amassed over the four week study. Below is the context specific definition I arrived at using the four rules as outlined by McMillan and Chavis (1996).

The Tallahassee African Dance and Drum community is comprised of multi- generation members; relating and functioning like a family; providing support and energy for one another; while paying homage to the African cultural traditions; developing through an organic evolution and maintaining through a love for the art.

Conclusion

This chapter was dedicated to answering supporting-purpose II. Using the four criteria identified by McMillan and Chavis (1976, 1996) to create a definition of community and the data collected from the four week study, I have defined community with regard to the Tallahassee African dance and drum constituents. Although not explicitly stated by any participant, I have added that this definition of the TADDC only applies to those persons who entered into the dance and drum circle via Orchesis, ACDT, Prophecy, ADARC, Dromatala, or the Tallahassee Drummers

112 Alliance. I have made this distinction because I know Florida State University offers African-based music courses, but they or persons who have received instruction in a similar manner would not be considered a part of the community until they entered the circle via the mediums I laid out above. They are excluded because they could not identify with the concepts expressed in the definition as it relates to this community nor have they played a role in the elements necessary to create or sustain the community. I am not sure of the prevalence of these cases, but know that they exist and are worth mentioning. In Chapter 7, I discuss the elements that are necessary to create and sustain the TADDC’s sense of community. These elements were arrived at following the same process as discussed in Chapter 6.

113 CHAPTER 7 THE ELEMENTS OF THE TALLAHASSEE AFRICAN DANCE AND DRUM COMMUNITY

Conceptual Themes

The concept of community originated within the scope of this study as a user ascribed term. A group of residents in Tallahassee, Florida, have built a subset culture based on practices of a traditional West African society and has in so doing, fostered what the participants consider to be a community. This chapter looks at this socially created community to discuss what they find to be the elements that created their sense of community and more specifically, this chapter addresses supporting-purpose 3-- identify what factors led to the creation and sustaining of this sense of community. I collected data utilizing the four elements as identified by McMillan and Chavis (1986, 1996) in their Sense of Community model as my conceptual base. When questioned, many participants did in fact 1) consider the TADDC a community, and 2) consider themselves a part of the community; often using terms such as “family” or “familial.” Although I found no dissonance among the participants with the concept of TADDC, not everyone agreed that they were a member of the community. Additionally, many participants agree that due to the transient nature of Tallahassee, as members leave and settle in new locations, the “community develops tentacles, creating a base that reaches far beyond Tallahassee” (Personal Interview with OluSegun Williams, 2007). The following is a note on data collection procedures and data presentation as it relates to the remainder of this chapter. Although persons under the age of 18 were excluded from focus groups, surveys, and interviews, they were present in class sessions I observed. I refer to them occasionally for illustrative purposes. When present, the names of participants from focus groups, personal interviews, and observations are pseudonyms. Names previously identified within the scope of the oral history are the participants’ actual names. I derived all percentages cited throughout this chapter by dividing the

114 frequency of appearance per person by the total number of responses. For example, the word Africa was present in 13 out of 26 responses on the survey; 13/26 = 50 percent.

Tallahassee’s Sense of Community Elements Identified

In keeping with my original intent to develop context specific results, I have identified six key elements specific to the TADDC. These elements or dimensions are necessary to create and sustain the concept of sense of community as identified by McMillan and Chavis (1976, 1996) among the participants of African based dancing and drumming in Tallahassee, Florida. These elements are: (a) appreciation of tradition; (b) concept of family; (c) communication; (d) support; (e) energy; and (f) love of the art. Appreciation of Tradition Two types of tradition are acknowledged: (a) cultural tradition, and (b) organizational tradition. Cultural tradition. By cultural tradition I mean elements related to the African and African Diasporan experience. This includes embracing traditional history, customs, rituals, and philosophies through the medium of drum and dance. Many participants refer to the activity of coming to dance and drum class as “a way to connect to their roots” or “reclaim their heritage.” Organizational tradition. These traditions may or may not have anything to do with an African cosmology, but rather are customs that are specific to the TADDC. This is the social organization as referred to by Traweek (1988) which addresses the formal and informal ways the members have learned to relate to and deal with each other. Concept of Family Two types of family relations were spoken about: (a) related family, and (b) non-related family. Related family. As discussed earlier, the TADDC consists of, in addition to individual participants, blood-related participants. It is not uncommon for one to witness parents and their children taking a class together or to see a family member on the side line supporting another family member who is taking the class. The idea of related family surfaced throughout the interviews, surveys, and was evidenced during the observations. One participant talked about how good it

115 is to see kids who were in the class when it first started now come to class with their kids. Un-related family. By un-related family, I mean the connection that members have forged with one another that allow them to refer to each other in a familial sense. In describing the community, participants often used the word family to describe relationships within the group, used family interchangeably with community, and used the concept of family in justifying conflict resolution within the group. Communication Communication is also broken up into two categories: (a) verbal communication, and (b) non-verbal communication. Verbal communication. Although not the normal practice during the course of a class, verbal communication alludes to one of the ways in which members interact with each other. Incidents of verbal communication include praise, reprimands, end of class announcements; but mostly, verbal communication is found in the form of members socializing. Non-verbal communication. Non-verbal communication forms the foundation of a dance/drum class. Dance and drum, by their nature, is a form of communication that uses the body and sound. There is the communication that happens between the dancer and the drummer, and then there exists the set of non-verbal cues (hand gestures and eye contact) that have developed over time in the TADDC and have become a part of their cultural norms. Support This theme overlaps with verbal communication as support was often shown through verbal communication. Support can be separated into two categories: (a) support that facilitates learning and (b) interpersonal support. Facilitation of learning. Support that facilitates learning includes recognition of a job well done, corrections to improve technique, or any gesture that one member shows to another member in an attempt to provide motivation, encouragement, or improvement.

116 Interpersonal support. Interpersonal support acknowledges “the support system that has developed.” It can relate to the network of parents who help each other during the course of the class, and pick-up and drop-off participants without cars. It can also extend beyond the classroom setting. One participant talked about the community coming together to do an African-based healing ritual for a member who was having emotional difficulties. Energy As opposed to the amount of effort used or needed, in this context, energy refers to the more esoteric construct of feeling. Two of the definitions offered by the Merriam-Webster dictionary for energy are a dynamic quality; a usually positive spiritual force. It is in this vein I refer to energy. Synergy. By this I mean shared “symbiotic” energy. According to About.com “synergy is when the result is greater than the sum of the parts.” It “is created when things work in concert together to create an outcome that is in some way of more value than the total of what the individual input is” (www.ergonomics.about.com).

Physical energy. Physical in this context refers to state of being. Physical energy can explain how the dancers and drummers feel after a class. In this context, this term could be interchangeable with energy level. It deals more with the dynamic quality aspect of the definition.

Love of the Art Many TADDC participants expressed a sincere devotion to the art of dancing and drumming. Powell (1996) labeled this concept passionate commitment. Similar to the findings in Powell’s study, the dancers and drummers recognize the intrinsic value in the activity and continue to participate because the activity brings them joy. Most participants could not imagine doing anything else.

Tallahassee Sense of Community Elements Explored

It is important to note that although I have identified six distinct dimensions, they do not occur separately. Within the discourse of one theme, elements of another theme are evident. For example, in exploring the concept of tradition, communication (verbal and non-verbal) play a role. In talking about a

117 participant’s love of the art, the notion of energy or appreciation appears. So although I was able to ferret out individual dimensions, the contextual quotes cited from the data may have multiple dimensions. Appreciation of Tradition

The first element that emerged from the data was the appreciation of tradition. Overwhelmingly, in all of the data collection methods, special attention was given by participants to the idea of tradition. Cultural tradition embraces the ideas that were discussed in the literature review with regard to African dancing and drumming in its traditional context. Participants in Tallahassee have both intentionally and unintentionally recreated traditions from Africa, and these traditions have become a strong factor in what constitutes community for these participants. For example, As Nzewi (2003) notes the importance of drumming and the communication role that it plays in a traditional African society, the drums and drummers have that same role within this community. The students are dressed in traditional African dance attire for classes. The dance and drum have become an integrated part of life for some participants and not just a dance/drum class activity.

In reading the mission statements of ACDT, Dromatala, and ADARC, each organization made mention of preserving and educating on the traditions of African dancing and drumming. To my knowledge no literature has been disseminated within these organizations that mentions the mission nor have I known there to be a concerted effort to share the organizations’ mission, but members picked up on this aspect. When asked on the survey, “Do you consider yourself a member [of the community], one respondent replied, “Yes. I have been a part of the community as a novice/student in order [to] embrace and learn about African culture.” Another person wrote, “Yes – because I join forces with people- at least re: continuity of African culture in America – to keep the form sacred and going to future generations.”

Although referenced in two of the three personal interviews, and cited in 32 percent of the surveys, this aspect was most readily evident through the observation. At least one instance of recognizing cultural tradition occurred in each of the classroom observations. Dancers dance barefoot in class which is a cultural tradition that represents

118 being able to access the energy from the earth; women dancers wear lappas which is the traditional African bottom for a woman; dancers pay homage to the drum at the end of class. Additionally, most classes end with a community bantaba. Bantaba in the African cosmology refers to a meeting place where things transpire and events take place. It is a space of support. In the New World bantaba has come to represent a tradition where dancers and drummers form a circle and in the center space dancers are free to share their dance and interact with drummers. Meanwhile, the rest of the community--which forms the outside of the circle--supports the dancer or dancer and drummer in the middle by offering ululations, clapping, and sharing the energy. These cultural traditions have also become organizational traditions within the TADDC.

The second subset of tradition was organizational tradition. On more than one occasion, during an entire class session the only communication that occurred on a consistent basis --outside of socializing-- is end of the class announcements and the history that is given regarding the origins and specifics of the dance. Yet, the class is orderly and structured. During one observation at ACDT in the midst of class, the Executive Director walks in and students, without disrupting class or missing their turn to dance, sign-in and pay for classes. Students arrive to class late and take their space in line as though the teacher placed them there. A new student comes to class and an older dancer drops out of her line and dances in the beginner line next to the new dancer. The older students help the newer student to recognize the drum call, and to not break the flow of the line. The drum call, also referred to as the break, tells the dancers when to stop and start the step.

Dr. Barber addressed how Nia not only shared the knowledge of dance with them (Orchesis), but how her coming into the Tallahassee community altered practices.

Then Nia Love came into our lives in the 90s. She had more experience in African dance not only the movement which was traditional, but also the way of life that we had not yet incorporated into our company. The way of life, just in terms for example, honoring your elders, being respectful to the elders. Which I think just brought a whole different kind of atmosphere and environment to our studio. (Personal Interview with Beverly Barber, 2007)

119 Nzinga noted one of the rituals they retained from Nia’s time in Tallahassee, the pouring of libation (a ritual practice to honor ancestors). Before they would begin their Sunday dance classes they would pour libations. These are both African traditions that are still in practice today in the Tallahassee community. Another display of respecting one’s elders still present in the community are the manner in which they are addressed: elder males are referred to as Baba; mothers are addressed as Iya or Yeye; and an older male or female are addressed as Brother or Sister. Libations are not poured before dance class any longer, but an elder in the community does pour libation to begin large undertakings such as the Kwanzaa celebrations, festivals, marriage ceremonies, etc. This is an example of how an unintentional act led to a tradition. The act was unintentional in that I do not think Nia instituted these practices into her class for them to be regarded as a tradition 17 years later, but rather she incorporated these practices as a way of conducting her class.

Nia attributed this reverence for cultural tradition to the nature and properties of the dance itself. In her interview, after we discussed her Tallahassee story, she offered the following: I would like to talk about not so much Tallahassee, but when we look at African dance in any community that has this niche of black people who are not consciously connected to an idea of Africanness. They really don’t know; they just some Black people in the community. Yet, they hold down all this traditional stuff. You know um. The dance at some point, like really aligns the spirit, the consciousness. It brings consciousness to the black people in the community who never had the opportunity to even think that they were a part of an African tradition. You know, especially in the South, Tallahassee. You know all that stuff happening in Tallahassee…. I think that it was through the dance that the communities, that the black communities whether they danced or not were brought to this realm of consciousness and empowerment. And that’s what the African dance does…. And I think that when we look at African dance and we look at that Diasporic connection to a certain consciousness across the water we are always in sync with our ancestors and as African Americans we take it to the next level. (Personal Interview with Nia Love, 2007)

120 In my opinion, Nia is correct in her assertion that the dance has the ability to align one with their “Africanness” and make that a central focus. However, I give credence to the participants and the organizations leaders’ willingness to embrace instituting cultural traditions. If the organizational tradition does not support or encourage such exploration among its participants whom have deemed cultural tradition as a necessary component for their involvement, then those participants will either leave the community due to lack of fulfillment of needs (McMillan and Chavis, 1986), deviate from the activity or find another outlet to fulfill the need. Initially, in disclosing my biases, I admitted that I trust in the inherent nature of African dance to create certain realities, but after conducting my research, I also suspect that the intentions of the progenitors of the TADDC play a role in creating those realities as well. Family The next theme that emerged was family. The first element of family refers to related members who share the dance and drum class experience together, i.e. parent/child, husband/wife, grandparent/grandchild or any other familial combination. On one particular day in class there were four parents who came with children five and under. There was a husband and wife team with their three children; and there were 3 other parents at ACDT with teenagers taking the class. During an observation at the Prophecy location one of the elder drummers attended class with his daughter and two mothers attended with a combined four children.

The second aspect of family corresponds to non-related persons “and the somewhat family support system that has developed.” This, in general, includes the other members of the TADDC. There were constant references to parents, children, relatives, elders, and multiple generations throughout the course of the study. Often times during the interviews the word family and community were used interchangeably as with Mr. Todd’s mention of the “connection of the family” when referring to the vast gap in age among participants.

The dimension of family emerged in the data as a reason for the TADDC’s sustainability. Mr. Todd, a male elder I conducted a personal interview with said, “the involvement of many generations in the activity I believe provides strength for its longevity.” He goes on further to elaborate and explain his statement in terms of a cycle.

121 “The parent starts taking class. Then the parent has a child and brings the child to class. The child has a child and brings their child to class. It’s a cycle, and as long as the cycle continues, the community grows.” Furthermore, he states when there are so many generations engaging in one activity, the ability to impact a “wide spectrum of lives occurs” and when something can positively impact that many people “it can’t help but continue.”

In the last focus group, in an attempt to garner feedback and ascertain how accurate my analysis was, I presented the attendees with the dimensions I identified. The family dimension became a long talking point, but the participants corroborated my findings. All eight participants in attendance agreed with the following three statements: 1) families that partake in the activity together help to keep the community growing and helps create the sense of community, 2) by treating the community like a family it makes accepting some transgressions, decisions, and obligations easier, and 3) the connection that is made with the people you dance with on a consistent basis is akin to the relationships that are forged between blood relatives in some regards. Statement number one relates to related families. Almost everyone has heard the cliché, “the family that plays together stays together.” I do not know how true the adage is, but participants in this study definitely lend some credence to the statement. One of the female parents in the focus group stated, I think it’s beautiful that parents and children can take part in this activity together. For the African-American members, it is multi-purposed in that you and your young one are learning valuable cultural information, taking part in a healthy activity, and having fun. Also, as an arts advocate, starting the children off at a young age fosters their artistic growth and the connection will only grow stronger. The elder male in the focus group and longtime community member echoed her sentiments and added, Being involved in the community for the last 16 years, I have seen a lot of children in this and now their children beginning to grow up inside of this context, which is a positive thing. Which, I believe is a positive thing. The following is an excerpt from my field notes for observation number 5 (Saturday class at ACDT).

122 A pregnant woman comes to class. She brings with her 1 daughter (4) who takes dance class and another daughter (5) who watches the class. I talked to the mother after class about the one daughter who does not take class and she said, “Yeah, I wish she wanted to dance. I bring her hoping that one day she will want to. I am going to give it a little while longer. What I don’t understand is that she does the dances at home. It’s nice to come to dance class because, it’s the one family activity at the end of a week of a lot of running.” Although not overwhelmingly, statement number two did surface as a contributor to the non-related family aspect. Ellen, a college student who has been active in the TADDC for two years says, This community has its ups and downs just like any family. And the directors and parents have their words and get upset with the children [company members] if things are not done in a manner expected. I like dancing with them and will continue to do so. Additionally, in sharing his thoughts on the incident that created a rift between ACDT and the drummers (see Chapter 5) Baba Segun regards his ability to move pass the situation in which he felt the decision-making process was unjust as something that would have to happen in a family. He simply states, “I love [him] like a brother,” and now we’re fine. “I help out every year with the Florida African Dance Festival.” Statement number three also refers to non-related families. Quotes such as “the term community means an extended family to me,” and “it’s also a family” help to elucidate how participants categorize non-related persons as family. I link this aspect of the family dimension to McMillan and Chavis’ (1986) element of shared emotional connection. I feel it is this shared emotional connection- shared history, common places, time together, and similar experiences – that has a lot to do with feelings of sense of community among the TADDC. In Eric’s (2007) interview he discusses a time when Dromatala was beginning to really make a name for themselves and do a lot of traveling. He tells the story of how they would have a gig in Ocala, Florida, on Friday night, have to be back in Tallahassee on Saturday morning to play for Marcus’ class, have a gig someplace else on Sunday, and be prepared for school and work on Monday morning. It was during these moments “of

123 us spending so much time together…that we really formed a bond and became like a family.” Nzinga also points to the times when the group shared a lot of time together doing activities and being around each other as the bonding juncture. “Our weekends would really begin on Fridays…. So we would watch movies on Friday and Saturday night and then go to class on Sunday morning and then eat all the food after Sunday dance class” (Personal Interview with Eric Bond, 2007). The bulk of the data supported family as a dimension during the observation process. The following story epitomizes the power of the data collected through observation and summarizes the dimension of family, both related and non-related.

At the end of an ACDT Saturday class I informally spoke with an elder woman who observed the entire class. I assumed she was waiting on someone who was taking the class, but at the conclusion of class it became apparent to me that she just came to watch. I was curious about this and began a casual conversation with her. Eventually I asked her “what made [her] come to class today?” I am paraphrasing her response, but quoting a few key phrases I jotted down as soon as I got to my notes. Essentially she said, “it does my heart good” to see people who do not know each other relate to each other like brothers and sisters. She said there was a time in her lifetime when what we were doing [African dancing and drumming] was not accepted, and she takes joy in seeing all these different age groups here because that lets her know when she is gone and the adults that are in the class are gone or unable to dance anymore some of the little kids will still be able to “tell the tale.” She said all of her children are out of the house and her husband just passed away, and it makes her feel good to see how the children in the class look out for each other, and how the parents and older kids help take care of the children. She closed by saying, “this is the closest thing I have to family now.”

When asked, “What does the term community mean to you,” there were no references to related family anywhere in the survey data, however, 19 percent of the respondents made reference to non-related family. Prior to asking about family during the first focus group, the concept did not emerge. All three personal interview participants had extensive thoughts on the role of family within the TADDC, and the idea of family surfaced in four out of the six oral history interviews. The preponderance of evidence to support family as a dimension came from the observations.

124 Communication

The third theme to emerge from the data, although, not addressed in much detail in the interviews past the context of drummer-dancer, was communication. In fact, communication did not emerge as a code until after I conducted my first observation. I transcribed my field notes and became aware of the organizational culture that centered on the notion of communication. It baffled me just how smoothly the class ran with such little communication. This had never been something I paid particular attention to as a participant. I decided there were two major things occurring, the information being disseminated through verbal communication and the information being disseminated through non-verbal communication.

So far between the dimensions, there has not been much difference between the data collected from the ACDT site and the data collected from the Prophecy site. This did not hold true for communication. At ACDT less verbal communication occurs during class. Socializing (one form of verbal communication) among teacher, students, and drummers occur before class, after class or during water breaks. Socializing among class participants takes place throughout the duration of class. But verbal instructions, praise, or corrections are a rarity during the class at ACDT. Whereas at Prophecy, socializing among participants is lessened during the course of class, and the socializing that takes place before and after the class is heightened. Furthermore, verbal communication (instructions, praise, and corrections) between teacher, students, and drummers take place during the entire class. I attribute this difference to the difference in class size. Prophecy on the average has a much smaller attendance and in my opinion, creates a more intimate atmosphere that lends itself to increased verbal communication. Another reason may be that Nzinga’s (Prophecy teacher) teaching style is a direct reflection of how she learned to teach from Nia who from what I am told was a very verbal teacher and from what I experienced in taking her Afro-Modern dance class in New York during the summer of 2007 is a very verbal teacher. Lastly, because Prophecy is new in its developmental cycle I think it is plausible that enough time has not elapsed to create a non-verbal communication system. ACDT has been in existence for 14 years, and based on its longevity and permanency of leadership, has fostered the setting to create a nonverbal communication system.

125 The first observation I conducted was at the ACDT Tuesday night class. The interesting thing about this observation is I realized just how little verbal communication occurred during the course of a class. On this particular day, there were two instances of verbal communication, 1) announcing the water break, and 2) the concluding announcements at the end of class. Instead, everyone responded to gestures, facial expressions, and a general learned protocol that had been instilled from the organizational culture. Other signs of nonverbal communication, as evidenced by the observations, that contributed to the effective running of the class included eye contact, patting of the foot, a thumbs up, a smile or a frown, clapping, hand gestures such as motioning to the watch to signify bad timing, and swooping one finger circles to denote this is a step for everyone which also signals the end of the class. Deciphering this nonverbal communication is something that is learned overtime and by watching what is going on, but it is the basis of this group of people’s communication during a class period.

The following is an excerpt from my transcribed field notes describing the end of class: The end of class is signified by the teacher raising his right hand over his head and with the pointer finger makes a circle in the air. As he makes the circle, the dancers move from line formation into a circle. The circle is facing outward and rotates so that each dancer walks in front of each of the drummers. The dancers salute each drummer by touching her heart with her right hand and then touching the ground in front of either the drummer or the drum that was played during the class. After the acknowledgement, the dancer returns to the center of the floor to await any announcements. A first time student was gestured into the line by a regular class attendee when she turned her palm up towards a gap in the circle. After class, everyone socializes. This passage demonstrates how one moment of nonverbal communication (the teacher raising his right hand…) sparks a set of effects, which are steeped in cultural and organizational traditions. Organizational because this routine is something that has become ingrained over the course of time and cultural because the symbolism of dancers paying respect to the drummers is a tradition that stems back to the Continent.

126 After my Tuesday night observation at ACDT, I conducted my next observation at Prophecy and made a note to pay special attention to instances of communication. There were only a few instances of non-verbal communication. By clapping the teacher was able to regulate the tempo of the rhythm; with eye contact one of the dancers was able to signify to the drummers they were having a hard time understanding the rhythm and the lead drummer responding with eye contact and hand movements was able to help the dancer; and the dancers acknowledged the drums at the end of class by touching the ground in front of the drums. Verbal communication was much more prevalent in this setting. As participants arrived for class they sat around and socialized. Everyone verbally acknowledged everyone as they walked through the door. Warm-up at Prophecy is done in a circle, and once warm-up starts all of the dancers socialize with each other catching up on the days events or recapping last week’s class. After warm-up has concluded, there was no more socializing. Verbal communication did occur among participants and from the teacher, but it was to offer support to facilitate learning. For example, the teacher yelling “yes” when a dancer did a good job or the teacher verbally counting out the step to a student who was messing up or a more experienced dancer explaining the break in the rhythm to a new dancer. Since I did not add much new data from the Prophecy site regarding communication, I needed one more observation session where I focused on communication. Returning to ACDT for the Saturday morning class, I was specifically interested in documenting instances of verbal and non-verbal communication. Below are some of my notes. Step is demonstrated by the teacher that the 3rd line struggles with. They try the step a couple of times. The teacher looks at them with outstretched eyes, raises his left arm as if to look at the time on his wrist, and with his right pointer finger points to the area on the left wrist were a watch would be and then throws up both hands making the stop motion. The row turns back to the original starting position. The drummers play another break once the line is back and they start again. This time everyone moves in the right direction in accordance with the

127 timing of the drum, although they still did not execute the step correctly. The time was correct. Every interview (this includes the oral history interviews and focus groups), at least once, if not more than once, referred to the relationship of the communication between the drummer and dancer. The communication they are referring to is an example of synergy, but of nonverbal communication as well. Clayton, a 10 year community member and drummer talks about this relationship during his interview. “The importance of communication between the dancers and drummers…it is a marriage that has to have harmony in order for class to go well.”

Next step, the teacher steps away from the dancers up to the drummers and holds up two fingers rolls her hands. This means, the teacher is going to do 3 steps and wants the drummers to keep playing. She demonstrates the steps to the drummers the 1st time with a regular continuous rhythm and the next time they make other rhythms with the appropriate accents. She came back to the dancers and broke her steps down to the dancers. The teacher circled her hands in the air and the drummers played a break and the dancers moved in unison down the floor. A few more progressions down the floor with this rhythm and the drummers begin to have complications. One drummer is playing slower than the others, and in trying to fix it himself, he falls totally out of time. The AD turns to the drummers and with his hand makes a flat line motion that goes back and forth from right to left. He claps his hand in rhythm to the drummers and the dancers follow. Once the drummers have reestablished the tempo, they play a break, and the AD resumes the line. Drumming is a language and if one is in tune to rhythm, the music itself can serve as a form of nonverbal communication by telling the dancer the step. According to Messer (2003), the drummer talks to the dancer through the drum. The drummer may tell a dancer to start or stop moving, to change steps, or to change tempo all by the signaling of the drum. A skilled drummer will do what is referred to as “mark the step” with his playing. This means the drummer will deviate from the normal rhythmic structure to accentuate certain things within the movement, maybe a foot or a hip. For example,

128 The next step has double kick motion followed by a 1,2,3 step. The teacher gives a distinct 1,2,3 clap that matches the foot. Instantly, the drummer on the djundun matches this clap by intensifying the 1,2,3 on the drum and the dancers in turn hit the 1,2,3 on the ground. Drummers also have their own non-verbal communication system they utilize during class. The teacher looks at the drummer, the lead drummer looks back at her as the rhythm is being played. The dancer and lead drummer, not taking their eyes of each other communicate through this contact and body motions. The dancer pats her foot faster than the drummers are originally playing and had a grimace on her face. The lead drummer raises his hand with palm stretched up behind him so the other drummers can see. The djun player raises his head up high toward the AD, and the two of them pick up the rhythm to match the foot pat of the teacher who is still not clapping, but has stopped patting her foot. The lead drummer goes over to the 40 something drummer and plays a different part on his drum. The drummer follows and the lead drummer returns to his seat and joins back in. The teacher begins to clap and the class follows. The medium of dance and drum- the body and the rhythm- are a form of communication in and of itself. These components are used as the primary source of communication during a class session. The non-verbal communication used also plays a part in the dimension of tradition (organizational). Verbal communication is not the normal practice. However, the verbal socializing that occurs during the class among the participants helps to foster some of the other characteristics of community, i.e. support, which I will discuss next.

Support

The fourth dimension for sustainability and creation of sense of community among the participants of the TADDC is support. This theme overlaps with verbal communication as support was often shown through verbal communication. Support can be separated into two categories 1) support that facilitates learning and 2) interpersonal support. Support that facilitates learning has to deal with participants helping to guide each other through the class. It takes into account the two dancers standing on the side of

129 the class helping each other work out a missed step. It also includes the community’s willingness “to help [a newcomer] if they so desired.” This support can also refer to the instructors’ patience in breaking down the steps so that each skill level is able to fully participate in class. The older kids encouraging the younger the kids, the directors or teachers saying “good job everybody” at the end of a class are examples of interpersonal support. Most closely, interpersonal support relates to McMillan and Chavis’ (1986) integration/fulfillment of needs.

Support was evidenced in many aspects of the organization. When asked what kept you involved in African dancing and drumming in Tallahassee, one interview respondent said, “I love to dance and found that my instructor, Mr. Marcus was very receptive and took me under his wing, with lots of love and positive energy. He became like a father for my dance life.” This is an occurrence of interpersonal support, but also illustrates the dimension of non-related family.

I asked the personal interview participants, “suppose it is my first day taking class here and I am totally new to this dance form, how could I expect to be received?” Two of the three respondents replied with a reference to support that facilitates learning. Mrs. Briggs said, I would welcome you to class and if you wanted, I would let you dance on my line. I would also help if you so desired. I would also encourage you to try to dance even if couldn’t get the steps initially. Mr. Todd said, You should expect to be received by people helping you showing you what is going on, explaining to you the process of what could be for the first time you moving to live drums, live African drums. And the third participant, although welcoming to the new student, did not use words that alluded to support. Sheila said, You will be received openly, but with no special treatment. You will be expected to pick up and learn as everyone else does. You will be expected to follow visual clues and give yourself over to the rhythm of the drums; to dance with your heart and not your head.

130 In my opinion, her response has a lot to do with her prior training in non-African based dance styles. She is also the youngest and newest member in the community, and another factor in her response may be due to her time in the TADDC’s organizational culture. Group norms have not had enough time to imprint themselves on her as of yet. I also noticed examples of support during my field observations. There was a sense of responsibility sharing among all the participants in the class. On occasion, one parent would round up the kids not taking the class to the playground outside and sit with them for a while. She or he would return and resume dancing and another parent would then take the kids. Anyone free would take a child to the bathroom or to get some water. The older students often hugged the younger students, offered words of encouragement such as “good job”, and ushered the kids in line when “things where not done in a manner expected.” During the socializing, I would hear questions about “how are things going in school,” “are you feeling better today,” “you look refreshed.” I heard one conversation where a member of the community (not a parent) was admonishing one of the younger students because of an inappropriate act. This member is supporting the parent by reinforcing the need for proper behavior. The African proverb “it takes a village to raise a child,” is played out everyday within the TADDC and this is a show of support. Spectators clap and smile at the dancers and at the end of each class the dancers clap for the drummers, the students clap for and thank the teacher, and the teacher thanks the students and the drummers for coming. It is all a show of support. Survey data also mentioned support. One survey respondent referred to the TADDC as “a support group,” whereas another respondent said “it’s an extension of support.” One person noted their role “to offer support” in the survey when asked about the TADDC. Energy

The fifth dimension of community is energy, which emerged strictly from the interview data. Three of the three participants interviewed during the personal interviews, and the participants during the last focus group mentioned “the energy received from the other participants in the class” and the “cohesiveness of the musicians and dancers,” as elements that either made a good class, contributed to how they felt at the end of class, or

131 as factors they believed necessary in a class. The participants in the oral history section also talked about the energy that went into things as the community was in the building phase. Energy is divided into two categories: 1) synergy, which relates to that shared “symbiotic” energy and, 2) physical energy, which explains how the dancers and drummers feel after a good class.

In African rooted dance, the dancer and the drummer are one (Messer, 2000). There is no dance without the musician. This relates to the concept of symbiotic energy, the whole being greater than the sum of its parts. This concept was not easily evident through observations, but it surfaced in all six oral history interviews, all three personal interviews, and in both focus groups. This dimension also correlates to McMillan and Chavis’ (1986) integration and fulfillment of needs element. Baba Segun, in talking about the Tallahassee drummers said We teach that there’s a relationship between the drum and the dance…it’s like a marriage. So a lot of times I get invited to play in drum circles, and I have no motivation whatsoever to play because there is not dance. Because if the dance isn’t there then why am I doing it. I tell people all the time that my first djembe teacher was Nia Love and she’s not a drummer, but she taught me what the drum was for; why I needed to play it. And it’s to support the dance because the two things have to coexist, they can’t exist independent of each other. (Personal Interview with Olusegun Williams, 2007) Nzinga goes on to provide further documentation to support my statement that things that were put in place intentionally and unintentionally have helped to create the organizational and traditional culture within the TADDC. The symbiotic relationship that needs to exist between the drummer and the dancer is something that is intentionally taught here in Tallahassee and it has laid at the foundation of the community since it began to blossom in the 1990s. Nzinga attributes a portion of her connectedness to the dance and drum scene in Tallahassee to the way the dancers and drummers support and relate to each other. She noted that is one of the things that make her experiences in Tallahassee different than in other cities. She said, I think that is an outgrowth of the way that we were taught to relate to each other and that was just to be respectful for our mutual roles in this art form that we were

132 participating in. And so we rely on each other and I know that in other places where I’ve danced where I did not feel supported even in my own dance class or in a rehearsal or a whatever. I did not feel like the drummers were literally supporting me. I felt like they were playing the drum, but not like they were supporting me and making sure that the musical environment was appropriate and protective of the dancers. So that’s something that I always value about Tallahassee and always keep in mind when I go to other places. (Personal interview with Nzinga Metzger, 2007) I asked a series of four personal interview questions that addressed the concept of integration and fulfillment of needs. I am going to pay special attention to the first two questions. How would you describe the feeling you have after leaving class? And, what contributes to that feeling? Each respondents reply centered on the element of energy, both physical and symbiotic. The responses are found below. Mr. Todd is an elder in the community and is a drummer, parent, and teacher. He stated: [How would you describe the feeling you have after leaving class?] Most days, if it is a good class, energized. If the balance between the energy required of a musician and dancer is shared and symbiotic. [What contributes to that feeling?] The cohesiveness of the musicians and as well as the high energy uh given by the dancers. That also when the dancers are finding the place on the wave of energy and being able to ride that crest the entire time from warm-up to cool-down. I can’t think of anything better. The following statements were made by Mrs. Briggs. She is a dancer, parent, and has been involved in the TADDC for 10 years. [How would you describe the feeling you have after leaving class?] Relieved, energetic, happy (depending on the dance we did) I feel muscles that I have not been using. [What contributes to that feeling?] Being able to express myself through the dance, and the energy receive from the other participants in the class. Sheila --a dancer, college student, and new to the community-- said the following: [How would you describe the feeling you have after leaving class?] Elation! [What contributes to that feeling?] The energy of the class, the feeling of community and the spiritual connection that I feel.

133 The interview participants covered a wide range of ages, roles, and length of involvement with the TADDC. There exist no differences across these categories. Each respondent made reference to energy as a component for their involvement within the community. Physical energy is a personal feeling that is affected by the symbiotic energy present in the class.

Love of the Art

The final element that emerged from the data was a love of the art. Powell (1997) identified this same dimension, but calls it passionate commitment. Some members of the community talk fervently about the joy they receive from partaking in this form. Participants say, “I will never stop [African] dancing it is in my blood” and “there was never a desire to stop” [refers to drumming]. Love of the art extends past a physical joy that is received, but also encompasses a deep mental, spiritual, and emotional satisfaction. When I asked Ms. Hasaan, a trained dancer with a background similar to mine, why she continues to participate in African dance, she responds by saying, “[It] is a part of my being and I don’t think I could stop. It has helped me deal with life and understand me/myself.” Eric echoes these sentiments: In Cincinnati, drumming had become a part of my mental health regime, and everyone that was in my little battery of circle of drummers in Cincinnati were pretty much working through something pretty serious stuff and drumming was the way we kind of held on. We didn’t have money for shrinks or money for therapists or whatever. But, all the brothers that were in the battery that I played in, drumming was something that was very important to us to kind of keep us straight. One drummer tells a story about how “a dude” had stolen a little over $1,000.00 from him, and basically challenged him by saying “what you gonna do about it.” He recalls how his passion for drumming really affected the outcome in this episode. He says, “I was seriously contemplating how I was going to either seriously injure this person and/or end their life. But I just knew that when I played the drums I would go for a period of days where I wouldn’t even think about it.” The drummers claim to need drumming. Some practice everyday. Others may only practice when prompted, but once started spend a considerable amount of time

134 enjoying the act. Eric laughs as he remembers outsiders calling the men in Dromatala drum nerds and drum geeks because of how much time they devoted to the craft of drumming: studying it, listening to others do it, preparing drums, or actually drumming. Although I have never used those terms, I admittedly have marveled at the amount of time my husband and his cohorts can lose because they were lost in the world of drumming. One evening after a performance, the drummers came over to our house for food and drinks. Forty-five minutes into the gathering, the brothers had broken out their drums and proceeded to play in the living room. After convincing them to stop so that I could go to sleep, they agreed and Osubi began popping tapes of various artists into the DVD player. I awoke at 3:00 in the morning to a cacophony of drum sounds as the men were now in the living room working out a new version of a rhythm they heard on one of the tapes.

The dancers are just as passionate about the role that African dancing plays in their life, and often cite the intrinsic values they receive from their participation. Dancers’ comments more often referred to the “joy” and feelings of “elation” they receive from the art, and their ability to express themselves. Nzinga, when asked what she gets from it, responded accordingly: I personally really just feel like dance for me--African dancing and drumming for me--has not just been an art form it has really served in my life as a discipline. And when I say discipline, the nearest metaphor, or nearest simile, or example that I can think of is martial arts. When you send your children to take martial arts, and they take martial arts their whole life, they embody the values of the martial art. They don’t just act like fools everywhere, but they know how to do some Karate. So for me, that is the purpose and that’s the role that that this art form has taken in my life. It’s taught me immense things about myself, about people, it’s taught me how to access parts of myself that I didn’t know that I could before I started doing it. It’s taught me discipline, it’s taught me how to pay attention to my body, pay attention to space, it’s taught me how to pay attention to other people, it’s taught me how to pay attention to detail. I mean there are a lot of values that I have embodied just from learning the discipline. (Personal interview with Nzinga Metzger, 2007)

135 Love of the art definitely is a major contributing factor to the TADDC’s ability to sustain itself for nearly two decades. The feeling starts at the top of the organizations. Brother Marcus was questioned by a journalist once about his reasons for starting ACDT, and he simply stated, “This was a passion, a calling.” I know the reason I offer classes, and a venue for traditional African based activities to transpire is because I love what it can do for people collectively and for self. Another survey respondent states, “The feeling I receive from an African dance class is incomparable.”

Summary

Chapter 8 answers the research question what factors led to the creation and sustaining of the sense of community (supporting-purpose 3) that participants of African dancing and drumming in Tallahassee, Florida, feel. Utilizing the McMillan and Chavis (1976, 1996) Sense of Community Model as my theoretical base, I was able to identify six context specific elements necessary for the community’s creation and sustainability of sense of community. These elements are: (a) appreciation of tradition; (b) concept of family; (c) communication; (d) support; (e) energy; (f) love of the arts. The elements were identified through the data collected via survey data, personal/oral history/focus group interviews, and observations; and although minors were excluded from the data collection process, they were present during the observations and are mentioned throughout the context of this chapter. McMillan and Chavis (1996) sense of community model served as my theoretical base. Although I found their elements of integration and fulfillment of needs and shared emotional connection to be at the forefront for the members of the TADDC, sense of mattering and membership played a less prominent role. The members in this community were more concerned with feelings of family and tradition, as identifiers for their sense of community. Stated more than once that the only requirement for membership into the community is for someone to show up, my moment of reservation occurs when considering the matter of race. After reading the issues discussed in the section titled Matters of Race in Chapter 5 one could definitely argue against the participants’ come

136 one come all attitudes; however, these are the sentiments that were shared during the data collection process. As I stated in Chapter 5 regarding the race issue, maybe the incidents that occurred in the early years of the TADDC has prepared them to be a more inclusive community, and maybe in fact race does not matter, and the come on come all attitude holds true.

137 CHAPTER 8 SUMMARY AND DISCUSSION

Introduction

Many participants feel and define African dancing and drumming as a part of their cultural heritage --as a means to reclaim a portion of their African identity. This is not true of all study participants, but of a majority. African dancing and drumming is about reclaiming a lost past. Through this shared activity the residents of Tallahassee, Florida, have created for themselves an African-inspired village based on sense of community. Village is defined as a community of people smaller than a town. In African society, the customs and traditions of one village may differ from that of another village. The villagers look after each other, support each other, play together, and enjoy music and dance together. Villagers may disagree, argue, and get upset, but in the end the connection to the village and respect for the customs of the village maintains the sense of community. In Chapter 8, I summarize my findings and discuss how they relate to prior research. I also review methodological issues I encountered during the course of my research and offer ideas for further research.

Summary of Findings

The Tallahassee African dance and drum community consists of a group of people who at some point in their lives resided in a central geographic location and participated in an African dance and drum class sponsored by a few enterprising organizations. In addition to the individual members, today’s TADDC was shaped from the contributions of the Orchesis Contemporary Dance Theatre, Margo’s Cultural School of Dance, Tallahassee Drummer’s Alliance, Dromatala, the African Caribbean Dance Theatre, African Dance and Research Collective, and the Prophecy School of the Arts. Dr. Beverly Barber is credited with providing the opportunity for the community to grow, and Nia Love is considered the catalyst for the growth.

138 The TADDC offers ongoing drum and dance classes and is available for performances, community services such as family reunions, weddings, conferences, funerals, naming ceremonies, healing rituals, birthdays, parties, rites of passage, festivals, and religious events. These services may be performed for free, for an offering, or through a paid contract. The community consists of many different demographics with regard to age, level of education, sex, marital status, and years in the geographic location. The majority of the participants are Black, but the ethnic backgrounds may vary. The community boasts members from the age 2 through 65. Many between the age group of 18 and 23 are college students and not permanent Tallahassee residents. All of the current drummers are males, but the dancers are both male and female. Children are included in both areas. All participants agree in the idea of the TADDC, and with the exception of two informants, agree that they are a member of the community. The exceptions feel they are members of a subset of the community. The subset referred to is those members who have embraced some African traditions and values as a way of life versus those who consider the activity as just a class. The differentiation is not widespread among the community, and even those who make the differentiation still recognize there is a larger community of which they play a role. I developed a definition for the TADDC community based on McMillan and Chavis’ (1996) four criteria for defining community: explicit and clear, concrete and parts identifiable, representative of community’s warmth and intimacy, and dynamic description of the development and maintenance of the community. I arrived at the following: The Tallahassee African Dance and Drum community consists of multi- generation members, relating and functioning like a family, providing support and energy for one another, while paying homage to the African cultural traditions, developing through an organic evolution and maintaining through a love for the art. Through this research process I have identified a set of key elements necessary to create and sustain the members’ sense of community. First, there is appreciation of tradition that extends to the concepts of cultural tradition and organizational tradition.

139 Second is the concept of family. Participants attribute their sense of community in large part to the large number of related families in attendance, and the ability to relate to non- related persons within the community as family. Third, there is communication. The organization tradition of the community has fostered a nonverbal communication system that the members use to effectively navigate through the classroom setting, and to show motivation, discouragement, corrections, and reassurance. In addition to the nonverbal communication, the verbal communication (which can convey all of the same emotions) helps add to the next dimension--support. Support was identified as the fourth element for the creation and sustaining of the sense of community among participants. Support comes from verbal acknowledgement and words that leads to a facilitation of learning, as well as actions and deeds which builds interpersonal support. The sixth element is energy. The participants describe the sense or feeling they have after leaving the class or during the class as playing a role in their continued participation, and I refer to this as physical energy. But the participants also describe a heightened sense or almost euphoric like state when the drummers and dancers are working together, or all of the people in the class are on the same vibe. This working together is referred to as synergistic energy, and the community’s ability to achieve this synergy-- which ultimately affects physical energy-- is another key element I identified. Last, but no less important, is the love of the art. Many of the dancers and drummers alike in this setting take part simply because they “can’t imagine doing anything else.” Identifying the context specific definition of community--and the elements necessary to maintain that sense of community-- helped me to answer the larger question, “How does African dancing and drumming help to create a sense of community among its participants in Tallahassee, Florida.” The answer, like the community, is multidimensional. Like previous research has identified, the very nature of African dancing and drumming is communal. In the traditional context, it is done within the community, for the community, and by the community. The same is true in Tallahassee, Florida. Dance has extended beyond a classroom experience and has integrated itself into a way of functioning for most participants. The embracing of family along with the cultural and organizational traditions (social organization) that are in place within the TADDC has created a village (in the African sense of the word) in the capital city of

140 Florida. Many participants acknowledge their participation as a way to reconnect with their African heritage and in so doing have embraced the role dancing and drumming plays in traditional West African societies. In traditional African society, as I discussed in Chapter 3, the dance and drum are not separate from everyday life. In fact, these activities are used to enhance everyday life. The same thing transpired in Tallahassee, Florida. African drumming and dancing became as much an expected occurrence at functions as on the concert stage. African drumming is more than just an entertainment type of thing. In this community, we use drumming for class and exercise…to help keep people healthy, but it’s also used for weddings, funerals, naming ceremonies, and marriages. So the tradition has been almost completely integrated into the life of the community. And because of that it’s not just a recreational thing or recreational activity in Tallahassee. It’s taken on a much greater significance. (Personal interview with Olusegun Williams, 2007) Nzinga talked about some of the events she remembered being at. And one of the umm events that I remember at that time was umm [Sehci’s] brother died of the flu, he had the flu, he was 14 years old, she’s the second child and he was the oldest. And He passed away, and the Tallahassee Drummers Alliance played at his funeral. I think it was over at Brown’s Funeral home on umm, I think that’s Orange or something. Other things that the Tallahassee Drummer’s Alliance played for, the Tallahassee Drummers Alliance played for Olabisi’s wedding, Dr. Barber’s family reunion (which I had totally forgotten), there was something that Khufu had in his yard that we played for. We just kind of moved around and did a lot of things, you know, gratis. (Personal interview with Nzinga Metzger, 2007) Eric Bond (2007) talked about similar experiences: I mean I’ve been at funerals. There was a young lady in Marcus’ first group that he had. That she got involved in a very bad juvenile delinquent prank that got out of control and she was killed in an auto accident in a stolen car. And she had just joined Marcus’ group, she had been in the group for about 10 weeks and she had told her mother the week that she died that that dance group of Marcus’ was the

141 most important thing that she was involved in and she loved going to the class. It made her feel good about herself and a few days later she went through the windshield of a car going 100 miles an hour. And so we played at her funeral. Derrick and I played at her funeral with Segun and then we went out to the cemetery and we played as they buried her, as they covered her body up. My personal anecdote is members of the TADDC coming together to play and dance for my wedding ceremonies. Osubi and I had a community ceremony in Tallahassee, Florida, at our house. It was nothing elaborate, and we opened it up to everyone in the community to come and join us. As with any event that affects the whole community, Osubi or I stopped by ACDT to make the open invitation at the end of class close to the big day. I expected some people to come, but more so we did it out of courtesy. I definitely did not expect the drummers to come to our wedding. I was not a regular class member at ACDT nor did Osubi play for the classes at ACDT any longer. Despite all expectations, on the day of the big event Laurent Camara, Abu Babacar, and Lamine Sone showed up to our house with instruments in hand. I remember someone saying, in Africa, that’s what you do. You offer as a wedding present what you have, and that’s what they have. They are musicians and in their village they would offer music. As I looked at the pictures from that day all I kept thinking was, “we had the percussionist from the National Ballet of Guinea playing in our living room to celebrate our marriage.” This was special not only because we had their poster hanging up in our family room, but because it showed me that for the few years they were living here in Tallahassee, they saw or recognized something in this community for them to embrace it as their village. Osubi and I had our second more traditional ceremony in Miami, Florida, and again, I was moved at the turn-out and support from the TADDC. Past and present Dromatala, OCDT, and ACDT members made the trip down to Miami to give us the gift of drumming and dancing. We were not the only couple this has taken place for, but it is my personal example of how the TADDC has moved past the drum and dance as an art form, and has integrated it into the normal and expected way of life. People in the geographic community also request drumming and dancing at certain events, but typically these services are rendered for a fee and are considered a gig. Services for members of the TADDC are normally performed for free or for a nominal fee to cover

142 the costs associated with transportation or other miscellaneous costs. An example of another form of payment from a member of the community could be food, clothes, or a dash (a monetary offering without an established price). These types of services are considered a part of the drummers/dancers responsibility as a member of the community. Members of the drum battery collectively and individually; as well as OCDT, ACDT, ADARC, and Prophecy have made themselves available to not only the members of the TADDC, but to the Tallahassee geographical community as well. African dancing and drumming has been showcased in the neo-African dance style at the state Capitol, for gallery openings, the city’s libraries, and throughout the K-12 public and private school system. Performances and lecture-demonstrations are requested on a year round basis. The participants have not emulated or studied and tried to recreate a West African village, but rather the process has evolved organically. This organic evolution may be related to epic memory (Welsh-Asante, 1989) or blood memory, and this concept provides an opportunity for future research. Alongside the intrinsic nature, it is my belief that a sense of community was developed by the progenitors of the community thoughtfulness and insight as the community was being cultivated. There was a deliberate process of discussion among dancers and drummers, drummers and teachers, teachers and students about what this form could accomplish in the lives of people. Additionally, they made conscience choices to integrate the drumming and dancing with everyday life activities, and eventually it just became standard practice.

My Findings Related to Prior Research

I originally identified five characteristics that demark the African dance and drum aesthetic in its original context based on the literature (Ajayi, 1998; Harper, 1997; Hine, 1993; Kahn, 2004; Malone, 1996; Messer, 2000; Modica, 2004; Wilson, 1992). Those characteristics included: The drum as a method of communication; the role and relationship between the dancer and the drummer; the wide age range of participants; the notion that the dance and drum are multi-generational; the concept of cyclical energy-- drummer, dancer, and community member/observer; and, finally, the idea that the dance is not an isolated event, but rather is an integral part of life that extends far into many

143 aspects of life. After conducting my research I have found these same five tenets, with the addition of some others, present in the Tallahassee African Dance and Drum Community. Below is a table that relates the findings from this study, the literature review, and the elements of community identified by McMillan and Chavis (1996).

Table 8.1 – Relating Findings

Study Findings McMillan and Chavis Literature Review Findings Communication Sense of Belonging Communication Support Shared Emotional Connection Dancer/Drummer Relationship

Energy Sense of Mattering Cyclical Energy

Love of Art Fulfillment of Needs Multi-generational Activity

Tradition* Part of Life

Family*

Note. * Represents elements that are exclusive to the Tallahassee African dance and drum community.

When comparing the six context specific elements with those of McMillan and Chavis (1996), I found that integration and fulfillment of needs and shared emotional connection where the two elements that applied the most to the TADDC. Membership and sense of mattering barely surfaced in the data. Even when asking specific questions in the interview that dealt with these categories, the answers the participants gave more often referred to the former two elements. I attribute the lack of emphasis on sense of mattering to the community’s cultural structure emanating from an African based system as opposed to one from Western civilization. In African society, one understands their role and place within the hierarchy. An elder has the final verdict. Children do what they are told; organizers are given the task of organizing; the drummer is the drummer; the dancer is the dancer; the teacher is the teacher; the board member is the board member; and so on and so forth. This clear delineation lessens a person’s negative reaction when their input is not heard. The person

144 might not like it or agree, but it is the accepted protocol. Again, this is my opinion, not based on data collected, but based on being a member of this community for the last 10 years. I feel not much weight is placed on the element membership, because by the admonition of the current members of the TADDC the only thing necessary to be considered a member is to come to class. The two participants, who stated they did not consider themselves members, provided further clarity and stated they did not feel like members of the larger community, but did feel a membership to a smaller community within that community. Similar to other community-based dance studies (Dalili, 1999; Gondo, 1999; Powell, 1996), the participants in this study say that the notion of commonality helps to create and sustain their sense of community. Common ideas, common bonds, common interest, common concerns, and common goals are the commonalities noted that help to solidify the community. All of the above phrases were recurring throughout the research, but originated during analysis of the survey data.

Dalili (1999) found that West African dance class participation is a customary behavior that becomes a “time-out-of-time” habitual activity that produces a dance community, dance family bonds and a knowledge community. My research supports these claims. It is through the shared activity of the dance and the drum that a sense of community is created. A few participants referred to the process of class as a ritual activity and this correlates with Dalili’s habitual activity. Powell’s (1997) study was situated in the competing claims of Wuthnow (1994) and Bellah et al (1985). Bellah et al. argued that groups such as these are incapable of giving participants a true experience of community. Wuthnow contended they are capable. Findings from her study confirmed both arguments, and so did the findings from my study. Most participants recognized and embraced the community experience. However, there were a few who although they recognized the community experience, due to the community not meeting certain expectations chose not to claim active participation in the community. According to Garcia, Giuliani, and Wiesenfield (1994) when members defined their own communities, the same aspects that were stressed and found in the literature

145 addressing community were present in their definitions. Further, Wiesenfield (1996) argued that any definition of community should stress the unique characteristics of the individuals and subgroups within the community. In creating the definition for TADDC, I found these claims to be true. Although all of the aspects identified in the literature, such as feelings of safety or feelings of mattering, were not apparent in this research as key identifiers, other elements did surface such as shared values and experiences.

Methodological Issues

My study has both strengths and weaknesses. Some problems I could have prevented, and others that were unforeseeable or uncontrollable. One of the strengths of this study was my use of triangulation throughout the research process. The triangulation of data allowed me to feel comfortable in presenting my findings. The focus group afforded me the chance to validate the information I collected from the surveys. The observations allowed me to understand some of the processes that go on in the TADDC and witness the concepts that were discussed in the interviews and identified in the surveys. Retrieving archival data allowed me to check the validity of oral history interviewee data. The last focus group permitted me to validate all of the findings. Conversely, my study could have benefited from a longer time frame. The time structure that I placed upon the study caused me to have to analyze the data quickly in order to take the findings into the next setting. Some of the richness of the data may still be untapped. Also, I could have gained additional benefit by seeking out members of the community that were not Black or those persons who at some point considered themselves apart of the community and left the community. The additional perspectives could have added another layer of complexity. How did my role as an insider affect the study? As an insider, my role as researcher served as an opportunity. I believe I was afforded a lot of insider information based on my status, but this also posed my biggest methodological hurdle: being a member of the community I researched. I approach my life from the place of no regrets. If it happened, it happened, and I will own up to it. That is ultimately the place I reached with this research. I realized this is the history and good, bad, or ugly; it happened. In some cases I did omit details that

146 were ritual in context, and only served to add a richer description of a particular event. For example, I shared how the community has incorporated African-based healing rituals into their lives, but I did not disclose exact purposes, procedures, or people involved because I feel these characteristics to be more personal in nature and although including these facts would provide a more vivid picture, it adds no clarity to the pertinent details which I did disclose. Another point of contention for me in general, was “how much story do I tell.” I know that I was privy to much more detail and access with the participants because of my insider status. They trusted me and felt safe with sharing some tales they probably would not have told the average researcher. It was this “extra” I had to decide how to handle. Trying to balance being an objective researcher and a participant who has to go back to the community, and do business with the community proved more challenging than I originally thought. There were some details I thought may hurt certain individuals, and being such a small community, I tried to disguise identities as best I could and only relay the pertinent information. Despite my best efforts and repeated attempts I was not granted an interview with the Artistic Director and Executive Director (Marcus and Javelle Robinson) of ACDT. They were, however, more than accommodating in allowing me to conduct my participant observations and distribute my surveys at their location. I feel the information I could have reaped from them regarding the history and development of the TADDC would have added more depth to my oral history write-up. Further, the inability to question them led me to question the inclusion of some of the details from the accounts I received from the oral history participants. Some of the participants provided data that I considered to be negative with regard to their involvement. My apprehension to include the information stemmed not from the information being negative, but from my inability to get the other side of the story. Although my participants recognized both of their invaluable service to this community, the participants would also point out practices and choices that have been detrimental to the community. In these instances, if it was negative and pertinent I included it, i.e. the rift that developed over the contracted African drummers (see Chapter 5) and if it was not pertinent, it was omitted.

147 Another source of information I was not able to capitalize on were the youth. The minors constitute a large part of the population and their exclusion from the study, to me, translates as a large segment of the community that is unrepresented and their views not realized. I initially intended them to be apart of the study, but based on my correspondence with the University’s Internal Review Board, I decided it better to leave them out of the study. The issue was a child cannot understand the concept of community. This position I agree with, but I feel that including them in the observations or asking them basic questions such as why they like or do not like coming to class would have been a simple way to gain their perspective and have them represented within the data. Other weaknesses are those that are inherent with qualitative studies. The document analysis process is subjective to the person who is analyzing the data (Miles & Huberman, 1994; Patton, 2002; Rossman & Rallis, 2003). Miles & Huberman (1994) point out that “the words we attach to fieldwork experiences are inevitably framed by our implicit concepts” (p. 9). Member checking limited researcher subjectivity. As an insider, access to the community overall was easy. I understood some of the subtleties and nuances of the group. I knew the terms the participants used. My understanding of the rhythms and the dance allowed me to be aware of the non-verbal communication that was taking place between the dancer and the drummer. Participants were eager and willing to share with me. I trust that, overall, I have captured and portrayed an accurate picture of the TADDC. I tried to share “the good, the bad, the ugly.” Utilizing grounded theory methodology, I was able to throughout the process repeatedly check my findings with the participants to ensure I was not projecting my own feelings. I have attempted to lay out my perspectives and biases, and point out when I have included my own personal feelings. True, there may be biases that I am unaware of, but I have made every attempt to be retrospective and introspective. Although I intentionally omit certain details about situations or people, I have presented the concepts and ideas that emerged during the data, both positive and negative. It is my hope that my process documentation, introspection, and rich description of accounts has allowed me to stay objective and allowed the reader to follow the study as it is outlined.

148 Implications for Future Research

Although this study answered many questions for me, it tapped on a lot of different areas I could venture to study or ways in which I could expand this study. The results of this study have really strengthened my resolve in African dancing and drumming to affect and change people’s lives, and I would really like to capitalize on its innate ability to project that quality on a situation. As an arts administrator and a self- proclaimed children’s advocate, I wholly believe in programming that not only provides an activity, but has transformative powers. I value activities that have a mind, body, soul connection. In addition to persons who have a “normal” socio-economic status, I have designed and taught arts programming for detention centers, at-risk populations (based on socio-economic factors), underserved populations, and persons with mental and physical disabilities. The common thread among all groups has been my belief to make a difference and the eventual transformation I see in people. I surmise that through enough research I could design an arts-in-education program for youth, a dance support group for women, or a rites of passage program for males all steeped in the concepts found in the African dancing and drumming arena and provide positive life enhancing experiences. My idea may seem lofty, but it is my conviction that the arts can teach more than a technique and that it is my role in this society to help show youth their role in this society that drive me to do the things that I do. I would like to design a program that can be modeled and implemented in other places or at least referenced as benchmarks. Below, I have listed some possible further research that can aide me in my quest. 1) Study the impact participants’ involvement in the TADDC community has had on them artistically, personally, emotionally. 2) Conduct a longitudinal case study on children, women, or men involved in African dancing and drumming to determine whether their involvement creates a change in self-esteem, regardi for helping others, and identifying their role within the classroom. 3) Identify participants who started in the TADDC and have gone on to branch out to and teach in other communities. Gauge how their contact with this community shapes their current work and practices.

149 4) Conduct a comparative study in which I create an arts based rites of passage program based on African cultural values and an arts based rites of passage program void of African values and traditions. Through pre and post tests, student journaling, observations, and interviews determine the impact such a program has and compare the outcomes of both programs. 5) Replicate this study in two other locations and compare results. It would be interesting to determine if these results are truly specific to Tallahassee or if other locations share the same or similar results. 6) Replicate this study and include children as the participants. 7) Expand on the oral history accounts of the development of the TADDC. Suggestion number seven for further research stems not from my role as arts administrator or educator, but as a member of the TADDC. I am confident in the history and development I have presented in this study, but I would like to go deeper by conducting a more extensive archival data search, interviewing new respondents, and arranging to have groups of people meet and share their stories at the same time. Further work needs to be done in the field of African dancing and drumming in general. Within the past few decades extensive research has been conducted on how black vernacular dance can be traced back to an African heritage, but in my opinion not enough research exits on African dance. There are a vast number of dances and rhythms with specific roles and functions that exist in the West African pantheon that go undocumented. Much like my desire to document the story of the TADDC what happens to that information when the elders have passed away. Lastly, another area for possible research is epic or blood memory. I personally am not interested in the DNA connection or stored memory connection of how my ancestors functioned and how I function, but I do recognize how this study could be viewed through that conceptual framework and valuable information obtained for persons in that line of research.

Significance of the Study Revisited

In Chapter 1, I stated this study is relevant to the community, arts administrators and educators, and to the literature. I have provided a case study documenting the

150 Tallahassee African dancing and drumming community. This case study can be reviewed by future generations, current members, and those interested in the community. It may be used as recorded history of the events and history that have contributed to the TADDC. Additionally, community members and leaders may use this document to improve their services, expand their product, or as an evaluation basis. As an active arts administrator and educator, I would suggest this study as an argument for the inclusion of sense of community components in programming. Specifically programming that targets students who may suffer from displacement issues or other concepts of self that would benefit from the feeling of belonging to a community. Arts administrators can utilize the results of this study to model arts programs that consist of the factors that are found to be contributors to sense of community found in this study. Those interested in arts programming will have a valuable resource for adding sense of community components to program development. I have added to the definition of community with a context specific example. Also, this study has identified a new series of elements that contribute to sense of community. Although some elements have been identified previously by other researchers, some are new: tradition and family. These new additions add to the literature by providing a new component to the information on sense of community and African dancing and drumming in the United States of America. Conclusion

This dissertation process has taken me through a gamut of emotions, and now at the end all I can say is I am happy I only have to do it once. Through this process I have learned more about the people I share this community with and have gained an understanding from which it sprung. I am satisfied to have a foundation to base my arguments of including more West African dance and drum classes in programming. I am excited at the prospect of continuing my research and expanding upon my argument. I hope that members of the community will read this dissertation and take action. Action to mend the rifts that have developed; action to take a more active approach in the continuation, growing, and sustaining of the community; and action that stems from a reflective place. One participant said about the community once arriving from a larger city, “I thought it [the TADDC] was really a gem that perhaps maybe people didn’t

151 recognize.” I hope that people recognize that this small village in Tallahassee, Florida, has produced greatness and treasure it as such.

152 APPENDIX A WEST AFRICAN DANCES AND THEIR MEANINGS AS TAUGHT IN TALLAHASSEE, FLORIDA

Dununba – A family of rhythms symbolizing strength Kakilambe – Masked spirit considered the protector against evil spirits Kassa – Rhythm of the farmers Kuku – Originally a woman’s dance done after fishing; today a popular social dance Lamba (Lamban) – A family of rhythms Liberte – Modern rhythm named after Ballet Liberte Marakdon – Social dance Mendiani – Girls rites of passage Sofa – Warriors dance Solo, Soko, Bao - Dances and rhythms for initiation and circumcision: Sorsornet – Dance celebrating women Tiriba – Girls initiation dance; social dance Yankadi –Makru – Men and women dance of flirtation and seduction Wolosodong/Jondon – A dance of freedom/dance of captivity Zaouli – Dance of homage to women Zulu – A warrior’s dance

**Not a complete listing

153 APPENDIX B

ORAL HISTORY INTERVIEW PROTOCOL

General ice breaker questions: communal

1. How long have you been involved in African dancing and drumming?

2. How long have you been involved in it in Tallahassee, Florida?

3. What led you to your involvement in the Tallahassee African dance and drum scene?

Questions regarding certain topics to be addressed by the end of the interview if not already covered.

4. Can you think of any major milestones or momentous occasions that have occurred within this community?

5. Who would you consider to be the major players in helping to establish the Tallahassee African dance and drum community?

6. Looking at the community today, how do you feel about the contributions you have made in its development?

154 APPENDIX C PERSONAL INTERVIEW QUESTION PROTOCOL

General Icebreaker Questions 1. How long have you been involved in African dancing and drumming in Tallahassee, Florida? 2. How did you first learn about the classes? 2a. How did you get started? 3. What made you continue? 4. In what capacity are you involved, that is, are you a dancer, musician, board member, teacher, parent or some combination of these? 5. How often do you attend classes or events?

Sense of Belonging 6. What do you get from the group that makes you stay involved? 7. I often hear the term “African dancing and drumming community” during the course of a class. What does that term mean to you? 8. Tell me how you feel about this community? 8a. Do you consider yourself a member?

Sense of Mattering 9. How, if any, do you think you make a contribution to this community? 10. Can you talk about any instances where someone in the community made a suggestion, or an incident occurred that altered in someway (either positive or negative) the way that things happen here? 10a. Why do you think that was the reaction? 11. Do you think your role or place in this community is important? Why or why not?

Integration/Fulfillment of Needs 12. How would you describe the feeling you have after leaving class? 13. What contributes to that feeling?

155 14. If you could design the perfect two-hours during class, explain to me, what would take place? 15. Do you have any experiences that come close to this description?

Shared Emotional Connection 16. Outside of the dance and drum classes, do you see or interact with any of these people? In what capacity? 16a. Why or why not? 17. Can you share any stories or experiences in which you may have felt a bond or connection to your peers? 18. I see a lot of kids in the classes, parents taking classes with their children, parents and friends watching classes, how do you think that contributes to the overall atmosphere?

Closing Questions 19. Suppose it is my first day taking class here and I am totally new to this dance form, how could I expect to be received? 20. Any final thoughts or something that you would like to share that I did not ask you about?

156 APPENDIX D SOCIAL SURVEY 1. Are you Male or Female? Male Female

2. How old are you? ______

3. Are you a student in K-12, college, or not a student? K-12 College Not a student

4. Are you married, single, or divorced? Married Single Divorced

5. What do you consider your ethnic background? ______

6. Were you born in Tallahassee? Yes No

7. If no, how long have you been living in Tallahassee? ______

Do you AGREE or DISAGREE with the following statements:

8. When I am here, I feel like I belong. Agree Disagree

9. I feel like I can share my thoughts, feelings, or concerns and they will be heard and taken into consideration. Agree Disagree

10. I have met people here that I share experiences with. Agree Disagree

157

11. Most people in this community are willing to help if you need it. Agree Disagree

12. I expect to be a part of this community for a long time. Agree Disagree

13. People in this community do not share the same values. Agree Disagree

14. If there is a problem within this community, the people within this community cannot solve their own problems. Agree Disagree

15. Outside of this setting, I do not socialize with any of the members of this community. Agree Disagree

Write out your answers

16. In what capacity are you involved, that is, are you a dancer, musician, board member, teacher, parent or some combination of these?

17. How often do you attend classes or events?

18. I often hear the term ‘community’ during the course of a class. What does that term mean to you?

19. Based on your experiences, how does your definition of community compare with your experiences in the Tallahassee African Dance and Drum Community?

20. Do you consider yourself a member of the community? Why or why not?

158

APPENDIX E COPY OF ORCHESIS PROGRAM

159 160 APPENDIX F ORCHESIS DANCEOGRAPHY

1963 - African Dances (performed to taped African Folk Songs), Beverly Barber 1964 - African Rhythms (same dance as in 1963, but name change) 1972 - Afro-Caribbean Suite: Sacrifice a Damballa, Beverly Barber 1973 - Carib Dance, Beverly Barber 1974 - Day of the Adae (Ghanaian Festival Dance), Beverly Barber 1975 - Roots and Rhythms, Beverly Barber Afro Moves, Karen Stewart West African Suite: Kwesi Adae, Alunje, Federkoba, Noble Nkosi 1976 - Caprice Carna’Val, Beverly Barber 1977 - Kundum, Reginald Yates 1978 - Island Festival, Beverly Barber Credo (Congolese), Reginald Yates 1979 – Africa to America: Act I –Homeland, Act II – Passage, Act III - Struggle Beverly Barber, Reginald Yates, and Jaikym Stephens 1985 - Afra-Moves, Beverly Barber 1988 - Fanga (West African Welcome Dance), Arranged by Beverly Barber and Group 1990 - Agbada, (Ghanaian Dance from the Ewe people), Margo Blake 1991 - Men’s Dance of Strength, Renee Abayomi Goodall 1992 - Kundum (Ghanaian Dance), Margo Blake - Boot Dance (A South African Miners Dance), Renee Abayomi Goodall 1993 - Lenjen-Go and Balant, Thaddeus Bennett Zulu War Dance, Renee Abayomi Goodall 1994 - Fofo, Brenda Hayes Mansoka, Thaddeus Bennett Lobaya, Renee Abayomi Goodall 1995 - In Honor of Samure Toure, Yao Ronald Marshall E Con Con, Marcus Robinson 1996 - Doundounba, Marcus Robinson

161 Koukou, Marcus Robinson 1997 - Ibo Landing, Joan Burroughs Djembe Karan (Drum Presentation: A Medley of Rhythms from West Africa) Sounou, Su-Quan Diop 1998 - Reverence to the Elements, Kwame Ross Lamban, Nzinga Olabisi Metzger Onye Director 1999 - The Return, Kwame Ross Alafia, Renee Abayomi Goodall Osubi Director 2000 – Initiation, Kwame Ross Siki (Ghanian love dance), Christian Kofi Mawuko Osubi Craig and Judith Samuels, Co-Director

162 APPENDIX G TALLAHASSEE, FLORIDA’S DRUMMERS HISTORY

1970’s – McKinley Collier, Nathaniel Howell, Anthony Johnson, William Generette, Ralph Blocker, Wilbur Davis, Dennis Everheart, Al Reese, John Major, Auyetotofun, John King, Vincent Love, James McAden, Otha Brandon, Gregory Dixon, William Johnson, Frank Sharpe, Franco Smith, Yazid Akil, Dana Bonds, Thomas Bryant, Paul Meeres, Abdul Mubdi, Jawara Sekou, Arthur Vaughn, Ralph Stewart, Reginald Davis, James Parker, Otis Thomas, Richard Turner

1980’s - Richard Smith, Sam “Olusegun” Williams, Troy Kelley, James Metclafe, Ronson Thomas, Atiba Kojo

1990’s - James Daniels, Kevin Byrd, Eric Bond, Alex Harvey, Derek Hemmingway, Atiba Kojo, Osubi Craig-Bowser, Korey Brown, Khari Clemmons, Asegun Henry, Alex Harvey, Weser Khufu, Tunde Mendes, Adejose McKoy, Maria Bell, Olakwesu Yasip, Melody Burgess, Riocco Ellis, Olumide Gilbert, Akinjobi Davis, Yaasiel Davis, Jahmal Haywood, Olusegun Williams, Stone Montgomery

2000’s – Osubi Craig, Olusegun Williams, Akinlana Lowman, Asegun Henry, Frank Lamar, Stone Montgomery, Khari Clemmons, Jahmal Haywood, Mangue Sylla, Akinjobi Davis, Yaasiel Davis, Chris Nicholson, Brandon Hollins, Laurent Camara, Abu Babacar, Amin Eric Goree, Djan Tie

Members of Tallahassee Drummer’s Alliance Eric Bond, Olusegun Williams, Lonnie Hudspeth, Weser Khufu, Wilbur Davis, Beyah Kareem, Mershell Sherman

163 Members of Dromatala Osubi Craig, Eric Bond, Alex Harvey, Derek Hemingway, Korey Brown, Melody Burgess, Khari Clemmons, Akinjobi Davis, Yaasiel Davis, Riocco Ellis, Olumide Gilbert, Kiah Akosua Graham, Jahmal Haywood, Asegun Henry, Akinlana Lowman, Tunde Mendes, Nzinga Metzger, Stone Montgomery, Onyekwere Ozuzu, Olakwesu Yassip, and Ashaki Williams

164 APPENDIX H FADF ADVERTISEMENT

165

166

167 APPENDIX I TALLAHASSEE AFRICAN & CARIBBEAN CULTURAL ARTS FESTIVAL ADVERTISEMENT

168 APPENDIX J IRB APPROVAL

169

170 171 172 173 REFERENCES

Ajayi, O. (1998). Yoruba dance: The semiotics of movement and body attitude in a Nigerian culture. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, Inc.

American Psychological Association. (2001). Publication manual (5th ed.). New York: American Psychological Association.

Anderson, M. R. (2005). Beyond membership: A sense of community and political action (Doctoral dissertation, The Florida State University, 2005). UMI 3198203

Anderson, R. (1990). Calliope’s sisters: A comparative study of philosophies of art. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall.

Arai, S. & Pedlar, A. (1997). Building communities through leisure: Citizen participation in a healthy communities initiative. Journal of Leisure Research 29(2), 167-182.

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178 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

A. La Toya Davis-Craig Dancer, Educator, Administrator

Pe rso nal State me nt

As a performer, teacher, and life long student of dance, I am dedicated to exposing various communities to the different facets and benefits of dance as a social, educational, and physical activity. I have studied ballet, tap, jazz, modern and lyrical dance for over the past 20 years and I recognize the importance of a solid technical foundation. However, I also believe in dances ability to stimulate creative expression and provide an outlet for emotions. I recognize the benefits and have come to believe in the importance of utilizing the arts to develop and nurture self-esteem, confidence, character, discipline, mutual respect and belief in the students’ ability to attain personal excellence. It is my belief, that dance can be used to build sense of community.

Education Bachelor of Science, 2001 Florida A&M University, Tallahassee, FL Major: Business Administration

Master of Arts, 2003 Florida State University Major: Arts Administration

Ph.D. (Spring 2009) Florida State University Major: Art Education Concentration: Arts Administration Certification Program: Program Evaluation Completed Coursework for State of Florida Dance Teacher Certification

HIGHLIGHTS OF QUALIFICATIONS • Certified by Dance Educators of America to teach ballet, tap, jazz, modern, and acrobatics and tumbling • Over 20 years of dance training, 15 years of teaching experience, and 11 years of dance administration.

179 • Training includes Ballet, Tap, Jazz, Lindy-Hop, Horton, Lyrical, West African, Afro-Cuban, Afro-Brazilian. • Choreography includes works for children, teens, adults, and multi-generational dancers and audiences. • Effectively collaborated with artists and administrators in accomplishing specific and recurring/seasonal university and community workshops, in school and after school arts in education programs, dance classes, rehearsals, and public performances. • Organized and garnered financial and human resources to direct and perform on local, national and international performing arts scenes. • Original, creative thinker with excellent conceptualization and improvisational skills.

Administration

SUCCESSFUL GRANT WRITING:

2007: Florida Humanities Council, Major Projects Grant Humanities conference to discuss traditional African religions

2007: Florida Humanities Council, Community Partnership Grant 3 Year recurring grant to host Africana Film Festival

2007: Capital City Foundation, Project Grant Support the FAMU Rhythm Rushers Bahamian Junkanoo Group

2004: Office of Drug Control, Drug Free Communities Grant Conference for providers of community drug educators

2004: Workforce Plus of the Big Bend, Workforce Development Workshops and training for out-of-work adults in Quincy, FL through the Shepards Hand Resource Center

2003: Division of Cultural Affairs International Cultural Exchange Grant Cultural exchange program with FAMU Center for Caribbean Culture and Dromatala with Ile Aiye in Salvador, Brazil

2002: Pennsylvania Council for the Arts: Preserving Diverse Cultures Dromatala of Philadelphia for dance and drumming outreach programs in North Philadelphia

2001: Arts International: Fund for U.S. Artists International Travel Grant for Performance at Festival Del Fuego and Festival de Caribe in Santiago de Cuba

180 DEVELOPMENT, COORDINATION, AND IMPLEMENTATION OF PROGRAMMING:

2008: Tallahassee African Caribbean Cultural Arts Festival (February 13-17, 2008) Developer and Producer of Festival combining scholarly discussion, lecture/demonstration, dance and drum workshops, concert performances, and arts vending; Responsible for advertising, contract negotiation, budgeting, scheduling, and producing concert. 2004- Present: FAMU’s Office of Black Diasporan Culture Secured out-of-town contracts for Bahamian Junkanoo group to perform; assistant producer of semi-annual African-Caribbean Concerts on the campus of Florida A & M University

2001- Present: Essence Dance Theatre Produced and directed a total of eight dance concerts. Responsible for all areas of concert including marketing, contract negotiation, costuming, budgeting, scheduling, and dance production and direction.

2000: Feast of Fire Photo Exhibit Photo exhibit at Florida A & M University displaying the culture of Cuba and Festival Del Fuego and Festival de Caribe participants and performance

MARKETING:

2003: Essence Dance Theatre Devised marketing plan for new organization to begin branding and name recognition throughout the Tallahassee community, marketing plan to attract people to audition for the company, and marketing plan for bi-annual dance concerts

2003: Tallahassee Museum of History and Natural Science Conducted audit of current marketing structure and devised a marketing plan to expand current client population

2002: City of Tallahassee Cultural Plan Researched current marketing structure of various Tallahassee arts organizations and the local arts agency (CRC) to assist in recommendations for marketing and audience development structure to be included in the Tallahassee Cultural Plan

2002: Cultural Resources Commission (currently COCA) Expanded image of CRC to increase membership of local arts organization. Met with prospective members to encourage membership. Assisted in the development in the Pocket Guide for Capital Culture (CRC’s marketing tool for the arts in Tallahassee)

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LEADERSHIP:

2009: Board of Directors Essence Dance Theatre 2005–Present: Owner and Director Prophecy School of the Arts 2001 - 2006: Founder and Executive/Artistic Director of Essence Dance Theatre 2002 – 2006: Board member of the Black College Dance Exchange 1997-2000: Executive Officer of Mahogany Dance Theatre 1996-2000: Leadership training, workshops, and seminars through InRoads organization

Other Work Experience

September 2004- Present FAMU - Office of Black Diasporan Culture Tallahassee, FL Office Manager ♦ Basic office duties ♦ Co-producer of semi-annual African-Caribbean Concert ♦ Grant writer ♦ International Trip Coordinator ♦ Publicity and Advertising ♦ Coordinator of performing groups within the Office’s umbrella

August 2003- Present Florida State University- Department of Art Education Tallahassee, FL Office Assistant ♦ Basic office duties ♦ Recruitment

January 2003- June 2003 City of Tallahassee: 2003 Cultural Plan Tallahassee, FL Research Consultant ♦ Conducted focus groups and one-on-one interviews ♦ Facilitator for Marketing and Audience Development and Economic Impact Task Forces ♦ Conducted FAMU, FSU and TCC student assessments ♦ Assisted in compiling and analyzing data from community input ♦ Helped devise current cultural plan for Tallahassee, FL

September 2002- Dec. 2002 Cultural Resources Commission Tallahassee, FL Marketing Intern ♦ Expanded CRC image to improve membership in new target market

182 ♦ Assisted in developing A Pocket Guide to Culture ♦ Developed Board Manual to facilitate better board member transitioning September 2001- Dec. 2002 Ujamaa, Inc. Tallahassee, FL Sales Associate ♦ Traveled to conventions to sell custom designed clothing ♦ Assisted customers in designing and purchasing clothing selections

January 1997 – August 1999 Andersen Consulting Tallahassee, FL Client Financial Management - Intern ♦ Researched and corrected any discrepancies on job summaries ♦ Maintained budgets for various clients ♦ Verified billings to and from clients/vendors ♦ Created reports/spreadsheets summarizing various financial issues ♦ Created expense analysis Ryder Systems Client Financial Service - Ryder Miami, FL ♦ Devised system to effectively audit, store, and process time and expense reports ♦ Taught new system to permanent employees Human Resources – Ryder Miami, FL ♦ Devised a system to track Career Evaluation intake ♦ Gathered information for the executives to use for banding and promotions ♦ Contacted employees concerning various issues

June 1996 – January 1997 Arthur Andersen, LLP Miami, FL Accounting/Bookkeeping - Intern ♦ Audited time reports ♦ Maintained employees folders for end of the year audit ♦ Inputted bookkeeping information into the company’s mainframe ♦ Updated database of all tax and audit files ♦ Checked completed tax returns for errors

January 1996 June 1996 Family Christian Association of America Miami, FL Program Coordinator – Teen Club Division ♦ Planned events and field trips for the Teen Club Division ♦ Coordinated seven stop College Tour for High School Seniors/Juniors ♦ Developed educational programs for the Teen Club Division ♦ Submitted monthly articles for the F.C.A.A. newsletter

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