MAHADEV GOVIND RANADE AND THE INDIAN SOCIAL CONFERENCE

DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQU1F?EMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF llasttr of f I)ilo£(opf)P IN POLITICAL SCIENCE

BY MOHAMMAD ABID ANSARI

UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF PROF. M. SUBRAHMANYAM

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH (INDIA) ie96 \\-:\' .^O

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DS2982 DEDICATED TO MY MOTHER Prof. M. subrahmanyam Department o1 Political Science Aligarh Muslim University Phones {Internal: z^i^\CI'Birm,n Aligarh—202 002 365 Office

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CERTIFICATE

This is to certify that Mohammad Abid An sari has ccxnpleted his dissertation on "Mahadev Govind Ranade and the Indian Social Conference" under ray supervision. It is his original contribution. In ray opinion this dissertation is suitable for submission for the award of Master of Philosophy in Political science.

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Prof. M. subrahnanyam CONTENTS

PAGE NO.

PREFACE I - III

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS IV- V

CHAPTERS I GENESIS OF SOCIAL REFORM IN INDIA 1-24

II A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 25-49

III THE SOCIAL REFORMER 50-83

IV RANADE AND THE INDIAN SOCIAL CONFERENCE 84-98

V CONCLUSION 99 - 109

BIBLIOGRAPHY I - IV

** * PREFACE

The Indian Renaissance of the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries Is one of the most significant movements of Indian history. The nineteenth century« rationalisn, and htunanlsm had influenced* religions, science* philosophy* politics* economics* law and morality* The English education Inspired a new spirit and pregresaive ideas. Thus a number of schools of thought arose in India* They came directly or indirectly under the influence of Liberal Thought* The spirit of reform embraced almost the whele of India* beginning with the efforts of Rajaram Mohan Roy in Bengal* leading to the formation of the Brahmo Samaj in 1828 - a monotheistic religious organisation* "to teach and t* practice the wojrship of one* Supreme* undivided and eternal God* Another powerful religious and social movement in nort)-)ern India has been the Arya Samaj* founded by Dayananda Saraswati* with the slogan* *go back to the vedas*. His slogan was inspired by the ideals of social equality* national unity* which kindled the national pride and consciousness.

The special genius of the Bombay school of refoxm brought forth its original contribution to neo-theism -- The Prarthana Samaj* Its origin was due to the missionary zeal of Brahmo Samajist's led by Keshub Chandra Sen. In doctrine the Prarthana Samaj closely resembled Sen's branch of the Bralimo Samaj* The most Influential Indian movements of the centurjf* particularly Maharashtrian - intellectual ferment was led by Mahadev Govind Ranade in Poona* - II -

The study* undertaken Is an attempt to critically analyse the Ideas of Ranade in the field of religious» social* economic and political aspects of the contemporary Indian society. Further* it is an attempt to understand its impact over the process of modernization and reconstruction of the Indian society. To say in his own words* "You cannot have a good social system i4ien yoo find yourself low in the scale of political rights, ner can ycu be fit to exercise political ri^ts and privileges unless your social system is based on reason and Justice. You cannot have a good economic system \Aien your social arrangwients are imperfect. If your religious Ideals are low and grovelllng

The study is designed in five chapters, in chapter ene • the genesis of social reform in India* since 18th century that is from Rajaram Mohan Roy to onwards* has been discussed. The social reform movement initiated a multlfaceted Intellectual expression of social* religious and political reforms. India* at present has been passing through a period of transition and it is a need to study the life and views of those personalities who have contri­ buted to build a modern India* leaving much to be realized In times, It will help us to attempt to solve the problems faced in different areas of our society.

In Second chapter* a biographical sketch of M»Q, Ranade Is outlined* which gives us an insight into the person's multlfaceted personality. The significance of Ranade's life is to be founded mainly in the far spreading web of his mind in his diagnoses of India's social* political* economic and religious ills* and in the remedies that he both prepounded and endeavoured to «pply. - Ill -

The third chapter deals with significant reforms and the move' ment led by Ranade as a social reformer and organizer during the last two decades of the 19th century. The fourth chapter attempts to analyse Ranade and the objective of the "Indian Social Conference It attempts to study Individual achievanents as a reformer as well a9 an intellectual. It was at the 1892 "Allahabad Social Conference' that Ranade made it clear regarding the direction of social change he envisaged. He said# "the change we should seek is thus a change from constraint to freedom, from credulity to faith, from status to contract, from authority to reason, frcxn unorganised t« organised life, from bigotry to toleration, from blind fatalism te a sense of human dignity**. This is what I understnd by social evolution, both for individuals and societies in this country.

The last chapter deals with the conclusion on the basis of the analysis of the impact of Ranade's thought and organisational ability over the social and political leadership in India in particular, whereas in general, it is being observed, that the movement of social reforms in India did not cease in the 18th century, but still continued and need to be continued further. Hence, once again, Ranade and his mission appears as a major contributing factors in motivating India to proceed on the path of reforms and social change, to achieve an egalitarian society.

DATED f 15.12.1996. (MOHAMMAD'ABID ANSARI) - IV -

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I feel immense pleasure and contentment after completing my dissertation by the "Grace of Allah" - the all compass­ ionate, the all merciful, cherisher and sustainer, who bestowed on me the gift to explore new frontiers in my studies.

I owe my intellectual indebt edness to my supervisor Prof. M. subrahmanyam. Department of Political science, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh for his able guidance, keen interest, constant encouragement and advice throughout in the course of my research work. It is primarily due to his precise, steady, patient and affectionate guidance that I have been able to accomplish this rese^arch project.

I Express my deep sense of gratitude to Prof, shan Mohammad, Chairman, Department of Political Science, for his advice and suggestions during the course of my study. I am also thankful to all the teachers of the Department of Political Science, especially Prof. T.N. Nizami and Prof. Ishtique Ahmad who have been very cooperative during the period of study.

Sincerely thanks are also due to the staff of "Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics", Pune, for their help in finding out relevant materials and references without which the present work would have not been accom­ plished. - V -

It is my pleasant duty to be Indebted always, spiritually to my parents and loving brothers. Dr. Yousuf Ansari (M.O.), Mr, shabbir Ansari (S.D.O.), Dr Zahlr Hussain Jafri (Reader), Delhi University, for his essential moral and material support with their imperishable blessings and ever-being there, where I needed them most.

My everfresh obligation and gratefulness are due to my colleagues and friends Mohd. Moazzam Khan, Mr. P.A. Daudi, Mr. Inayatullah, Mr. Wasim Raza, Mr, Mumtaz Alam, Mr. T.M. Usmani and M.S. Hussain^Muzaffar Husain, Mohd. Arif., Mr. Sharfuddln Khan. I am also thankful to Mr. Waj id All, Typist for typing this manuscript sincerely*

K A/'^Tv^n'^ (MOHAMMAD ABID ANSARI) CHAPTER I

GENESIS OF SOCIAL REFQim IN INDIA

Everyone has a fairly correct notion of v*iat is included in the social reform. But it will not be amiss to attempt something like an analysis of the ideas which these words convey. It is not easy to give a logical definition of social reform, which may have different meanings in different countries under different circumstances. In western counties soc:ial changes mean more or less improvements on existing bases<, the spirit of the nation, of the institutions and of the ends desired, remains the same through successive developments,, But in India* social refoirm did not ordinarily mean a reorganization of society at large, as did in the west. Instead it meant the infusion into the existing social structure of new mode of life and thought. The society would be preserved, while its members would be transformed. It was originated from secnilar motives based on rationalistic critiques of society and led to secular, as well as religious, movements for social refornu.

Social reform, therefore, really meant readjustment of the old to the new conditions in a slow and cautious way. It could not mean social die-hardism, a literal clinging to the outcome forms of decrepit society. It could not mean a more reproduction of the some earlier age Hindu history. It could not mean a complete and immediate break with the past, and a

- 1 - - 2 - complete and immediate fresh start, Telang wrote ; "it was duty of everyone to understand and appreciate the past, selecting all that was possible form it, apply it to the altered circumstances of today* All this was to be done with moderation, wisdom, and right direction;

The whole aim of social reform, is to discover the individual, to make the original springs of life work and give the nation a new vitality. Ranade put the goal of the movement in terms which will bear to be quoted again and again. "Vfliat is the inner of action which is setting in motion both reformers and orthodox workers almost against their will, even where will does not consent to move" ? that inner spring, the hidden purpose not consciously realised in many cases, is the sense of human dignity and freedom, which is slowly asserting its supermacy over the national mind. (2) Thus, "social reform aims essentially at change - a change sometimes involving the basic values of society, whereas social work (or service) primarily relates to welfare activities undertaken within the limits set by the existing values".

(1) Quoted in V.N. Naik, " Telang as a Social Reformer", Bombay Presidency Social Reform Association, Social Reform Annxia}. 1951, P.55. (2) Maganlal A. Buch, Rise ^nd Growth of Indian Liberalism,? .110, - 3 -

The usually conciliatory Ranade intensified the debate with revivalists in a famous speech at Amraoti tn 1897, which is quoted even today by reformers. '*vihen we are asked to revive our institutions and customs," Ranade said, "people seem to be very much at sea to what it is they (wish) to revive .•••• shall we revive the old habits of our people when the most sacred of our caste indulged in all the abominations as we now understand them of animal food and drink which exhausted every section of our Country's zoology and Botany 7 shall we revive the twelve forms of sons, or eight form of marriage, which included capture, and recognized mixed and illegitimate inter course 7 Shall we revive the Nlyoga system of procreating sons on our brother's wives yatien widowed 7 Shall we revive the Sati and infanticide customs, or the flinging of 1 iving men into the rivers 7 These instances will suffice to show that the plan of reviving the ancient usages and customs will not work our salvation, and is not practicable• (3)'

If these usages were good and beneficial, why were they altered by our wise ancestors 7 If they were bad and injurious, how can any claim be put forward for their restoration after so many ages7 If revival is impossible, reformation is the only alternative open to sensible people, and now it may be asked what is the principle on v^ich this reformation must be based 7

(3) M.O, Ranade, Miscellaneous Writtings^ PP. 190-91, - 4 -

It seems to many that it is the outward form which has to be changed, and if this change can be made, they think that all the difficulties in our way will vanish. If we change our outward manners and customs, sit in a particular way or walk in a particular fashion, our work according to them is accomplished. I cannot but think that much of the prejudice against the reformers is due to this misunderstanding. It is not the outward form, but that Inward form, the thought and the idea which determines the outward form, that has to be changed if the real reformation is desired. ^^

Lai a Lajpat Rai appeared to be answering Ranade, with an equal amount of sarcasm , when he asked the reformers "into v*iat they wish to reform us ? v*iether they want us to be reformed on the patterns of English or the French ? Whether they want us to accept the divorce laws of Christian society or the temporary marriages that are now so much in favours in France or American (sic) ? whether they want to make men of our women by putting them into those associations for which nature never meant them ? whether they want us to reform into Sunday drinkers of brandy and promiscuous eaters of beefs ? In short, whether they want to revolutionize our society by an outlandish imitation of European customs and manners and an undiminished adoption ef European vices ?•• Lajpat Rai acknowledged that in posing such such questions he was assuming an extreme posture, but he suggested that many social reformers were doing the same.

(4) C.Yajnesvara Chintamani, Indian Social Reform, Part-II, Mr. Justice Ranade's speeches, pp. yu-yi. (5) Charles H. Heinnsath, Indian Nationalism and Hindu Social fleform, P.323. - 5 -

During the nineteenth century, the social evils viz religious superstitions and social ebscurantisin« %«hich brought the lowest point in Indian society. The social evils referred t«« having been created by circumstances that is in the various stages o£ growth o£ our society cane into- existance, have enly contributed to the increase of the laiseries of life. The social evils to which we are subjected to* are infant marriages« extra­ vagant expenses on marriages, prohibition of intercaste-marriages, discomforts to vriiich widows are subjected* seclusion of women* and many others. These evils prevail more or less in all parts of our country. '

Hinduism, as Max Webber observed, had bec^nne, a compound of magic, animism and superstitions. The abcxninable rites like animal sacrifice and physical torture had replaced the worship of God. *I regret to say* wrote Rajaram Mohan Rey in 1828» that the present system of religion adhered to by the Hindus is not well calculated to promote their political interest* The distinction of castes introducing innumerable divisions and Sub-divisions among them has entirely deprived them of their patriotic feelings, the multitude of religious rites and ceremonies and the laws of purification have totally disqualified them from undertaking any difficult enterprise* AS it is, observed by Rajaram Mohan Rey that I think, necessary that some change should take place in their religions atleast for the sake of their political advantage and social comfort* (7)

(6) C*Y* Chlntamani, Indian Social Refona, Part-III, The Presiden' tial Addresses, Allahabad, 1892« P* 146* (7) Sophia D. Collet, Life and Letters of Ralaram M. Roy (ed* Hem Chandra Sarkar) Calcutta, 1913, P. 124* - 6 -

The nineteenth century ratlonallsn, and humanism had transformed European life in spheres of religion* science* philosophy, politics« economics* law and morality. The British brought with them new spirits and the new ideas in India* These were responsible for the rise of a social consciousness among the English educated intelligentsia* Thus a nvunber of schools of thought arose among the Hindus and the Muslims* All had come directly or indirectly under the influences of western thought* including even those who were brought up under traditional influences* for they toe were affected by the spirit of times* Notwithstanding their obvious differences* they should follow a similar trends* viz a vivid consciousness of the need for religious reconstiuction and moral reform and a keenness to unite all those professing the Same faith*

By the end of the century the reactionaries and the orthodox critics of the social reform movements were overtaken by revivalists* whose aims were not to opposed to advancement but to create changes in Hindu-society — changes as radical as those of the social reformers but based on Indian* not alien* ideals* In some respects revivalism* in its multitude of forms* could be linked to a counter-reformat ion* becauae along with its reassertion of the old faith went their reconstructiion throu^ doctrines and practices which made them more acceptable to enllgh- - 7 -

tened Hindus. '

The spirit of reform «nbraced almost the whole of India beginning with the efforts of Rajaram M. Roy in Bengal leading (9) to the formation of the Brahmo Samaj in 1828. Roy vividly described the degraded state of society and acknowledged without embarrassment the virtues of western learning, liberal legal and social institutions, and the western social ethic. His revolt against living Hindu society and his appeal to Indians to purify their religion and reconstitute their social institutions.^^ ' Another powerful religious and social movement in northern India has been the Arya*SamaJ« founded by Dayananda Saraswati, was Vedic scholar, a dialectician of the frontrank and a great teacher of religious monotheism and social reformer. The social and special genius of the Bombay school of reform brought forth its original contribution to neo^theism, the Prasthana Samaj. Its origin wa9 due to the missionary zeal of Brahmo Samaj ists led by Keshub Chandra Sen. In doctrine the Prarthana Samaj closely resembled Sen's branch of the Brahmo Samaj.

(8) Bipan Chandra Pal wrote of Bengal, "Ml these revivals and reactions were directly the fruit of the previous movaroent of religious and social revolt led by the Brahmo Samaj Itself. In this sense, they were not merely destructive of the Brahno propaganda, but also at the same time, partially corrective of and supplementary to it. Most, if not ail of the protagonists of this new Hindu religious revival and social reaction had been in their early life connected with the Brahmo Samaj", "Memories of Mv Life and Times,Vol.I, pp.427-28. (9) B.C. Pal, India Struggle for Independence, P. 82. (10) C.H. Helmsath, Indian Nationalism and Hindu Social Reform,

(11) N.J. Fraser, The Life and Teaching of Tukaraw, Madras, 1922, PP. 53-54. - 8 -

In Bombay Presidency, especially in Poona a school o£ thought developed with a constructive program for social and political advance • ment which dominated the course of the nationalist movement for several decades. Its beginnings were marked by social and religious criticism of a high intellectual caliber - unprejudiced* for the most part, by personalized philosophies of spiritual salvation Gopal Hari Deshmjkh, "Lokahitwadl**, alaost matched D^yanwada* s vitriolic condemnations of the traditional Brahmin monopoly of education and religious life. In the mainstream of the national social reform movement, whose course was defined in the 1880*s in Bombay, were the Maharashtrlan Braihnlns, M«G* Raoade, K«T. Telang, R*G« Bhandarkar and Narayan G. Chandavarkar. Ranade, considered a moderate reformer, provided the Intellectual standard for social criticism %^lch marked the proceedings of the National Social Conference, jotlba G. Phule was the another social reformer and founder of the Satyashodhok SamaJ, whose aim was to save lover Castes from the hypocritical Brahmins and their opportunistic scriptures. ^^^

RAJARAM MOHAN ROY It was in this atmosphere of Intellectual and practical unsettlement that the first liberal movement in Hindu thought known as "Brahmoism** was started by Rajararo M. Roy. He was the first Indian to carry out rational enq[ulry into the realm of religion. He as one v^o had turned the flow of national current in the right direction by his long fight for the abolition of Satl and other religious atrocities,

(12) C.H. Heimsath, Indian Nationalism and Hindu Social Reform, PP. 16-17. - 9 - and by his endeavour to remove the £alse accretion of ages and to return to the pure monotheism of Vedic times. He considered different religions as national embodiments of Universal theism. He was a defender of the basic and universal principle of all religions - the monotheism of the Vedic texts and at the same time attacked polytheism of Hindu practice and the trinitarianisro of charistanity.

He was the founder not only of a reform movement in Hinduism, but also the pioneer of the modern age in India. The problem vAiich India was facing, how to synthesis the great values of India with that of Europe. He faced this problem with a deep insight, and tried his best to evolve a creed on the basis of cultural blend, which would eminently suit India and lead her towards progress from the chaos, darkness and inertia of medievalism into a modern age. He tried to interpret and assimilate the thought with highest elements of Islam, Christianity, and Rationalism. He transformed Hinduism into a single creed with the above all which was not different with substances of the tJpanishads. Thus to him India was reborn not as blind repetition of the orthdox Hinduism, nor as an apish-imitation of Christianity or Islam or materialism but as a genuine revival of a pure theistic and rational humanitarian ism. Inherent in Hinduism.

(13) Blpan Chandra Pal, India's Struggle for Independence, P. 86. (14) Maganlal A. Buch, Rise and growth of Indian Liberalism, PP. 60-62. - 10 -

He gave it institutional form by founding in 1828 the Brahmo SainaJ# a monotheism religious body "to teach and practice the worship of one# supreme and undivided eternal God*** The SamaJ rejected the Brahmin priesthood's intermediation between man and God (although the leaders of the SamaJ were mostly Brahmins themselves), repudiated idoltry and sacrifices for its public services, ignored caste distinctions (in theory, but in practice^, and adopted a congregational form of worship similar to that of Unitarians/

In the field of social practice, Rajaran M. Roy's freedom loving mind desired to rid Hindu society of irrational observances and evil customs. One of the worst features of medieval society was its treatment of women* They were denied the right of property, condemned to either life-^ng widowhood or to the cremation on the pyre of the dead husband, and exposed to suffer the cruel consequences of polygamy* Deprived of education, iimiured in the zenana and treated as dependents and inferiors their lot was hard and scarcely better than that of slaves* He advocated the complete reversal of this position so that women could lead a life and dignity and freedom* He wanted to change the law of property in their favour and to abolish the barbarious and in human practices of Sati* Largely as a result of Raromohan's campaign, Sati was banned by Lord Bentinck

(15) C*H* Heimsath, Indian Nationalism and Hindu Social Reform^ (16) Tara Chand, History of Freedom movement in India, ^^•'^3-74, vol. II, p* 254* - 11 - in 1829. He also advocated widow remarriage* female education and the right of women to property.

The Brahmo SamaJ* starting from a basis of common humanity and one universal cosmic nature^ arrives at the conclusion that a comparative study of religions one can find that* there are three basic tenets in all religions t (i) belief in one Universal Supreme Being* (ii) belief in the existence of the soul* and (iil) belief in life after death* He also adopted three approaches to socio«religious reform t (i) exposing and discreditlngthose religious dogmas and practices which are irrational and/or contrary to social comfort* (ii) the promotion of modem western education* (17) and (iii) state action in support of both these programmes* The Brahmo SamaJ was thus meant to be a Church* qpen to all. The idea was to draw "men of all religions persuasiqps and creeds*** together on a common platform of worship and contenqplation of one God with a view to promote "Charity* morality* piety* benevolence* and virtue.**

SWAMI DAYANANDA SARASWATI

In the early history of the social and religious develop­ ment of modern India* Dayananda Saraswati occupies a significant place. He was the chief architect of Indian socio-religious reform movement. He tried to liberalize Hindu Society from the bondage of

(17) Thomas Panthan i The Socio Religious and Political Thought of Rajarammohan Roy* edited by T.P. Kenneth L. Deutsch* political Thought in Modern India* PP. 38-39. - 12 - dead cuatoma, orthodoxy« superstition and idolotry. Ranunohan ROy and Dayananda did not separate religions, from social reform and education, as social stability in their time depended on the progress o£ all the three. Both believed in giviiig moral educatioi in schools and colleges. Roy was an idealist statesman whereas Dayananda was a militant reformer without any faith in a (18) synthesis of religious fervour. Both apart frcMn giving man a sense of equality and* to women full equality with man, also instilled a national consciousness. The core of Roy*3 message was that patriotic feelings and universal love could generate through academic research and spiritual quest. Oayananda's mission was to revive the traditional norms of distinction strictly through the Indian way of life. "Its greatest obstacle was the contradiction between its modepii outlook and its fundamental assumptions.

Roy encouraged a serious study of comparative religions which led to mutual understanding amongst the heterogeneous people living In India. But Dayananda disagreed with the views on basic unity of all religion. He refused to consider the necessity to study any other religious faith. His philosophy of God« was a reassert ion of the principles of VedaS. According to him the vedas are of divine origin.

(18) V. Smith, The Oxford History of India, p. 731. - 13 -

They are the wisdom of God, revealed, and universal i.e., meant for all mankind. In his own v;ords' ...... God has given us the way to happiness in t he Vedas, ., as the great Vedic age clearly demonstrates. Why have we Aryans changed so much ? By going against the Vedas. The way to recapture that ancient glory is to act in accordance (19) with the Vedas.' ''

He discovered the whole mythological super-structure of Hinduism and profounded that 'there is one God only. He alone is to be worshipped, and He must be worshipped spiri­ tually, not by images*. His concept of God v/as of the Upanishadic description, the personification of Sgtchitananda meaning that it is his nature to be the fullness of ^„«^«^ being, all intelligence and blissful. Thus, he condemned idolotry, polytheism and the practice of animal sacrifices offered to God. At the same time he attacked, as a protestant Hindu reformer, the host of Brahmans who were clinging to superficial, meaningless religious rites.

In the slogan, 'BACK TO THE VEDAS', we find the seeds of Hindu revivalism. His slogan was inspired by the ideals of national unity and kindling of national pride and consci­ ousness. His desire to re-establish to superiority of Vedic

(19) Rishi Dayananda Ke Patra our Vlgyapan (ed. T.P. Kenneth L. Deutsch) Political Thought in Modern India,.?. 56. - 14 -

religion was at bottom a plea for socio religious reconstruction. His social reform meant that the caste system had to be reformed. In the Vedic period there was no caste by birth. The Vedas recognised the division of their occupations and qualifications rather than birth as the basis of caste.

Dayananda suggested Guna (character), Karma, (action) and Swabhav (nature) as criteria. The caste of person was to be determined by his character, by the actions, he performed in society and by his nature. He writes : The upper caste will always bear in mind that if their children would remain ignorant, they would have to go down to the level of Sudras Moreover, the lower castes will have incentive to climb up to the higher classes. Illustrating this principle, he said that a Chandal (a loxv born) had every right to .^«.— «»..•« become a Brahman if his character and action justified it. It is interesting to note that Mahatma Gandhi also took a similar stand about the upliftment of the depressed and untouchable classes.

Dayananda denounced untouchability as inhi^man and tried to prove it was contrary to the dictates of Vedic religion. Untouchability was not divinely ordained. It was the result of bad anvironment, association and training and the resulting deterioration of character. It was, therefore, a matter of

(20) Satyarth Prakash, P. 134. - 15 -

cleanliness, character-training and improvement in environment. Here, again, we find Swamiji as a forerunner of social reformers like M. Gandhi who devoted his life to the service of the untouchables. Mahatma Gandhi recognised the services rendered by Dayananda in this respect. 'Among the many rich legacies that Swami has left to us, his unequivocal pronouncement against untouchability is undoubtedly one. (21)

Dayananda was opposed to the evil practice of child marriage and enforced widowhood. These social evild^he said, had no sanction in the Vedas. To combat the practice of child-marriage he recommended that marriageable age for women should be between sixteen and twentyfour years, and for men between twenty and forty eight years. The Swami's scheme of eugenics purports to have a healthy society a*a-the eradication of the evil practice of child-marriage. He also recommended the institution of Niyoga/ a temporary union of widows and widowers, and, if this was not possible, he forcefully recommended widow remarriage. He also recognised the significance of education. He believed that the main objective of a sound system of education was the character formation of individuals society, its aim was not to create ill-fed, aimless or halfstarved individuals, A sound education system should be based upon moral and religious (22) foundations, (21) thomas Pantham Kenneth L.Deutsch, M. Gandhi in Dayananda commemoration Vol: A Tribute,Political Thought in Modem India, P.60, " (22) a.R, Purohlt t The iaocial and Political idea of Swami Dayananda Sarswati, ed. by T.P. Kenneth L.Deutsch, political Thought in Modern India* PP. 60-61, - 16-

To conclude, all his writings, speeches, and activities are a Veritable proof of his earnestness for social and religi­ ous reform. He was inspired by the ideals of social justice, social integration,religious revival and national unity, strength and emancipation. The centre of his thought and action was Hindu society alone, when he looked at Islam or Christianity, it was to establish the superiority of the "Arji^as**, His ideas paved the way for the emergence of Hindu revivalism and Hindu nationalism.

JOTIBA GOVIND PHULE

During the ascendancy of the Peshwas, the Brahman community had come to occupy the predominant position in religious and social affairs and the administration of the country. " The peasants and the artisans were looked down upon with contempt. Kunbat, plough drivers, bone-chewer's were some of the opprob­ rious epithets used for them. The Brahmans would neither eat nor drink with them, nor '/^uld they allow them to mix freely in their social functions. Naturally, hostility to Brahman claims of social pre-eminence was wide spread in Maharashtra in the early days of British rule.

Jotiba Govind phula, who organised a pov;erful non- Brahman moveiTient to assail this claini, was born in a Mali family. Ills birth in a low casta was a great obstacle in - 17 -

the way of his proper education and Brahmans did everything to humiliated on social occasion. (23)

In his philosophical outlook, Phule was influenced by the revolutionary liberalism of Thomas Paine. Phule's book* Sarvajanik Satyadharma Pustak, restated the liberal principles contained in Paine*s Rights of Man. Phule stated that all men and women are bom free and equally capable of enjoying rights. The creator has made men and women possessed of equal human rights and no man or group of men should suppress other men. The creator has bestowed upon all men and women equal religious and political liberties. They, should, therefore, equality before low and equality of opportvinity for entiry into the civil service or municipal administration. (24)

When Phule looked at the position of the Sudras and atisudras in the light of these principles of liberalism, he fouid chat these social groups were slaves for generations, THiey were deprived of human liberty. This slavery was sustained by Brahmanical rules. The Brahmanas, according to Phule, cunningly devised mythologies, established an intolerate caste system and formulated cruel and inhuman laws. He exposed the falsehood and selfish motives behind the Hindu mythology and the cunningness of the code of

(23) Tara Chand, History of freedom movement in India, vol.II, p.273-74« -—— (24) For Phule's principles of Liberalism and his criticism of Brahman domination, see Dananjoy keer and S.G.Malshe, eds., Mahatma Phule Samagra Vangmaya I Bombay t Maharashtra Rajya Sahitya and Sanskritl, Mandal, 1969. - 18- conduct propagated by the Brahmans in their own interest.

The Sudras and atisudras, according to him, experienced greater hardshijs and oppression than the slaves in Anierica. Phule observed that what little improvement had occuired in the contemporary position of the masses was due to British rule. Phule blamed the British Government for diverting large funds to higher education at the cost of the education of the masses. He argued that it was an injustice to neglect the education of the masses as a greater portion of the revenue came from the peasantry. He wanted to re-orient the whole educational system for the upliftment of the masses. He realised that, due to their education, the Brahmans were able to capture the administration from the top to the bottom. He suggested that the Brahmans should be appointed in government job services in proportion of their number (25) and that due shares should be given to the other castes.

While most of the crusaders against unreasonable orthodoxy confined their activities to individual protests in journals or private groups, Phule started a girl's school at i'oona* about 1850, two schools for untouchables, and in 1863 a founding home to care for the unwanted children of widows - Home for the Prevention of Infanticide, Central

(25) Rajendra Vora t Two strands of Indian Liberalism, The ideas of Ranade and Phule, edited by T.P. Kenneth L. Deutsch, Political Thought in Modern India, fP' 107-8. - 19 - to his scheme for rebuilding Hindu society was the liberation and education of women, whom he felt had been kept unenligh­ tened by men who wanted to preserve their own superiority. Consequently he favoured widov; remarriage and opposed polygamy ^ u.i^ . (26) and child marriage.

In 1873 he began his greatest life work by organizing the Satyashodhak (search for truth) Samaj# whose aim was t» Save the "lov;er castes from the hypocritical Brahmins and their opportunistic scriptures. But his most famous work was Gulamgiri (slavery), published in 1872. Ha regarded Western influence in the country not only as conducive to individual liberation from restrictive ideas and customs, ^^^ as the basis of a massive social upheal of low caste birth himself, he wrote that "The Creator nas purposely sent the English people to this country to liberate the disabled (28) SudBas from the slavery of the crafty Aryas.

(26) A.K. GHORPADE, Mahatma Phule, Life and work, p. 2 9. (27) Snatapatre, No. 99, quoted in S.A. Walkert, "Tilak and Gokhale" (Pt).D. dissertation), P.43. (28) Phula's Everybody's book of religion and Truth (in Marathi) in 1891, edited by T.P. Kenneth, L. Deutsch, political Thought in Modern India, P. 103. - 20 -

The strategy of the capitalist path of development and high caste politics of Ranade school could not appeal to him. He opposed the elitism of the Ranade school and put forward an alternative liberal framwork for the liberation of the Sudras and atisudras. The Prarthana Samaj» he said ,was used by the Brahmans to confuse the SudraS and atisudras. He pointed out that though the "Sarvajanik Sabha* was claimed to be public organisation, it was, in fact, monopolisbd by the Brahmans. The Sabha demanded more seats for the Hindus but the world Hindu Was misleading because only Brahmans reaped the advantage.

The Same was true of the Indian National Congress, while Ranade was proud of the Hindu tradition, phule wanted to break with it. He criticised Hindu religion, its mythology

and Sacred books like the Smritis and the Vedas. He maintained that the history of Hinduism was the history of Brahman domination over the Sudras. The Protestant Hindu Saints, whose role Ranade had eulogised, were also criticised by Phule for their limited pro-Brahman vision. Phule* s views on the economy were also different from those of Ranade. The former's views were guided by concerns for the peasants and the masses, while elitest (2 9) liberals .favoured industralisation.

(2 9) Gail Omvedt t Cultural revolt in a colonial society. The non-Brahman movement in Western India; 1873 to 1930, (dombay i Scientific Socialist Education Trust, 1976) P. 118. - 21 -

SIR 3YEP AHMAD KHAN

Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan was perhaps the greatest leader of the Indian Mussalmans in the nineteenth century. He was for more than five decades at the helm of Muslim affairs in India* occupying more or less the position of teacher and dictator and utilising his marvellous powers for the benefit of his countrymen. In fact, he was a supreme factor in inspiring, restoring and guiding his community and country ~ the interests of both of which claimed his sympathize at many decisive movement.

His worX in that direction was on uphill one. At first, he commenced his work amongst his own men. He had seen that ignorance, superstition and narrow mindedness, reigned supreme throughout Muslim India. He fully know what great harm the extensive hierarchy of bigoted Mullahs had done in keeping back his co-religionists from educating themselves in the new subjects of Western lore. He, therefore, prepared himself to fight these giants of superstition and ignorance

and to open the eyes of his countryman and co-religionists to (30) the new situation in India.

Syed Ahmad*s task in the sphere of social reform was

two-fold : first, he had to persuade people to give up habits

and practices which stood in the way of social advancement.

(30) Eminent Mussalmans, Sir Syed Ahmad, PP. 1-15. - 22 - and secondly, he had to persuade them to accept the new scienti­ fic approach in all matters. He advised the Musliins : to develop freedom of thought and get out of the rut of custom and tradition. "So long as freedom of thought is not developed, there can be civilized life," to get rid of those religions beliefs which had no real religious sanction behind them but stood as an obstacle to the growth of culture, to get rid of all religions and other superstitions, to educate children for no real progress was possible without literacy on a wide scale, to educate women and to teach them handicrafts, etc., and to make collective (31) efforts for providing educational facilities.

In a public speech, he said, "The reason, gentleman, why are all so backward now-a-days is that whilst we are learned in and have benefited by the philosophy, science and arts of anti- (32) quity, we are almost entirely ignorant of those of modern tijne. He believed that the progress of the Muslim community waS impo­ ssible without higher education and discipline which performed an essential factor in a national's life. It was impossible unless there was a standard institution in which the students were tought by European and Indian professors, and unless there was provision of a hostel for them. Therefore, the opening of a great educational institution was a matter of utmost urgency in order to spread education in the lower strata of society. (33)

(31) K.A. Nizani, SAYYID AHMAD KHAN, PP. 91-92. (32) Allana G., Eminent Muslim Freedom Fighters, p. 117. (33) Shan Muhammad, A political biography of Sir Syed A.Khan,P.59. - 23 -

He at once started a monthly periodical called the Tahzibul Akhlaq or the social reformer in Urdu, which soon revolutionised Muslim India. The journal was edited and published by Sir Syed, assisted by a small committee of his friends. It was started to improve and widen the religioufi thoughts of Mussalmans and induce them to turn to western education the attainment of which would bring them to their former prosperity and glory. He asked Muslims to revivify their character* improve their customs and cremonials/ selfhelp, national solidarity, freedom of speech and opinion, hypocrisy, fanaticism, rights of women slavery etc. The Tahzibul Akhlaq did for Muslim India what the Tatler and the Spectator of Steel and Addison had done for the pecple of England.

The Tahzibul Akhlaq was the great vehicle for spreading his views amongst the masses. His voice was heard, through its pages, throughout the length and bredth of the country, and not only opened the sleepy eyes of his indolent co-religionists but inspired them with new hopes'and aspirations, arosed the inactive to acitivity and infused a new and vigorons life into (34) the dying nation.

Finding that the time was now ripe for formulating a scheme for the education of Muslims, on Anglo-Oriental lines, he founded the Moharoedan Anglo-Oriental College and Mohamedan Educational Conference. The aim and the objectives of the M.A.O. College

(34) Eminent Mussainans, pp. 24-25. - 24 - were : to provide a centre of Western learning for the Muslums of the higher classes, so they might recover the ground lost as a result of the opposition of the Ulema to western education to show the British rulers that Islam was not antipathetic to the west in culture, religion and social relations, to teach the Muslims that Islam was not a stereo-typed static religion but a progressive and liberal religion in consonance with reason and the laws of nature. (35)

He also pointed out that Islam had laid down such liberal conditions for the treatment of slaves as to alter the very character of slavery, polygamy, was allowed but only in mere circumstances, holy war was not justified against non-Muslims except when islam was attacked, not every type of interest, but only the usury of pre-Islamic was prohibited, men captured

^ ^ • ^ , o -, (36) in war were not to oe executed, nor women made slavery.

(35) Moin Shakir, Dynamics of Muslim Political Thought, edited by T.P. Kennth L. Deutsch, Political Thought in Modern Indian P.156. (36) Tara Chand, History of freedom movement in India, Vol.11, P.35fi« CHAPTER - II

A_§I2^RAPHICAL_-_SKETCH

The Late Hon'able Mr. Justice M.G. Ranade was born on the 18th of January 1842 at Niphad (district Nasik, Bombay presidency) in a Bratmin family. His father Govindrao, was an ordinary clerk in the oftice of the Deputy Collector of Ahraednagar. within three years of Ranade's birth, Govind rao' s superior reccanraended him for a responsible j)Ost in the office of the Karbhari of Kolhapur.

As a child Ranade did not easily impress anyone as clever or snart. He was in no sense of handsome. But he was healthy and well built. A strong physique and impressive height were traditional characteristics of all Ranade. The boy, unlike others, was so facinated by his lessons that he used to mutter then to himself and write letters and figures with fingers on walls, thus recreation sufficed for him. Even when playing in the streets, he would write multiplication tables in the dust. Besides this extra­ ordinary linking for studies, other traits envinced by the boy were unusual amount of shyness and ah inherent dislike of ostentation. His shyness also made him uncommu­ nicative, so that he made a poor impressive.

1. P.J. Jalirdar. M.Q. Ranade. P. 8.

- 2 5 - - 26 -

Until he was about 12 years of age his pronunciation was defective. His mother felt that he was dull, and was greatly anxious about his future. For gutturals he arti­ culated palatals and his devout mother was much perplexed on this score. But suddenly one day while performing his evening prayer, he pronounced all letters correctly and the anxious mother felt relieved. His daily routine was typical of a boy-of a Brahmin family of his times, 2 recitaticm prayer constituted necessary parts of it.

Ranade's childhood from the age of three to the age of thirteen was spent at Kolhapur. when he was six years old he was sent to the Marathi school there, and in 1851 he was sent to the Kolhapur English school. He used,after­ wards, to speak very highly of the English teaching he had received frcm the headmaster of the English sc:hool, Mr. Krishnarao Chaphaji. It is curious to find that both Ranade's parents and his teachers regarded him as being in no way as specially promising boy. Indeed he seemed to be rather dull and backward. As a boy he was rather clumsy and ungainly - and his college nick name,'the baby elephant" shows that further development did not alter this charac­ teristic."^

2. T.V. Parvate, A Biograohv of M.Q. Ran^^ida^ p, 4. 3. James Kellock, M.G. Ranade, P» 5. - 27 -

He was a close-lipped child and making him give up his taciturnity was a job. It seems as If he considered prattling as waste of energy. Even when he passed his school examinations, he would not convey the news home with any particular rejoicing, when his mother learned from the other children that Mahadev had passed, she would say to him, "why ever did not tell us ?" And he would calraly-reply, what is there to talk about in that ? If we go to school every day and do our work, then we are bound to pass, what more is there in it ?"

Another characteristic which reminds us that the child is father of the man, was the boy's observation in the interests of his work, when he was learning his letters, he would come home after the school was disnissed, and would sit for the rest of the day repeating the letters over slowly to himself and drawing them on the wall with his finger. His work and his recreation tended to be iden­ tical. When playing alone in the street, he would sit on the ground drawing arithmetic tables in the dust.

The year 1854, when Mahadev was twelve, was a year of bereavement and of marriage in the Ranade house­ hold. In that year his mother died, in giving birth to her eighth child - none of the eight surviving beyond infancy except Mahadev and Durga. His father married again within about sixteen days. A few days after that - 28 - event the marriages of Mahadev and of his sister took place. Mahadev* s bride was sukhubai and her age at the time of marriage would be nine years.

By 1856 had gone as far as the school at Kolhaptir could carry hlra, and so in accordance with his father's desire of giving him a complete English course, and at his own urgent request, he was sent to Bombay, and enrolled in the Elphin- stone High school, a Government Institution. It was at this stage that Ranade's quality of mind first began to be noticed. His headmaster, on several occasions, indicated that he was a very exceptional lad and prophesied that he would become a famous man. He spent three years at the school, obtaining scholarships of ten, fifteen, and twenty 4 rupees a month, in each successive year,

DEVOUT STUDENT AND EXEMPLARY TEACHER :

In 1859 Ranade was one of the twenty-one students who passed the first matriculation examination held by the Bombay University. On the results of that examination he was appointed a Daxina Fellow with a monthly allowance of Rs. 60. A Daxina Fellow was patt student and part tutor, as he had to teach as well to learn. After holding a Junior Fellowship for three years he was promoted to a "Senior Daxina Fellowship**, with an allowance of Rs. 120, which he hold for three years more. In 1861 he passed the

4. James Kellock, M.Q^ Ranade. PP. 6-8. - 29 -

first Llttle-go-Examlnatlon, and In 1862 took his degree of Bachelor of Arts» In 1862 he was appointed English editor of the Indu Prakash, an English-Mar at hi Weekly, founded in that same year by G.H. Deshnukh, to advocate political advance, social reform, and material progress.

In 1864, he was granted the M.A. degree, obtaining it automatically in accordance with the five year's regulation. In 1865 he was nominated a Fellow of the Bombay University, being the first graduate of the Bombay University on vrtiom the distinction was confered. He passed all the examinations in Arts and Law with eminent success, having been almost placed in the first class, where there were any classes at all. It is said that his answers in English and History at the B.A. examination exhibited such unusual learning and ability that one of the Examiners the late Mr. E.I, Howard, then Director-of-Public Instruction, took him to England to show his literacy friends there what a high degree of scholarship a Hindu student could attain.

Apart from his brilliant success at examinations, he attained a reputation for his learning and was spoken of as "the Prince of Bombay Graduate". The principle, in his annual reports of the college made special mention of him and that too, in highly ccraplimentary terms. Acldressing the Director of Education in 1863, Principal Mr. Grant

S, Rao Bahadur G.A» Mankar. Mr. M.G. Ranada. vol. I, PP. 24-27. - 30 -

said "I would bring to your notice the remarkable report submitted by Mr. M.G. Ranade of his work during the past year. The report represents the efforts and achievements o£ a Hindu student of superior calibre. Ranade*s name was mentioned even in convocation addresses*

Sir D.F. v/acha» a Junior contemporary at the Elphin- stone Institution, speaking at a meeting of Elphinstonians, drew the following Interesting picture of Ranade as he remembered often seeing him in the College library :

"Listless of all that was going on around him, we would find him either intently absorbed in writing his weekly essay or reading aloud his Grote and Gibbon, his Hurae and Macaulay. his Locke and Hamilton, and the rest of the standard authors which to us freshmen were such a terrible bugbear to master. The principles and professors, Dr» Harkness and sir Alexander Grant, Professors Hughlings and Sinclair considered him as one who was destined to make him mark in the pul:)lic life of this great city and achieve the highest distin­ ction".^

with his appointment as Mahratti Translator in the Educational Department began his official career. He began teaching when he was appointed a Fellow in the Elphinstone College, in 1861. He taught history, geography, arithmetic, economics, logic, English composition, and English poetry

6. P.J. Jagirdar, M.G. Ranade, P. 17. 7. Reported in the Times of India> 2nd Feb. 190i. - 31 -

to the lower classes in the Elphinstone Institution* We are told that he made the study of geography attractive by connecting it closely with history. In dealing with a particular country he would tell the story of the some of its great men* and would impart the geographical knowledge in connection there with* In l864 he started teaching economics - the subject which shared with history his chief liking. The high-priest of economic orthodoxy at that time was J.S. Mill. Ranade, though never an extreme rebel« yet showed sufficient Independence of mind to criticise Mill and to protest against the blind application to Indian affairs of the Millian doctrines, which had been evolved amid conditions of economic life differing g radically from those of India*

Being himself the sort of man who would read every­ thing that he could find bearing upon the subject he was studying, Ranade had no patience with the cramming methods of the average student* He considered that a teachers function is to teach his class the subject and not merely to prepare them for passing an examination. Ranade urged upon the teachers the necessity of taking to their duties in a spirit of national and wider human service he was far from excepting them or their students to live a life of seclusion and renunciation such as that of the ancient monasteries. Having picked out the weak points the Indian

8. James Kellock, M.c. Ranade, P* 14. - 32 -

outlook and organisation he wanted the teacheirs to concen­ trate their efforts on overcoming these defects and on nursing the development of those traits which keen helpful to national 9 progress. Thus, teachers are intellectually, morally and emotionally in such a crucial position of advantage in rela­ tion to their students that if only they used their opportunities well a veritable revolution in the mind of the people may take placeq^he teacher* s own devotion to learning is primarily instrumental in promoting a similar attitudes of mind among the pupils. A whole series of "school of thought", devoted independent and creative is needed if the hight and leadership needed to enlighten the whole mass of the people is to be supplied^ in the required measure. Such schools can grow only if a sufficiently large body of devoted scholars and teachers could be found.

In 1866, Ranade was appointed Oriental Translator to the Government of Bombay - his work being to report to the Government on whatever new literature was published in Marathi. This appointment caused him to give up teaching for a time and go and settle in Poona. He acted as Oriental Translator for nearly two years, retaining the position while employed at Akalkot and Kolhapur. In March, 1968, Ranade

9. D.G. Karve, R«nade - Th< Prophet of Liberated Indif, P. 181. 10, IBID, P. 187. - 33 -

returned to Bombay, having been appointed Professor at the Elphinstone College in the subjects of English and History. At the time of his caning his pupils, his old fellow-students, and his colleagues on the staff held a great gathering in his honour and presented him with a gold watch.

For the next two andna half years, besides doing his College work, he at different times acted temporarily in the offices of Judge of theSraall Courses Court, Police Magistrate, High Court Deputy, and Assistant Registrar at tKeHigh Court. BJ 1871, he passed the Advocates Examination, and shortly after wards he was appointed a judge by the Government of Bombay and was sent to take pp duty at Poona«

RANADE AS JUDGE

Ranade joined the High Court on the 23rd Novanber, 1893 and only in January, 1901, a few days before his death he applied for six months leave on the ground of ill health, preparatory to retlr&nent* During the seven years ah

11. James Kellock, M.G. Ranade. P. l6. - 34 -

Great reformer as be was he did not allow any of his Ideas to influence his jtidgements. For instance when a question arose as to whether a re-raarried widow could give her son a away xn adoption he promptly said 'No* (Panchappa Vs. Sanganbasava) through he was an ardent supporter of widow marriage. His judgements ^ive no indication as to his views on social or poli­ tical life and questions of law are discussed in a wholly detached way* Sitting with Jardine and Parsons, both of them able «Judges. he has written many sound judgements which, without their being anything specially remarkable about them have contributed to the orderly progress of the Law.

When the High Court first assembled after his death. Sir Lawrence Jenkins, Chief Justice, referred to him as "a profound and sympathetic Judge, possessed of highest perceptive faculties and inspired with an intense desire to do right. His opinion was of the greatest value to Wis colleagues and his decisions will stand in the future as monuments of his 12 erudition and learning".

Mr. Mankar, himself once a sub-Judge, says of him "His judgements, remarkable for patient and minute inquiry, exha­ ustive treatment of every case that came before him, careful examination of every document filed in it, lucid statements of facts, just appreciation of evidences, elaborate expositions

12, Brojendra Mitter, Eminent Indian Judges, PP. 70-71. - 35 -

of the various bearing of the question at Issuie* and cogency of arguments adduced in support of the decisions finally arrived at, often won the admiration of the High Court."

RANADE'S JOURNAL

In 1878, the Quarterly Journal of the Sarvajanik Sabha began its life ibf nineteen years. Ranade was closely associated with it up till 1893. In many an issue as much as two-thirds of the contents were from his pen, and in its pages he marsh­ alled his ideas on many a political, social, and religious theme ,A considerable number of Ranade* s contributions to the Journal deal with India's agrarian problan, seventy five per­ cent of India's population is agriculturist, and the great majority of these agriculturists are small farmers, who live a hand-to-mouth existence, half strangled in feoils of indebtness, and falling an easy pay to ruin in times of famine or drought.

It is not surprising therefore to find a man of Ranade* s patriotic and human nature much concerned with the various aspects of the land problem. We find him, in 1879, writing on "The Agrarian Problem and Its solution", and on "The Deccan Agriculturist's Relief Bill", in 1880, on "The Law of the

13. Mankar, sketch of Ranade' s life and Works, P. 44. - 36 -

Land Sale in British India", in I88i on "Mr. wedderturn a"^ his Critics on a Permanent Settlement for the Deccan", and on "The Central Provinces Land Revenue and Tenancy Bills", and on "Land Law Reforms and Agricultural Banks," in 1883, on The Emancipation of the Serfs in Russia". "Forest Conservancy u in the Bombay Presidency", and Prussian Land Lagislation and the Bengal Tennacy Bill", in 1884 on "Proposed Reforms in the Resettionent of Land Assessment, " "A ir-rotest and Warning against the New Departure in the Land Assessment Policy'*, and 'The Economic Results of the Public work Policy", in 1890, on Neatherlands India and the Culture Systeti, and 14 in 1891, on "The Reorganization of Rural Credit in India".

From a study of these papers we discover that Ranade held several stronc convictions regarding India's land problem* He sees three main causes of India' s agrarian troubles. The first lay in the existing systen« of Rural credit with was carried on by a vast number of petty village money­ lenders, under laws that offered great facilities for extortion. The second cause was the lack of capital a deficiency that inevitably made the agriculturist's position poor and precarious and third cause, in Ranade* s view the moat important one, because the other two really arose out of it, was the Govern.- ment's Land Policy* Having this diagnosed the disease, Ranade with a clear voice declares the remedies* They are Juridical

14. James Kellock, M *Q» Ranade, PP, 33-34* - 37 -

reform to help the ryot to avoid the evils of debt, banking and loan facilities to encourage the flow of capital into the agricultural industry, re form of the land tenure system as so as to do away with the uncertainty and burden someness of the perpetual revision settlements. In the year 1870, local self government had became one of the great questions of the day. For a decentralising system of provincial finance had been introduced by a Government resolution which expressed the hope that thereby opportunities would be afforded for "the development of self government* for strengthening Municipal institutions, and for the association of Natives and Europeans to a greater extent than heretofore in the administration of affairs." The wide purpose of political education which the nesulution had in view was in exact harmony with the trend of Ranade* s mind, ^nd ^" ^^® pages of the Sarvajanik Sabha Journcil we find a number of articles from his pen urging the careful and vigorous development of the local self governing institutions.

It was a Characteristic of Ranade* s mind always to bring to the elucidation of a problem the light of historical analogies. In accordance with this characteristic, rare find among his contributions to the discussion of this question a paper entitled '•Local Government in England and India", in which he carefully describes the rise and the present condition

15. Ibid. 36-36. - 38 -

of the local government institutions in England, pointing at the lessions of warning and of example that they afford for India. Ranade's mind was essentially constructive, and accordingly when he saw that the Government was concerned to developed extend local self government he £«t himself to sketch the changes that required to be made in the constitu­ tion and the powers of local bodies, if the Government's intensions were to be realiseaJ '

The Sarvajanik Sabha took a warm interest in the Native States, and ^e find in the journal congratulatory addresses sent on various festive occasions to'the Gaikwad of Baroda, the Maharaja of Mysore, and other rulers. In 1882, when the young Gaikwad was on the point of asstjtraing the full rights and privileges of sovereignty, the Sabha deemed it is duty respectfully to submit for His Highness's consideration a few suggestions regarding the best from which the adminis­ tration of 3ciro4a under His Highnesses rule should assume. The suggestions were really the work of Ranade, who had in 1880 published in the Journal a paper entitled "A constitution For Native states". He begins by pointing out that great effort is often made to train the future rulers in those qualifications which their British guardians deem essential for turning them out cultivated and polished gentlemen. 17

16. Ibid, PP. 44-45.

17. Ibid. PP. 48-49. - 39 -

In brovrsing over the pages of the Sarvajanik Sabha Journal one comes across many passages that throw light upon Ranade's religious position, and upon his desire for such social reforms as the raising of the age for marriage and the abolition of enforced widowhood. But before turning from our endeavour to see the outlook of Ranade* s mind by means of his writings in the Journal, we must take some notice of what he wrote on educational matters.

Always critical of the centralising of power and the increasing of official control, Ran^ade delighted to see local resources being utilised and developed. This characteristic is revealed in a paper which he wrote in 188 2, called "Primary Education and Indigenous Schools'*. The opening paragraph is typical of Ranade' s readiness to make his contribution to the practical needs of the hour, and also of his tendency to look at a problem under the light of past experiences and of established facts. He then goes on to make a strong plea on behalf of the indigenous school master, defending him against the common charges of ignorance, laziness, lack of dis­ cipline, and wrongness of method, and suggesting that the official authorities give too much importance to a cranvned book knowledge of the elements of grammer,geography and history while other subjects which are of much more importance 18 in practical life on little attended to. 18. dames l

DOMESTIC GOOD OUT OF EVIL

We have run for ahead of the chronological sequence in his attempt to discover the tendencies of Ranade* s mind by examination of his writings in the SaTajanik Sabha Journal, and we roust now return to the year 1873. It was in October of that year that his wife, Sakhxibai died. For a year after she died he was in great sorrow, not a day passing but tears came to his eyes on her account. He would seek solace in reading the religious poems of Tukaram, beginning after the evening meal and continuing untill he fell asleep.

Little more than a month after the death of his first wife, Ranade was married a second time. The marriage was really the work of his father, who manoemrred Ranade into a position which, for a man of his filial conscient­ iousness and tender-heartedness, was extremely difficult. Himself an entirely orthodox Brahman, he was afraid that his son would feel it to be his duty, as one of the leaders of social reform movement, to marry a widow. For that sort of marriage he had a religious horror, and was determined to do everything in his power to prevent it occuring in his own family. Accordingly, immediately after the death of Sakhubai, he took steps to have his son safely and respectably married again.

At that time it happened that a gentlemen of good family, called Madhavrao Abbasaheb, had come to poona with - 41 -

the object of arranging for the marriage of his daughter, Rsmabal* He was an acquaintance of Ranade's father, and the two met and tallced the matter over. Ranade's father felt that. If the girl herself were suitable, tills was the sort of match that he would like. Ranade's father also instructed Abbasaheb regarding the live he should follow if Ranade showed any unwillingness to accept the marriage.

Meanwhile the matter was being brought to a decision between father and son. Ranade insisted that he did not desire to marry again* He begged his father to remenber that he was no longer a child but a grown up man of 31 years, and ought not to be coerced. He tried to remove .19 father that was at the back of his father's mind by offering to give his word not to marry a widowr. But the father was adamant against all argument and appeal* and indeed he seaned merely to be angered by the unwillingness to render immediate and unquestioning obedience. Ranade saw that the only alternatives were acceptance or open breach. Finally he submitted, saying, "Alas, that you will not listen to me, yet it is ray duty to do what you say".

Ranade then much against his will found Mmself* in December, 18 73, married to the second Mrs. Raroabai. He took the step because of his father who warned him that if he did not marry at once, then he could not send - 42 -

the girl back to her own people vdthout humiliating her family and shattering of his own peace. He declared, too, that if his son persisted in his course, their connection would cease from that date, for he would go and live 19 permanently at Karvir. Finally, Ranade took the step because of his father's obstinate insistence, and in obedience to two principles of conduct the obligatoriness of which he always felt deeply, namely, that a parent's word should not be broken, and that one should not destroy 20 the happiness of one's family.

PROTAGONIST OF SOCIAL REFORM :

Ranade's life was not aimless as the lives of most men are who 'eddy about' here and there and are hurdled in the dust, striving blindly, a^chieving nothing'. His was fired by 'an ardent, unquenchable thirst* of bettering his fellow - countrymen. He was ainong those wtxo strove not without his action to die fruitless*. His path was deliberately choosen - the path of advance. The close connection of the different kinds of social activities was ever prominent in Ranade's mind "There is an inter­ dependence between the parts, so that it is not possible to do Justice to one without doing Justice to the other also".

19. The residence of Ranade* s father was at the town of Karvir in the Kolhapur state. 20, James Kellock, M.o. Ranade, PP. 56-60. - 43 -

In his address to the Provincial Social Conference, Satara. 1900, Ranade said :

"You cannot have a good social system when you find yourself low in the scale of political rights, nor can you be fit to exercise political rights and privileges unless yo^ social system is based on reason and Justice. You cannot have a good economic system when your social arran- genents an imperfect. If your religious ideals and low and grovelling, you cannot succeed in 21 social, economical or political spheres"-.

In the course of his Essay on "Religious and Social Reform", Mr. Ranade seeks to strengthen the position of the refoxraer by putting the case as one of a return to the truer ideals of ancient India. He was for raising the marriageable age of boys and girls, for w«6dow marriage and for the removal of the caste restrictions. He drives support an examination of the Sudra and the Smriti texts on the proper age for marriage of the Hindus. His supports his position on the question of widow marriage also by resorting to the Vedic authorities. In his Essay on vasishtha and Viswamitra he points out that the tondency of ancient India was in favour of the removal of caste restrictions.

HISTORIAN 3 In Feb., 1899, Ranade wrote an essay on the "^ints and Coins of the Maratha Period**, and in June, 1990, he

21. Essays on Relinlous and social Reform, P. 202. - 44 -

wrote two papers called, "Introduction to the Satara Raja's and the Peshwa* s Diaries". In the latter we see how Ranade rejoiced in the thought that, since the old Records at Poona and now been made available, it would be possible to write a history of the people of Maharashtra >i:iich would not be merely a narration of political events, but which would reveal '•The Condition of the people, how they lived and thrived, the pleasures with amused them, their superstitions and their beliefs, their morals, their manners and their custoins"*

He declared that the material containecil in these state Diaries, which were kept by responsible officers in the Peshwa* s Record Office, "shed a flood of light upon the real movements and the hopes and fears, the strength and weakness of the people for over a century, and for purposes of instruction and guidance, they faj: outweight in value the narratives of w^rs » and conquests, dynastic changes, and revolutions, whlbh take up so much space 22 in our ordinary histories.

We have also from his pen a first volume of the History, entitled the Rise of the Maratha Power, which was published in 1900. In this book Ranade controverts the widely held theory that the rise of the Marathas was little more than the outbursting of the "turbulent

22. M.o. Ranade, Introduction to the Satara Raja's and the Peshwa* s Diaries, PP. 1-2. - 45 -

predatory spirit of the Hindus of Maharashtra", which had been smothered for a time but broke out when the chance offered itself through the contentions among the Muhammad an conquerors - a theory which makes the History a haphazard chaos, devoid of moral interest.

As against that view Ranade seeks to show that in the Maratha history the deep and persistent laws of moral cause and effect were powerfully and constantly at work* He shows, for example, what a great part was played in the evolution of events by the "saints and prophets of Maharashtra". The religions movement of which they were the instruments "tended to raise the nation generally to a higher level of capacity both of thought and action, and prepared it, in a way no other nation in India was prepared, to take the lead in re-establishing a united 23 nation power in the place of foreign domination.

FATHER OF IHDIPH ECONOMICS :

The entire credit for having laid the firm foun­ dations of what has now been recognized as Indian Economics must indisputably go to Ranade* Political economy was the name that was given by British economists to the science of economics of their country. But when Ranade appeared on the scene and propounded cogently and convincingly that the principles of that science were not of an eternal

23. M.G. Ranade, Rise of the Maratha Power, P. 172. - 46 -

and axiomatic character and that their application to Indian conditions must be made only in the light of India's peculiar political* cultural and social posture • he seoTied to provide, as it were, a new vision.

Ranade did thus syst«natically for the first time in a paper that he read at the Deccan College Union in July 189 2. He expounded the important factors that had made for the economic, industrial, agricultura]L and finan­ cial situation as it than obtained and pointed out the directions in which it needed to be modified. He had tackled several topics of economics significance much earlier in his contributions to the Sarvajanik Sabha quarterly, addresses to the Industrial Conference and his public speeches, with the sane or similar ideas in his mind that he put forth in his Deccan College address, but on this occasion he systematically embodied his ideas together.

In address, his lectures on Swadeshi trade and industries that he delivered in Poona in 1872-73, his addresses at the Industrial Conference sessions and a series of articles he wrote in the Times of India on the question of imposing of countervailing, protective duty on the imports of suger in India, in May and June 1899, i.e. about a year and a half before his death, constitute the sources of his entire economic thinking. They are the foundations for his title to being designated and recognised - 47 -

as the Father of Indian Economics or the founder of the 24 school of Indian Economics.

RANADE AS POLITICIAN

Ranade was a combination of three politician, statesman, prophet - without ever having any of the possible blemishes of a politician* His functioning in all these roles was faultless. He is rightly - remembered as one of the most prominent of the founders and promoters of the Indian National Congress but long before the Congress was founded, Ranade had started his work of political education of the people, first as a writer In the columns of the Induprakash and later in the journal of the Sarvajanik Sabha. In these writings he has func­ tioned in all these roles. He has dealt with questions of current or immediate importance, criticized administrative measures and departmental actions, suggested improvenents for the time being and advocated far-reaching reforms. Here he has functioned as a public man, a publicist, an agitator-politician, through, of course, the foinn of agitation is very very moderate and mild.

In some of these writing and the public utterances he made from time to time, he has functioned as a far- seeing statesnan, a profound thinker and a fervent patriot, anxious to see that the land of his birth and

24, T.V. Parvate, A biography of M.G. Ranade, PP. 166-67. - 48 -

his feUow-countryraen prepared themselves to take-up up their legitimate and honoured places in a well-evolved world. 25 There are three things that cannot but Impress themselves upon the mind of anyone who studies R.anade's political writings and addresses. These are (A) his frank recognition of his country's weaknesses, (8) his fearless exposure of Government faults, and (C) Ms hearty approval of the British connection.

He deplores Indian lack of unity and inability to work harmoniously together for common ends. He deplores the lack of enterprise and perseverance, and the tendency to be too easily elated and too easily depressed. He thought that the people were too prone to shout catch­ words of which they did not really understand the signi- 26 ficanca. with equal faithfullness Ranade dealt with Government actions and policies in his writings and addresses. He criticised the land administration, and indi­ cated what he regarded as better methods, and in a similar way he dealt with many other particular matters. He reviewed very frankly the administrative records of Viceroys and Governors. He felt that the Government in India tended to be too much centralized, and too little adaptable to the varying local circumstances. "One code, one l«,w , one measure, the same taxation, the same routine forms, a fondness for uniformity as an end in 25. T.V. Parvati, A Biography of M.G. Ranade, PP. 221-22. 26. James Kellock, M.

27 itself - this is the besetting sin of the administration. Ranade believed that in God's providence British had been entrusted with a great mission in India. "The sole rationale of British rule in India", he once wrote* "is its Capacity and its providential purpose of fostering the political education of the country on the largest 28 scale in civil and public activities. Even in days of political reaction and of popular disappointment, he held fast to his trust that God's providence was overall* and the good sense and innate justice of the British character would acknowledge the rightness of India claims. In words bright with the colours of the Old Testciment, he pictures the goals whose attainment would be the fulfil- 29 ment of Britain's mission and India's aspirations.

27. Speech on Lord Rlppon*s Local Self-Government Schema, IggT: 28. Sarvajanik Sabha Journal* vol. VIII, No. 3„ 1886. 29. James Kellock, M.G. Ranade, P« 120. CHAPTER III

THE SOCIAL REFORMER

The pattern of social reform movement in Bengal* Punjab and Western India varied from one-another. "Bombay was socially for ahead of Bengal or the new Bengal v/hich was building before our eyes, was the creation,really of the British. All our progressive movements had been bom of the inspiration of freedom and democracy taught to us from our contact with modern European, particularly modem British, culture through our schools and colleges. But Bombay was different. Bombay had very recently a national state and administration.

In Maharashtra the Peshwas governed the perople to almost the middle of the nineteenth century. And this national state had developed certain traits in the Mahratta people and called into being certain social institutions and customs under pressure of what can be best described as the biological requirements of the Mahratta society, v^ich we had no knowledge of in Bengal. Female education and the freedom of social inter-course and movement of respectable Mahratta ladies was a new and inspiring experience. Both the Persis and the Mahratta did not observe the Zenana (women's section of a house) seclusion or the Purdah, which is universal among higher class Hindus and Moslems in Bengal and Upper India. While we in Bengal were fighting even in the Brahmo Samaj for higher education of ladies and the removal of the Purdah,

- 50 - - 61 - these social evils were practically absent from the Indian Community of Bombay*

So, a western India could characterize the different impacts that religious reform had on social reform in Bengal and in Bombay by the following analysis : The religious movement in Bengal was for more successful than that in the Bombay Presidency. The result has been that in Bengal religious reform has kept pace with social reform, while in the aomoay Presidency it has given place to scepticism and atheism. On the other hand, in Bengal social reform, has been in a degree impeded by the tacit requirement of conformity with tne principles of Brahmoism, which is the religion of the reformers, while in Bombay the reformers, apparently continuing as they do in the religion of their ancestors, are not estranged from popular sympathy to the degree they have been done in Bengal. In Bengal, social reform has assumed the shape of a caste question, while in Bombay the refusal of the reformers to claim a separate caste for (2) themselves has set the v*iole society in a ferment.

From that fact, J.A. Baines concluded that there was a "wide difference" between the new theism of Bengal and Bcmbay, and that in the latter Case, "it is desired to restrict its operation to the spiritual or moral side of the Vedlc religion,

(1) Bipan Chandra Pal, Memories of my Life and Times, I* Calcutta, 1932, P.392. (2) C.Y. Chintamani, Indian Social Reform, Part-I, P.311. - 52 - not_,to interfere with the more important element of social interests?^ ^ Towards the end of the century a notable christian missionary, Mr. Murdoch, similarly noted that "the theism of V/estern India has never detached itself so far from the Hindu elements of Brahmoism as tne progressive Brahmos of Bengal have done, and both in religious observances and social customs, it clings for more closely to the old models."

Murdoch referred to the "learned, sober-minded, and wealthy (4) Marathi and Gujarati theists of the Bombay Presidency".

Ranade, another early memoer of Prathana Sannaj, defended more vigorously than anyone else the special Bombay approach to social reform : "The peculiar feature of the moveanfient in this Presidency is that we want to work on no single line, but to work on all lines together and above all not to break with the past and cease all connection with our society. We do not proceed on the ireligious basis exclusively as in Bengal. we have the different Samajes, but somehow or other there is something in our nature which prevents us from bodily moving into another camp. We do not desire to give up our hold on the old established institutions." For him, therefore, and for the most of the Bombay group, social reform, through urgently required, had to come about gradually and without radical breaks with the past.

(3) Government of India, Imperial census of 1881 i Operations and Results in the Presidency of Bombay, I, P.47. (4) Charles H. Heimsath, Indian Nationalism and Hindu Social Rof orm, P . 107 . — (5) Ranada, Miscellaneous writings, p, 159, - 53 -

In 1867 the special genius of the Bombay school of reform brought forth its original contribution to modern Indian theism, the Prarthana (Prayer) SamaJ. Its origin was due to the missionary enthusiasm of Brahmo Samajists led by Keshub Chandra Sen, who first visited Bombay in 1864 to give the new Samaj his personal encourage- ment. (6) In doctrine the Prarthan Samaj-closely resembled Sen's branch of the Brahmo Samaj-belief in a single, all powerful, all loving-God, salvation through worship of God, denial of the ideas of Karma and transmigration, opposition to the authority of (7) priests and idolatry, '

(6) The expansion of the Samaj movement under the aegis of Sen was one of his greatest accomplishments, when Sen joined the Brahmo Samaj there were 14 Samajes, all in Bengal. During the next twenty years 72 units were added. Sen and his followers travelled from Baluchistan to Travancore and from Assam to Sind. The Sadharan Brahmo Samaj, under Siva Nath Sastri and Ananda Mohan Bose, maintained the missionary enterprise and added 125 units, not all of which bore the name, Brahmo Samaj. See A. Gupta, Studies in the Bengal Renaissance, PP.479-80.

(7) On the use of idols in worship the Prarthana Samaj did not adopt as strict a prohibition as did the Brahmo Samaj of India. It was noted by Fraser and Edwardes in 1920 that the Bombay Prarthana Samaj defeated a motion to drop from membership anyone engaging in the idolatrous rite. Fraser and Edwards, Life and Teaching of Tukaram, pp. 153-54' - 54 -

In 1866 the Bombay Widow Marriage Association was started by the translator of Vidya Sagar's book (Marriage of Hindu Widovs) into Marathi, Vishnu Shastri Pandit, with the acting backing of young reformers like Ranade^ K.T. Telang# and Gopal Hari Deshxnukh, v^o were soon to lead a movene nt which in aims and in public recognition for out reached the social reform efforts in Bengal. Vishnu Ghastri's leadership in the Bombay remarriage agitation was comparable to Vidya Sagar's in Bengal. But the methods of two reformers differed significantly and reflected an important difference in approach between Bombay and Bengal reformers. While Vidyasagar sought government sanction for widow remarriage, Vishnu Shatri desired the sanction of the highest religions authority with jurisdiction in Western India» (8) the Shankaracharya.

So, Bombay did not leg for behind Calcutta in producing young rebels, chiefly the product of the Elphinstone Institution, founded in 1827 to promote English education, on the model of the Hindu College. The Bombay students* Literary and Scientific Society sponsored lectures, many of whose themes were as rebellious as those heard in Bengali student groups. One yoiang speaker began by announcing i my chief and most important object, is to denounce some of the moat pernicioxis customs of our people," particularly of the Hindus, my own section.

(8) C.H. Heimsath, Indian Nationalism and Hindu Social Reform. PP. 86-87 —--—------_._„, . (9) Bhaskar Damodhar, Second Normal School scholar, Elphinstone Institution, in "The Students' Miscellany "P.8. - 55 -

One of the first students and subsequently the first Indian Professor at the Elphmstone Institution, Bal Gangadhar Shastri, provided powerful intellectual incentives for the young generation of the mid - 19th century in Bombay. He urged widow - remarriage, a liberalization of caste formalities, and readrnission to Hindu society of persons who have been baptized christians. His weekly journal# The Bombay Durpan, was the first in Western India to espouse social reform pauses—in the late 1830. His critical writings on social matters began to appear in the 1840*s and provide a classic exaniples of the early Maharashtra response (10) to the west.

The others earliest religious and social reform group on record in Bombay Presidency was the Paramahans M^mdali (The Divine Society), founded in 1840 with the object of working for the abolition of caste, the introduction of widow remarriage and and the renunciation of idolatry. Among Gujaratls in the city of Bombay, the Buddhi - Vardhak Hindu Sabha (Society for Advancement of Knowledge), founded in 1851, served as a Centre for discussion of the new ideas penetrating from the West, Dadabhai Naoroji was another, Parsi social reformer founded The Dnyan Prasarak Mandali (Society for the diffusion of knowledge) met for similar purposes.

(10) Charles H. Hein^ath, Indian Nationalism and Hindu Social Reform, P. 100. (il) IBID, PP. 99-100. - 56 -

The impetus of western life and thought was conveyed into the heart of India's social and religious system largely through the writings and the influence of Rammohan Roy. Ranade regarded Roy as one who have turned the flow of national current in tne rignt direct ion/ by his long fight for the abolition of Sati and other religious atrocities. In Nana SanJcars«t he had before his eyed a beloved popular leader who had striven to remove misunderstandings regarding the Coverniiient action against Sati, who had hard wcrked for the increase of English education among Indians and who was a model of enlightened citizenship.

In Vishnu Shatri Pandit he had come into close contact with a man who was carrying on the Western India the great work on behalf of Hindu widows which Vidyasagar had started in Bengal In Dr. Bhan Daji and others he came under the influence of enthusiastic students of history who were ever seeking to points the contrast between India's ancient glory and her present fallen state. In connection with religious quest he must on several occasions have listened to the fiery (12) eloquence of Kesab Chandra Sen.

Around him flowed the most influential and an-jndia movements of the Century^ as well as the peculiarly Maharashtrian intellectual ferment which was always centered in Poona. Among his acquaintances in the earlier

(12) Jamas Kellock, M.G. Ranade, PP. 19-20. - 57 - generation were t the educationIsts« Dadoba Pandurang and Bal Shastrl Jambhekar* the social reformers, Karsondas Muljl and Vishnu Shastrl Pandlt# and the missionary from Bengal/ K* Chandra Sen» He was closely In touch with the contempo­ rary Maharashtrlans t Agarkar« ^andarkar, Gokhale, and Tilak# and In addition met the leaders of north India* Bengal# and South India at the early congresses.

The spirit of the era was Illustrated also by a number of events and so they have also to be briefly studied In order to evaluate their Influence on the formation his mental make up. His mind had already become receptive to Imbibe the spirit of this era as his writings and speeches of his student days clearly testify. He became widely known by his advocacy of widow marriage but that was only one of the many good things he Said. His Interest In public matters could be traced to 1859.

He read a paper on duties of the educated young In that year under the auspices of an association which was known as Dnyanaprasarak Sabha* Among the sponsors of this association were Dr. Bhau Daji# Rao Saheb Mandllk, Govlnd Rao Madgaonakar and others. Like Ranade« his contemporary Kirtane, Gadgil* Parmanand, Wagld, Kunte, Pathak and Modak also joined it and read papers from time to time. In 1660 he read a paper on Mahratta Princes, Jagirdars and Inamdars. In 1863,

(13) Charles H. Helmsath Indian Nationalism and Hindu Social Reform, P. 178. - 58 - he compared in a paper the Mahratta^and the Bengaleas and their past and future. When Ranade saw the light of day* a number of Hindu practices had become unlawful. In 182 9 Sati had been abolished. In 1832, a law was passed which entitled converts from one creed to another to ancestral property. In 1840, the Jagannath Puri Devasthan was regularised by special legislation, because much confu­ sion, evil practices and extortion by the Devasthan priests had become rampant there. New Judges were not. conversant with the Hindu and Mohamedan law and they gave their decisions in consonance with the general principles of equity, and justice, not Caring whether they violated extant Hindu and Muslim religious practices or not.

A case law thus began to develop and precedentaof the new era began to gain the sanctity of law that was enforce­ able. The penal code which was framed in i860 is full of the breaches of what the Smritis or the Shariyat contained, AS a student of law, Ranade saw that this was a benevolent influence in the regulation of Indian Social life and deserved to be welcomed by those who desired social reform. (14)

Ranade was just the type of youngnan in whom the higher urges of the time-spirit would find a welcome and we see him in his student days eagerly responding to its

(14) T.V. Parvate, A Biography of M.G. Ranade, PP. 44-46 - 59 - imperious sumnons. A society called the Dnyanprasarak Sabha# i.e., the society for the spreading of knov/ledge, was flouri­ shing when he came to college. He became a member and read some papers before it. "The Duties of Educated young men", in 1859, "Maratha Kings and Nobles", in 1860, "The evil results of the Growth of population", in 1864# The every subjects tnat he chose for his discourses indicate how his mind (15) was working and what reform he must have advocated.

Ranade's early involvement in social reform was limited to local efforts in the Widow Marriage Association. The Association brought about a great many remarriage of widows among the Deccani and Gujarati Brahmans. At the time of the first of these re-marriage in 1869 - Vishnushatri Pandit, Ranade, and five other leading members of the Association were publicly excommunicated by the Sankaracharya of Western India. One or two of the excommunicated men gave in and appeached the authorities, but Ranade, refusing to lower the flag to reform, went on feariessely with the work of encouraging the widow-marriages. Ranade believed that an intellectual and moral purification could come about with­ out destroying traditional virtues. His aim of purifying without destroying Hinduism. All these changes have been

(15) James Kellock, M.G. Ranade, p. 20. - 60 -

brought about consciously without any violent struggle, and without breaking up the continuity of the old life.

Herbert Spancer's influence was apparent in Ranade's warnings to avoid the temptation of trying "to achieve the work of a century in a decade. This temptation has to be resisted, and in this respect the teachings of the evolution doctrine have great force, because they teach that growth is structual and organic, and must take effect in all parts of the organism." Reformers must "seek to turn the stream with a gentle bend here, and a gentle bend there, to fructify the land, we cann* t afford to dam it up altogether, or force it into a new channel The Society to which we belong has shown wonderful elasticity in the past, and there is no (17) reason for apprehending that it has ceased to be tractable.

Sven further, he pursued this line of thought, almost seeming to repeat the arguments of those attacking reforms : "The Hindu community is no doubt conservative to a degree, but that conservatism is its strength. No nation has any destined place in history which changes its creed and its morals, its customs and its social polity, with the facility of fashions. Reformers, he announced, seek'*not to

(16) M.G. Ranade, Religions and Social refoinn, A collection ot Essay and speeches, compiled by M.B. Kolaskar, P. 25OF. (17) From Ranade's address at Hislop College and his Seventh Social Conference Speech, Mlscellaneoua writings, P. 118, (18) IBID P. 127. - 61 -

revolutionize, but to lop off the diseased over-growth and excrescences, and to restore vitality and energy to the social organism* (19)

In his opinion lasting progress was possible only by engrafting new ideas on as nnich of the old life as was found suitable and healthy. The main objective of social reform, must be to broaden the sphere of free thought and action of an individual human being so far as to help him think and act for himself, consistently with loyalty to his conscience That is why he said ; "To say that it is possible to build up a new fabric on new lines without any help from the pa^t is to Say that i am self-born and my father and grandfather need not have troubled for me". Yet he emphasised tJiat, "The work of liberation must be the work of our own hands, each one working of nimself for his own release".

The fundamental ideas of our social system, according to him, to which most of our social evils were traceable were isolation, submission to outward force or power more than the voice of the inward conscience* perception of fictitious differences between man and man due to heredity and birth, a passive acquiescence in evil or wrong-doing and a general indifference to secular well-being almost bordering on fatalism.

(19) M.G. Ranada, Religious and Social Reform, p. 50, - 62 -

These have been, he said, the root ideas of our ancient social system. They have, as their natural result<, led to the exis­ ting family arrangements where the women is entirely subordi­ nated to the man and the lower castes to the higher castes, to the length of depriving men of their natural respect for human ity.

Ranade who realised that these customs were evil things which weakened and poisoned the life of the people, and who sought to find and to apply the right remedies. About the year 1884, social reform work which was going on steadily in Maharashtra took a dramatic turn. Two incidents the forma­ tion of the "Rakhmabai Defence" committee and the circulation of "Malabari Notes" stoked the fires of controversy f^o^e strcmy, more prologned, was the controversy on "Malabari Notes" Malabari was a Parsi gentleman who, in spite of great poverty in boyhood and youth » persisted in his ambitions he read widely, acquired a good style, and developed into a poet and a journalist. He was greatly moved by the anguish of women of the Hindu community caused by its cruel customs.

In 18 84, he wrote two pamphlets entitled "Infant Marriage" and "Compulsory Widowhood", these pamphlets becan« known aS "Malabari'a Notes". He sent them to all

(2 0) T.V. Parvate, A Biography of M.G. Ranade, PP. 148-49. - 63 -

important officials and leaders in India and also to several persons in England. In their Malabari had proposed a legal amendment to raise the age of consent from ten to twelve^ Under the then existing law, sexual intercourse by a man with his wife was a crime if the wife was below ten but if she was even a little above the that age, Kalahari sought that this age of consent should be raised to twelve. (21)

Ranade adhered to the view that this reform should be i=ecured by legislation, through sponsored by a foreign Government. His general opinion on the matter is indicated in the following words {

"After making all allowances ^it cannot be denied that Hindu society contrasts very unfavourably with all other civilized races in both the points noticed so prominently by Mr. Malabari. It is also not denied that early marriage leads to early consummation, and have to the physical deterioration of the race, that it sits as a heavy weight on our rising generation, enchains their aspirations dennies them the romance and freedom of youtn / cools their love of study, checks enterprise, and generally dwarfs their growth, and fills the country with pauperism, bred of over population by weaklings and sickly people, and lastly

(21) P.J. Jagirdar, M.G. Ranade, PP.lOl-2. - 64 -

that it leads in many cases to all the norrors of early widowhood." ^'^'''(22)'

Ranade in his personal memorandum sent to Governrrient Said that in the absence of self-regulating power in Hindu Society "the only way to secure the emancipation of the Hindu community from this bondage of past ideas is to with­ draw one by one these fetters of so called religious injunc­ tions and turn tnem into civil restraints." He proposed state action as follov;s t

(A) that minimum marriageable age-limits both for boys and giils should be fixed by law - the age limit to be 16 to 18 for boys and 10 to 12 for girls, subject to exceptions in parti­ cular castes and localities (b) that Municipal and Local Boards should be empowered to certify ages and that the parties concerne< should be required to obtain licences from these Boards before marriages were solemnised. (C) that the Universities should, after a reasonable notice, confine their honours and distinc­ tions to those who in addition to their other qualifications submit to the condition of renriaining single during their college and school courses, (D) tnat the penal Code be amended so far as to declare sexual Intercourse with a girl under 14 to be rape (E) that men of 45 and onwards should be prohibited

(22) Dayaram Gidumal/ The status of women in India» or A hand Book for Hindu Social Reformers and, Tn a shorter form, in Infant Marriage and Enforced widowhood in I^dla* Bombay/ 1887, pp. 13-14. - 65 - by law from marrying young virgins, and Vice-Versa. (F) that a second rr.arriage during the life-time of the first,wife should allowed only if there be in the first wife one of defects in viev| of which the Hindu religious books sanctioned such a marriage. Ranade, in this way, shaped Malabari's original suggestions, so far as to make them acceptable and practicable. (23)

The question of method in social is always important and often controversial* and Ranade frequently refer to it. Four main methods were advocated and used for effecting the desired reforms and inducing people to support them. These were (A) the traditional method (B) the conscience method, (C) the legislation method, (D) the rebellion method. Ranade made use of all these except the last. The method of rebellion meant separating from the conservative orthodox (24) people and forming a new camp.

The traditional method seek&to temper the winds of reform to the sensitiveness of orthodoxy showing that the reforms are not really innovations at all but are the carry­ ing out of the spirit and even of the letter of the ancient scriptures. Two contributions that ha made to the literature of the subject are notable. The one was written about 1870, and was called "Vedic Authorities for Widow Marriage".

(23) T.V. Parvate, A Biography of M.G. Ranade. P. 153. (24) The Miscellaneous writing of the Late Hon"bla Mr. Justice M.G. Ranade by Mr. D.E. Wacha, Hislop Colloge, P.112. - 66 -

It IS a fine example of the moral fervour, the discreet caution, and the studious research. The other contribution was a paper which ne wrote in 1888 for Dayaram Gidumal's book^ the status of Women in India. The paper was entitled "The Sastric Texts on the subject of Infant Marriage" and in following years it appeared in the Sarvajanik Sai^a Journal with the title of "The Sutra and Smriti Dicta on the subject of Hindu Marriage".

In that paper Ranade traces the deterioration of the status of woman in Hindu society, from the time represented in the Sudra writings v^en late marriage was the rule and widow re-marriage was common/ when monogamy held sway# when female education v;as approved, and women's place in Society one of freedom and dignity,—to the time when early and even infant marriage cameto be insisted on in the name of religion, and the remarriage of widow condemned, and when so far as the male Was concerned monogamy lost its strictness, when women were put on a level with Sudras in respect of exclusion from Vedic learning and performance of Vedic rites, and were condemned to life-long pupilage, first to the father, afterwards to the husband, and lastly to the son. He analysis the opinions of the Smriti writers and concludes that for girls 12 may be taken as the authoritative minimuin age for marriage and 16 as the minimum age of consent, vrfiile for boys the corresponding ages are 18 and 25 respectively.^ '

(25) James Kellock, M.G. Ranade, Address at th«i Amraoti Conference/"lfl91j>. ^ft. - 67 -

AS regards what we have called the conclence-roethod* which makes its appeal directly to the sense of right and wrong^ Ranade constantly uses it. He reminds us that the voice of God is the only voice to which we are bound to listen* and tells us that "all of us cannot listen to it when we desire it* because from long neglect and dependence upon outside help* we have benumbed this faculty of concience within us, ^26)

The Legislative method meant the enforcement of reform either through the agency of the caste authority or through the agency of the state. This method was* Ranade said*" a constraints imposed by the wise upon the ignorant in their common interest." It must be advocated only in those cases in which the first two have no chance of success for it is a coercive method which should not be restored to until other ways have been tried. (27)

The controversy that raged round what is known as the "Age of Consent Bill" in the Legislative Council in 1891 gave rise to a nation wide agitation for a month or two. The general age of consent as laid down in Section 90 of the penal code is* however* 12* even in the case of assault (Section 350)« while in the case of certain offences it is

(26) James Kellock* M.G. Ranade* P. 97. (27) James Kellock* M.G. Ranade* Speeches at Naqpur* 1891* p.99. - 68 -

as high as 14 or 16 (Sections 361 and 373). These limits of age mean that tne consent given by a child* who is less than 12 or 14 or 16 years, to certain offences being ccoiraitted does not take away the criminal character of these offences, while in the case of rape the consent is of no avail only wnere the child is less than 10 years old.

In the opinion of this conference, the distinction made by the Penal Code between the general age of consent (12 years) laid down in Section 90 and the special age prescribed in Clause 5 and the Exception in Section 37 5 is both unnecessaiy and indefen­ sible, and that with a view to prevent early completion of marriages, which leads to the impairment of physical health of both husband and wife, and to the growth of a weakly progency, cohabitation before the wife is twelve years old should be punishable as a criminal offdnce, and that every effort should be made by a awakening public concienca to the grave dangers incurred to postpone the completion of marriage till the age of 14 at leasts as being in accordance with tne dictates of our ancient medical works and modern science, and countenanced by the approved senti- ment and practice of the country. '

The Age of Consent Bill is interesting not only as one of the landmarks in the agitation for social reform in India, but

(28) The Thiyd Social Conferenra - HQmh;>Y iftflQ (The Age of Consent), The Miscellaneous writings of the Late Hon'able Mr. Justice M.G. Ranade by D.E. Wacha, P.P. ^2-93. - 69 -

also because of the way in which it broughb this method of reform by legislation into the full blaze of criticism and defence. The anti-reformers declared that the change would mean the destruc­ tion of true religion, and the Government vjould be breaking its promise of religious neutrality if it enacted the new law. In Poona/ agitation against the reformers became vulgar. During the ensuring Holi festival the supporters of the Orthodox section took out a mock funeral procession of the "Reformer" with refor­ mist paper like the "Induprakash" and the "Sudarak** thrush into his hands, a garland of biscuits thrown round his nefiK and a bottle of wine placed on his chest. '

There was, however, hot opposition to the proposal, not only from the right wing of religious orthodoxy, but also from many of the social reformer themselves, and particularly from the new school of thought that was coming to vigorous life under the leadership of 3.G. Tilak. He felt that the social reformers were too deeply tinctured with ;,'estern ideas, and that their criticism and denunciation of national institutions and national customs would tend to the disintegration of the nation. He had come to conclusion that the root necessity was political liberty, and that this end should be pursued to the exclusion if necessary of everything else and he felt that by all ireans the independence, confidence, ana pride of nationality must be festered among the

(29) Jcimes Kellock, M.G. Ranada, P.103. (30) James Kellock, M.G. Ranada, p. 99. - 70 -

Tilak, his biographer tell us, "while emphatically net unfriendly to social reform, believed in the imparity^ necessity of checking, from the larger national standpoint, the disintagra- t ing forces by fostering a due sense of pride in and respect for the social and religious institutions of the people, Mr. Tilak was for the blending of the old culture and the new. He strongly resented state interference for the simple reason that reform to be durable must be a growth from within. Mr. Tilak was gradually convinced of the futility of social reform as it was then propogated and was for the above reason compelled to adopt an attitude of constructive opposition and then of neutrality.

We can gather the lines of Ranade's answer to Tilak's question from his lecture on "State Legislation in Social Matters," which was delivered in the year 1885 :

"The state in its collective capacity represents the power , the wisdom, the mercy and charity, of its best citizen*. What a single man, or a combination of men, can best do on their own accoint that the State may not do, but it cannot shirk its dut> if it sees its way to remedy evils, which no private combination of men can check adequately or which it can deal with more speedily and effectively than any private combination * ^ ^ H(32) of men can do."

(31) D.V. Athalye, The Life of Lokamanya Tilak, PP. 55. (32) Jaroes Kellock, M.G. Ranade, P. lOO. - 71 -

Although Ranade favoured all these reforms, it must be remembered that what he emphasised was not this or that reform but the spirit behind them as has been pointed out earlier. AS he said in Madras in 1898 ; "The issue is not this or that particular reform about which people have so much controversy but the general spirit of purity, justice, equality, temperance and mercy which should be infused into our minds and which should illumine our hearts. Is it to be the spirit of justice, charity, mercy, toleration and appreciation of all, or is it to exclusiveness, haughtiness/ pride, cruelty and misery of all kinds ? The choice lies with us and we may choose which we prefer. "^^-^^

RELIGIOUS REFORM

The idea that social customs were part and parcel of religious was so ingrained in the popular mind that one could not propose social reform without calling it religious reform also. The history of the movement of religious reform ran paralled to that of the social reform. Ranade perceived nothing new in the theistic movement which was started by Raja R. Mohan Roy and was developed by Keshav C. Sen under the name of Brahmo Samaj and was followed in Bombay under the banner of the Prarthana Samaj.

(33) T.V. Parvate, A Biography of M.G. Ranade, P. 165 - 72 -

In his opinion it was simply the latest protest against idolatry or polytheism and superstition and cornipt practices which had crept into the prevailing religion/ obscured the knowledge of higher things, perverted notable precepts for the conduct of man in life* played fast and loose with the rules and restraints of morality and substituted a mere formal cere­ monial for the earnestness of religious worship. He Said such protests against the abuses of religion had been delivered from time to time from the Vedic to his own day* by the authors of some of the Upanishads v^o protested against the necessity and efficacy of sacrifices and boldly pronounced them to be boats too frail to carry a man through the ocean of misery to the haven of true happiness. (34)

A close st-udy of Ranade's social reform addresses leads us to Say that he does really in his own way give religion the predominant place in his social philosophy/ or at any rate he leaves ti^at place empty for religion to occupy. Vfe can trace clearly in his writings the recognition that religion is the central spring of life, and that in religion we touch the organic life-power which can flow out in healthy activities to all the members. For, in discussing nieasures for the reform of outward conditions, Ranade is constantly recurring to the importance of what we might call inward personal religion In an address delivered at the Hislop College during the Nagpur Conference of 1891, he is reported ns having said t

(3 4) T.V. t^arvate, ^ Biography of M.G. Ranade, P.60 - 73 -

"Some there were v;ho thought that v/hen they were asked to lend their support to reform, there was some objective reality outside themselves that they had to deal with. There was no such thing. The thing to be reformed was their own self, heart and head and soul, their own prejudices were to be removed, their superstitions to be eradicated, their courage to be strengthened, their weaknesses to conquered, in fact their character to be formed again so as to suit the timers© as to fit with (35) the spirit of the age."

He wrote a long article in 1872, entitled "A Theist's confession of Faith", published in the Hindu Reformer. There are two outstanding characteristics to be found in Ranade's A Theist's Confession of faith. In the first place it is an attempt to harmonize all religion with which Indians become similar. His essay was only a statement of the position of pure Theism on some important question in religions specular tion. In tiie second place, the essay is an attempt to harmonize reason with faith. He says there are some problems which men cannot understand at all# such as the origin of the vrorld, and the relationship between God and matter.

(35) The Miscellaneous writings of the Late Hon* bla Justice M.G. Ranade by Mr. D.E. Wacha, P. 112. (36) P.J. Jagirdar, M.G. Ranade, PP. 34-35. - 74 -

All through his writings Ranade appeals to his students as a believer in and advocate of a refined and philosophic form of theism. He was a prominent member of the Prarthana Samaj and frequently prayed and preached from its pupil. He did not personally believe in worship of idols, but he tolerated it among others and did not make a fetish of either. He did not even hesitate to go to temples for preaching where idols were worshipped/ because he cared more about explaining his ideas than the place where they i^ere preached.

AS Gokhale once said : "^e wanted his ideeis to reach his countrymen and he had no objection to going wherever they were assembled, provided he got an opportunity to speak to them. V^hile preaching, he tried to make his address easily intelli

It would be ^propriate to notice an ??ddress on Hindu Protestantism tnac Ranade delivered at the Bombay Frarthana Sarraj in 1895 in which he referred to the work of the Mahratta poet-Saints. According to Ranade th^ poet-saints preached ahagwat Dliarma and the Prarthana Samaj was merely continuing their tradition although it was stigmatised by its critics as an organisation blindly copying the Christian Church. Ranade compared their work to that of Luther and Calvin, Knox and Latimer in Europe. - 75 -

He made it clear that he had based his observations on the biographies of the saints written by Nabhaji, Udhav-chidghan and Priyadas and made more familiar by Mahipati. About 100 saints and prophets are dealt with by Mahipati and about 50 of them hail from Maharashtra. Annong them were ten woman, ten Muslims, 40 non-Brahmins and 40 Brahmins. They included t>utchers, weavers, oilmen, gardeners, potters, goldsmiths, barbers, Mahars, princes and peasants, bankers and soldiers. Ranade regarded tnis as the most noteworthy feature of what he called the Protestant movement in India. Their work led to no wars, no bloodshed,no persecutions, no injunctions, no fines and no banishments. They worked silently as God's voice worked in them, silently but surely. (37)

From these religious tenets followed Ranade* s ideas of social reform. Since man is essentially divine and all men are equal, it is natural to conclude that human society which is the consecjuence of the God-implanted social instinct in man is equally divine. Hence progress of the individual and society is moral progress, which implies the removal of those customs, institution and modes of beiiaviour which obstruct nature of man. He affirmed that "reform is really the work of liberation-liberation from the restraints imposed upon an essentially superior religion, law and polity institutions and customs, by our surrender to the pressure of mere brute force for selfish advancement." (38)

(37) T.V. Parvate, A Diography of M.G. Ranade, PP. 59-61. (38) Religion and Social R^forrri j A collection of Esaays and speeches by M.G. Ranade, collected and compiled by M.B. Kolaskar, Dombay, 1902, P. 13-14. - 76 -

In his address on "Revival and Reform", he stated that it is not the outward form txit the inward form, the*ought and ' the idea which determines the outward form that hasgto be changed, if real reformation is desired. The root ideas which required change were isolationism, sutxnission to outward fOEx:e rather than to the voice of concience, observance of differences between man and man based on heredity, passive acquiescence in evil or wrong doing, and a general indifference to secular well-being, (39) almost bordering on fatalism.

The reformers which he persistently advocated, the most Important were the establishment of the equality of men which involved the abolition of caste and the recognition of inter- caste marriages, the prohibition of child marriage, the legali­ sation of the marriage of widows, the repudiation of the seclu­ sion of women, and the promoti(t>n of women's education, the rejection of all irrational and cruel customs and all practices which degrated human beings. In short, social reform was the purification and improvement of the individual and the recasting of the family, village, tribe and nation into new moulds. His striving for reforms based upon his faith in the idea of progress. But progress, according to him, did not mean merely an improvement in the material conditions of life, nor even in the knowledge, but rather in the moral and spiritual conditions.

(39) IBID, P. 172. (40) Tara Chand, history or the freedum movement in India, Vol. TI, P.TTTTT - 77 -

A man of religion above everything else-that was Ranade and this pnase of his character influenced all his activity. He more than fulfilled Gandhiji's definition of a man of religion. Gandhiji said i "A man who leads a dedicated life, who is simple in habits, who xs the very image of truth, who is full of humanity, who calls nothing his own-such a man is a man of religion, wl'iether he himself is or is not conscious of^it". Agarkar or Gokhale fulfilled Gandhiji's test, but Ranade's qualifications actually txceeded the requirements. He was an incorrigible theist : In Ranade's scheme, through man is not freed from the authority of God, the conceptions of God and Religion ar^ so recast that religious belief is founded on conscience and an individual is freed from tyranny of textual authorities, the infallibility of (41) prophets and the mediation of redeemers.

PROMPTING EDUCATION, ESPECIALLY Al^NG WOMEN :

The cause of education had always been near to Ranade's heart. Himself a product of the new educational system, he was convinced that Western learning which was conveyed through education could bring about a great traniS format ion of the country and thus lift it from its prevailing degraded position. He was, therefore, eager to see the spread of education. He greatly deplored the social custom which denied education to women and which looked indi gnantly on any attempt to educate

(41) T.V. Parvate, A Biography of M.G. Ranada, P. 62

' ^^-2 92 Z - 78 -

them. Ranade faced steadly criticism wnerever his efforts broke new ground# and nowhere was thus mere true than in his establishment of western-oriented primary and secondary schools for Brahmin girls.

Promoting education among women was a social problem. Not financial considerations but pablic opinion was what obstructed it. Society was dreadfully keen that women must nut be educated. Sharp opposition to women's education came from women no less than from men. Illiteracy was the correct thing; literacy in Marathi could be barely tolerated and that too only if it was used to read religious books exclusively. Literacy in English was something abhorent. Ranade*s first practical effort in the direction of this reform was to educate one women, his wife. His first wife, who passed away in 1873, was literate in Harathi. 3ut when he married again, the very first day he met his second wife he learned that she was not literate. He immediately ordered a slate and a pensil and gave her the first lesson in the Marathi alphabet. And that was raising a hornet's nest. Her learning and eloquence were an asset to the reform movement.

Once a meeting was held to place before the Governor, Sir James Fergusson, the demand for high school for girls in poona. By now Rambai could barely read. She was assigned - 79 -

the task of reading the address tc the Governor. Ranade wrote the address and got it read by here at horre seven or eight times, and then she read it out at the public meeting. Hearing this, the women at home harangued her for several hours, "So for this reading and v/riting had been going on inside the house, but today even that limit has been crossed*. Turning to Ranade, his aunt said, "Are you not ashamed to see your wife reading out in English in the presence of two thousand people"? Ranade heard it all quietly, when, at night, the husband and wife went upstairs, Ranade, said, "Let us maxe up our minds to with stand this severe attack with courage and patience. Please do not hurt her or answer back. Remember this-never say anything, but never fail to do what you consider to be correct and proper.

Like widow-remarriage, women's education was an important issue on wnich the social reformers and the orthdox were sharply divided. And everybody was orthdox, except the few pronounced reformers. It was feared by the orthodox that v^iomen on learning English would adopt English woman's ways of thought and behaviour, they would treat men as equals, would mix freely with them, and \/ould stop doing domestic work as did the wives of English oiificidis. This was ail against the traditional Hindu culture of the time. On the other hand, the reformers - 80 -

pleaded that the English language was the vehicle of a worthy type of culture and that woman should not be kept shut off from it. Besides, they disliked the cultural disparity between the educated husband and his wife ignorant of English.

Social conservatism in Maharashtra received a new Impetus with the powerful advocacy of its cause by Vishnu Krishna Chiplunkar through his Marathi monthly "Nibandhamala" started in 1874. This Journal ushered in a new era of cultural nationalism of which the foremost leader was Bal G. Tilak. One characteristic of this cultural nationalism was that it minimised the need for social reform. The orthodox social conservatives found great support in tne English-educated group of cultured nationalists. Both joined in defending old customs and in rejecting Western influences.

It is against this barkground that Ranade initiated a move to start a high school for girls in Poona* William Wedderburn , the Collector of Poena/ handed over to Ranade a donation of lOOO rupees to be devoted to Indian women's education. Ranade then collected a few thousand rupees more. In 1882 he called a meeting of friends and sympa­ thisers which decided to start a high school for girls. Its sponsors included, besides Ranade, R.G. Bhandarkar, W.A. Modak and 3. Pandurang Pandit. They obtained a site from the Governirent. And this was started the female High School of poona. The orttiodox opposition expressed itself - 81 -

strongly ana generally admitted that woiT,en may ba educated up to some extendi say up to the primary school level, but (42) denied the necessity of a high schoal.

He and his wife Rambai founded a primary school for won,en in 1831, which at first only the wives and daughters of social reformers atterided. Its regular teachers were women, but influential reformers sometimes gave talks to encourage young ladies to emerge from the seclusion of tneir hemes,, In 1882 she and Ranade together founded the Arya Mahila Samaj , a social service organisation for women which was in effort an extension of the work of the Prarthana Samaj. In Sept., 1882 Ranade was given an opportunity simultaneously to publicize wcmen's education and to defend the virtues of Hindu civili­ zation when the "Hunter Education Commission" visited poona. Its Chairman, W.W. Hunter, was one of the most popular British officials in Indian circles.

At the opening meeting in Poona, Hunter pointly reproved the educators of Poona for doing for less than was done else­ where to promote women's education. Shortly, thereafter Hunter visited the Arya Manila Samaj, and Ranade took a opportunity to defend the city's record. Proceeding from there, Ranade and other social reformers, founded the Huzur Paga School, a girls high's school, in July 1884. It was immediately attacked by the orthodox party in poona, who saw it as a further threat to traditional Hindu values.

(42) P.J. Jagirdar, M.G. Ranade, PP. 75-79. - 82 -

AS always in his educational ventures of this period, Ranade gained influential support from sympathetic Englishmen in Poona. William l^jedder burn agreed to become Chairman of the Huzur Paga School. This led a few months later to the completion of the edifice of'Women's education, when Ranade and friends founded the "Poona Female Training College." At each stage Ranade insisted that Government had a positive (43) supporting role to play in the modernization of education.

In 1889 Ranade gave his valued support to a semi-educa­ tional institutional called SharadaSadan (a resident school for Indian girls, especially widows). The institution was intended to provide a home and a school for widows. Its chiefs object was to provide an asylum for young widows, AS could be expected, the orthodox gro-jip was hostile to it, £ ince it combined two aspects of social reform, namely a concern for widows and an opportunity of women's education. This institution was founded by a lady knov/n as Pandita Rambai. She gave lectures in Calcutta on the high status of women in ancient India and advocated '/WDmen's right to educate on. She was unsparing in her criticism of the current form of Hinduism which declared that there was no (44) salvation for women nor for men other than Brahmins.

(43) Rechard P. Tucker, Ranade and the Roots of Indian Nationalism, p ,P . 171-^2. (44) P,J. Jagirdar, M,G. Ranade, PP. 81-82. - 83 -

Ranade, who was in through sympathy with the object, attendea a meeting at which Miss Hamlin/ the Fandita's assistant, tried to stir up the support of the Poona folk. During the meeting Ronade's mind seems to have been much agitated as to what he should ao. At the last movement ha saw his path clear* and, just as the people were 5tai"ting to leave the hall he rose to his feet and Said that there and then they must set up a body to carry on this Widow's Home, otherwise they would be failing in their duty. AS a resutl of the short, but forceful, speech that he made about 40 persons signified their willingness to take part in the directing body. T^e Kesari made much capital out of the fact that the Pandita waS a Christian, and urged that it was not right to give the education of Hindu women into her care. Ranade's answer was that, that fact of the teacher being a christian was irrelevant, especi­ ally as it had been agreed that the school would be strictly secular in its character. The important point, Ranade said, was not the Pandita's religion but the usefulness of her institution, and the advant ages that through it would be enjoyed by friendless Hindu widows. Later on, however, when it became evident that some of the inmates of the institution were being strongly attracted towards Christianity by the Pandita's personal character, Ranade and his firends in 1893 publicly disowned all connection v/ith the institution Ranade started a plan for the establishment of another Sadan, and got the length of publishing a notice in the papers regarding his intension, but the plan did not mature. '

(45) James Kellock, K.G. Ranade, PP. 103-4. CHAPTER - IV

RANADE AND THB INDIAN SOCIAL CONFERENCE

B.M. Malabarl had never expected an easy success in his battle against the forces of darkness. As early as his Notes he anticipated the need for a nation-wide campaign for women's rights# suggesting the formation of "a national association for social reform with the existing societies as branches," to serve as a co-ordinating body for social reform. By 1885 he launched an effort throughout India to elicit popular support for new legislation on the marriage age. From this time onward the social reform movement l3ecame national in scope. Its character changed as dramatically as the political move­ ment changed with the founding of the Indian National Congress in the Same year. The appearance of Malabari*s Notes marked the first national social debate for officials and refoimersi from all parts of India Joined the discussion of marriage practices. It was also a time of organizational efforts.^ '

When the Indian National Congress was founded at Bombay in 1885• it Was felt by the leaders of the movement and some of our English and other friends that national movement should not be exclusively political, but that side by side with the consideration of political questions* (Questions affecting our social economy should also be discussed and the best endeavours should be put forth for ameliorating the existing condition of our society. With this view, Dewan Bahadur R. Raghunath Rao and Mr. Justice M.O. Ranade delivered addressed on Social Reform on the occasion of the meeting of the First Congress (2) at Bombay.

Discussion, however, was going on emong the leaders of the Congress movement and other leaders of educated Indian thought and

(1) R.P. Tucker, Ranade and the Roots of Indian Nationalism, PP.214-15, (2) C.Y. Chintamani, Indian Social Reform, Appendix for resolutions passed by the Conference through the year 1900, p. 365 - 85 - opinion whether the Congress itself as such should, concern itself with social questions or whether a separate movement should be started for the discussion of social questions. There were several very weighty considerations, dwelt upon by Messrs. Dadabhai Naoroji's Presidential address at the Second Congiress in Calcutta provided the frank reasoning behind the congress decision to omit discussion of social refono* He asJced why a purely political body should be reqpiired to take up social problems, it would be Just as appropriate to do so, as for the House of common to discuss the abstruser problems of metaphysics, he said.

The congress President then exposed the most serious objec­ tion that he had to social reform discussions. "Iriow" he asked, "Can this gathering of all classes discuss the social reforms in each individual class 7 What do any of us know of the internal horaelife, of the traditions, customs, feelings, prejudices of any class but his own ? Only the members of that class can effectively deal with the reform therein needed. A National Congress must confine itself to questions in which the entire nation has a direct participationf and it must leave the adjust­ ment of social refers and other class questions, to class congresses." Naoroji understood the immense task of uniting even English-educated men by their adherence to all-India ideals and programmes, and he Judged that unity on political issues Was all that could be expected* '

(3) Charles H. Heimsath, Indian Nationalism and Hindu Social Rtfopns, p. 188. (4) Dadabhai Naoroji, Essays, Speeches, address and writings (ed« C.L. Prakash), P. 468. — --__-_-_«_ - 86 -

N.G, Chandavarkar, one of the most zealous social reformers, reported that the Congress delegates "all agreed that our primary object was union, that questions on which all felt alike ought alone to be taken up by the Congress and by following such a course alone we hope to unite all and make them see the necessity of social reform"* Almost simultaneously K.T. Telang, another of ^anade' s close associates in Bombay* delivereci a speech entitled "Must social Reform precede Political Reform'' which provided the Congress with its most powerful justification for excluding social controversies from its debates. In the event, the Congress maintained a policy of leaving social reform to its members on an individual basis.

The government was critical of the decision in the Congress to avoid social questions. Lord Dufferin, the Viceroy, had originally encouraged the founding of the Congress, presuming that it would promote social causes. v/hen the Congress emerged as an exclusively political agi­ tation, his hopes were dashed.

The more vigorous reformers felt that the growing interest in politics, sponsored by congress, forced into the background the primary aim of social regeneration of the nation, many of them urged the priority of social reform over political reform. Malabari'3 voice, heard

5. Richard P. Tucker, Ranade and the Roots of Indian Nationalism, PP. 2IS-16. - 87 .

through the Indian Spectator, was especially strong in arguing that if Indians wanted to acquire the political institutions of the west they would first have to assimilate, to some extent at least, VJestern "moral and social usages ".

R.G» Bhandarkar asserted that "without the acquisition of certain virtues and without a reforra of our social institutions real political advance is impossible.' The noted northern Indian reformer Laia Baljinath expressed the same idea in an essay written in 1891."The subject of social reforra is to my mind even of greater importance than political reforms, for political reform can only be useful when those vrho seek it are physically, mentally and morally capable of using it to be the best advantage*

However, the leaders, after much careful thought between social versus political reform, came to the conclusion that it would be better if the congress did not make it part of its function to deal directly with the discussion of social questions, so it was at last resolved after mature deliberation by, among others, Dewan B.R. Raghunath Rao, Mr. M.G. Ranade, Mr. Norendra Nath Sen and Mr. Jankinath Ghosal, that a separate movanent called the Indian National social Conference, should be started

6. Dayarara Giduraal, The Life and Life work of B«M. Malabari, P. 144. ' — 7. R.G. Bhandarkar. Collected works of R.G. Bhandarkar, I., P. 453. ' ~~ 8* Lai Baljnath, some Problems of Social Reform (Pamphlet) Aligarh. 189I, P. 14. - 88 -

for the reconstruction of subjects relating to our social problems Dewan B.R. Raghunath may be styled the father of this movement and M.G, Ranade its wet-nurse. Madras had honour of being the birth-place of the conference.

The object of the social conference was to stimulate and to strength the forces of reform by bringing together every year in mutual consulation representatives of the various associations and movenents which, scattered over all India, were struggling with the social evils. A great deal of good and hopeful work in the way of social reform was being done here and there throughout the country. It strengthened the hands of local societies, formulated methods, and guided the reforming aspirations. It brought the ideas of social reform home to a much wider public, and it gave powerful reinforcement to the scattered reformers in their struggle with inertia and reaction.^

Ranade threw himself into the work with immense zeal and with untiring perseverance. He defined for the assembled reformers and delegates from local groups the purposes of the conference. It was not to supersede the local reform bodies by undertaking action or propaganda of its own, nor was it to specify particular goals and methods which would be binding locally. Instead, the conference was intended to encourage local reformers by

9. Jaries Kgllock, M.Q. Kanade, P. 89. - 89 -

giving to their work its proper national recognition and by drawing them together annually for mutual inspiration. It appeared possible that some common principles to guide a national reform movement could be agreed upon,along with a general consensus on the methods to be followed. Infact, Ranade believed that appealing to the conscience of the people, to their sense of right and wrong, sinful and virtuous, was the best method of social reform, when the conference held its first meeting at the time of the Madras session in 1887. The work done at the First Conference, however, was not much. "Among important resolutions it was agreed by the members then present that this meeting recognised the necessity of holding Annual National Conferences in different parts of India for considering and adopting measures necessary for the improvement of the status of our society, and for oxir social usages that steps should be taken to organise and establish Provincial Sub-Committees of the Conference, that among other social subjects which the Conference might take-up, those relating to the disabilities attendant on distant sea-vogages, the ruinous expenses of marriage, the limitations of age below which marriages should not take place, the remarriages of youthful widows, the evils of the remarriages of oldmen with young girls, and inter­ marriages between sub-divisions of the same caste-should

10. C.H. Heimsath, Indian Nationalism and Hindu Social Rftfonn, Ranade*s Speech at the Second Social Con£«renca, Allahabad, 1888, P. 193. - 90 -

form the subjects for discussion and determination, that the fundamental principles, implied in the pledge of the manbership of each of the sub-committees, should be binding upon the members under the penalties agreed upon by the members of such sub-committees.

These principles should be carried out and enforced as regards the members vrtio might agree to be bound by such penalties, (A> by the sub-committees themselves, or (B) through their spiritual heads, (C) through Civil courts, or failing all, (D) by application to Government to enforce the rules in respect of their own pledged 11 manber s. Although religious and social reform retained their conjunction in the Samajes and in the minds of many Indians, the all-India social reform movement was based on a secular ideology, nationalism. For Ranade, whose own ideas of social reform rested on personal religion and morality, the Social Conference was on organization which had an intellectual integrity only so far as it stood for national regeneration. It was understood as a component of the nationalist movement, with intellectual roots identical with those of the Congress.^^

11. Chintamani, Indian social Reform, Appendix, PP. 365-66. 12. M.G. Ranade, Miscellaneous Writings, PP. Il3-l4. - 91 -

In their work for national regeneration the Conference and the Congress, Ranade said, 'Vere two sisters..*.. The Cause of the conference (is) the cause of the well-being of the people, even as the cause of the Congress (is) the cause of (the) country progress". The Congress and the Conference together made Indians feel, that politically they were a united nation, and that their social arrange­ ments were being subjected to the inspiring influences of the national spirit. Though the differences are great for purposes of immediate and practical, reform, yet there is a background of common traditions, common religion, common laws and institutions and customs and perversions of such customs, which make it possible to deliberate together in spite of our differences. 13

Each year when the Social Conference met in some one of the provincial capitals of India, Ranade used to give an address. The following is a typical opening to these address : "Mr. President and Gentlemen", he said at Allahabad, in 1892", once more we meet in this busy week of December, this time in your historical and holy city, to take stock of our year's achievements, to count our losses and gains, and to pledge ourselves to help each other in the unceasing struggle to better our condition".

13. M.G. Ranade, Miscellaneous writings, P. 89. - 92 -

Reading the conference addresses one feels as if one were watching an able general directing a campaign* We see him keeping his eye always on the ultimate goal , and Judging every apparent success or failuire in relation to that goal, we see him pressing his forces onwards and yet taking care that impatience and over- enthusiasm do not carry the line too forward.. We see him keeping up the morale of his army by infusing into it his own robust and reasoned optimian. 14 Ranade presented to the conference yearly summaries of the progress being made throughout the country.

The Conference discussed and passed resolutions favouring : raising marriage ages (to 12 and 18), prohi­ bition of imprisonment of women in conjugal rights cases. discouragement of marriages in which differences in ages between the parties exceeded thirty years, reduction in marriage expanses, remarriage of child widows, prevention of disfigurement of child widows and other improvements in the condition of widows, inter-marriage between castes which inter-dined, discouragement of the custom of paying a bridge-price, discouragement of polygamy and Kulinism, and support of female education.

14. James Kellock, M.C,. Ranade, PP. 89-90, 15. Chintamani, Indian Social Reform, Appendix* for resolutions passea oy tne OOnfBlence through the year. 1900. - 93 -

If the resolutions passed on female advancanent and marriage reform are for the movement ignored, the remaining subjects on which Conference took stands reflected the parochial!an of the local reform groups and limited areas for possible common efforts among them. Resolutions were frequently passed whose purpose was not to identify a nationalwide social problem but to lend the encouragement of the national body to a small, struggling group of reformers. Madras reformers, for example, although surrounded by more basic hindrance to progress, undertook campaigns against alcohol consumption and nautch dancing, and their work received growing support in certain north Indian provinces^several resolutions were passed by the Conference on those matters.

From Bengal the Conference received very little backing, due to the absence there of any regularly- wl6 constituted social reforms associations. As Dr. Bhandarkar said in his Presidential address to the 1895 Conference, in Bengal, "Social reform is nDw confined to Brahmos. The great body of educated Bengalees, who are not Brahmos, (17) are indifferent or hostile. Tovards the close of the century, which also marked the end of Ranade's leadership of the Conference, there were evidences that social reform leaders, increasingly

16. Report of the Seventh Social Conference, Lahore, 1893, P. 52. ~~ 17. C.Y. Chlntamanl, Indian Social Reform, Parit-III. P. 186. - 94 -

concerned with the problem of general (as opposed to local and individual) progress, were willing to confront India's most fundamental wd perplexing social phenoraesna caste. The inferior condition of women was an equally basic problem, and reformers had long been actively aware of it, but prograita for female progress continued to he restricted to women of the upper castes. Non-marriage of widows, child-marriage, ln-assorted marriages, heavy bridge prices, and polygamy were all customs associated chiefly with high-caste groups. Recognition of the caste system as probably the greatest obstacle to progress appeared in early social reform v/ritings, but no public bodies had ventured to take a stand against the organization of Hindu (18) society on caste-lines. As circumstances showed, such looseness of cons­ titution and lack of discipline among its adherents was a sine-qua-non of the Conference's existence. For example, K. subraraanyam Aiyar, a speaker at the eighth Conference, announced that he could not personally, sanction widow remarriage, one of the more generally accepted reform. He went on tovoice the stand that most conference delegates would accept : I heartily sympathize with every reform that has been urged from this platform today, but I am prepared to take action only with reference to a few of them, and you may rest assured that there are a good

(18) c.H. Heimsath, Indian Nationalism and Hindu Social Rfforni P. 197. - 95 -

many like roe.

In the early years of the National social Conference, at least, several hundred persons might be expected to attend, almost all of them delegates to the Congress as well as interested local Inhabitants, including students. Most observers of the proceedings were not active social reformers, and not a few were present out of curiosity and sometimes even hostility. Ranade ordingly took charges of the local arrangements and sent out the invitations to refoinn associations to send delegates. The choice of President, nearly always a prominent local figure * and decisions on the agenda and even the wording of resolutions were made Ranade and a small group of supporters.

Although of great importance in the Western Indian reform movement, the Par sis of Bombay took little part in social Conference, regarding it, sometimes with sym­ pathetic interest, as a loosely organised beginning of a much-needed Hindu social reorganisation. Malabari, the leading Parsi reformer, was often at odds with the compromising Ranade, who in turn resented Malabari*s (2.0) coolness toward congress political agitation. Muslim leaders generally avoided the Conference, which they, too, considered a Hindu organization. The participation in the Conference of Budruddin Tyebji, a Bombay Muslim reformer. (1^) Report of the Eighth National Social Conference. Madras, 1994 , P. 37. (20) ^* Natarajan, A Century of social Reform in India, P. 70, - 96 -

provided the only exception to the important conclusion of s. Natarajan that the Hindu and Muslim social reform "streams" never came together at the Conf erence. *^^'

By the end of the century certain voices associated with the conference were being raised in protest against the Ranade-Telang "School" because of its toleration of public inaction and private backsliding. Narayan G. Chandavarkar challenged the "line of least resistance" principle which, "once made the keynote of social reform, was bound to wreck the cause and prove a plea for indo­ lence and in act ion. And the Indian Social Reformer, the Madras Journal for which Chandavakar was the Bombay correspondent, maintained a steady line of criticisn directed at Ranade. Its critician of the Ranade-Telang School and the social Conference reflected the views of Chandavakar, who was to assume the leadership of the Conference after Ranade*3 death in 1901.

Another leader, who had become more ^gressivc and more orthodox in nature and roused gigantic crowds from amongst the orthodox and the moderates to oppose the social Conference forum, was Tilak who believed that the root necessity was political liberty, and that this end should be pursued to exclusion, if necessary, of everything else and he felt that by all means the independence, confidence, and pride of naturality must be fostered

(21) Ibid., p. 31. - 97 -

among the Indians. In the midst of these altered circum­ stances* Tilak was capturing the masses to join the Congress. In the process* the social Conference was getting lost to the majority.^22)

The conference was scarcely an organised body* it had no permanent staff, no office, and no publications, other than the yearly report of Conference proceedings. It was, simply, a Conference, whose influence in public life was largely reflection of its leader's influence. People acted with Ranade and supported the Conference because of personal devotion to their chosen leader. Impressed with Ranade*s spirit or soul-often referred to in such terms-men considered him as an ideal type who must be venerated. Indeeds he was not steadfast, not heroic, he vad-Hated and urged others to be cautious. But despite this-or perhaps because of this - he provided a leadership, based chiefly on his personality, which all could recogniae and many could revere. The organised national social reform movement was strong as was Ranade, and several dozen lesser leaders, without them, the movement did not exist. ^23)

In spite of the critician, Ranade's service to the social reform movement was in establishing its character as a national movement. The platform of the

(22) James Kallock, M.(j. Ranade* p. 99.

(23) Charles H. Heimsath, Indian Nationalism and Hindu Social RAforin* PP. 200-4. - 98 -

National Social Conference was his favourite place to say all that he wanted to convey his countrymen in the course of social reform. His early addresses from that pulpit constitute a mine of gems that his thoughts were. The conference platform was the central place to which indi­ viduals and representatives of institutions doing social reform work gathered together from year to year. Generally* the Social Conference Session followed that of the Indian National Congress and many congress delegates were delegates of the Social Conference as well. He never despaired or felt depressed or disheartened. Indeed he turned even hostile demonstrations to derive useful less ions there­ from as could be seen from his concluding address to the Poona Social Conference in 1895* when for the first time and the loast time the National Social Conference was not held in the National Congress pandal.

(24) T.V. Parvate, A Biography of M.G. Ranade# P. 149. CHAPTER - V

CONCLUSION

To the present generation of Indians, it is somewhat intriguing that Mahadev Govinda Ranade achieved this distinction even when he spent his whole life in Government service and without neglecting in the least the obligations of the high positions he held. He was essentially a man of peace and goodwill towards all and he had no ambition for personal distinction. The duties of a judicial officer, suited him best as means of earning his livelihood. He never felt embarrassed on account of his responsibility to Government for what he was doing. He was satisfied that he was doing his duty to his countrymen and his official duties simultaneously without impairing his self-respect. His service in the government as a judge did not restrain him from involvement in social and political reform.

A stronger believer in all round reform, was associated with a number of social, religious, educational, political and economic institutions of Poona and Bombay, His association with the Prathana Samaj, Social Conference, Poona Sarvajanik Sabha (Political Organisation from Poona), Indian National Congress and Industrial Conference was very close and significant. Being a government servant and a leader of social and political reform movement, Ranade was one of the most sophisticated thinkers of ths 19th century. In fact, he provided a philosophical

- 99 - - 100 -

foundation to the Indian liberal movement. He could do this because he was well grounded in Indian and European philosophy and had a historical and comparative under­ standing of socio-economic and political developments in India and the world at large*

The significance of Ranade's life is to be founded mainly in the far spreading web of his mind in his diagnoses of India's social* political* economic and religious ills, and in the remedies that he both propounded and endeavoured to apply. The worth of his personality and significance of his work were well described by Gokhale in his speech in 1904 "Mr. Ranade was a pre-«ninently great and a pre-eminently good man - a great thinker, a great scholar, a great worker* a saintly man in private life,* • He was eminently a man of many sided activities. Ranade was carved in a big mould in body and in mind. His studies had amplitude and depth above the common man. History, politics, economics, blue books, Sanskrit literature and Marathi literature - these and similar subjects made-up his gargantuan face".

Ranada's knowledge and experience in the official and non-official sphere were at the service of a patriotism, fervent and sleepless. Like a true Rishi he had toleration and mercy for all and planned and laboured for all alike. His Marathi sermons are considered by competent Judges to constitute a valuable and inspiring course in the doctrine and practices of theism. Indeed, one of the

(1) P.J. Jaqirdar, M.Q, Ranade, P. 139. - 101 -

dearest dreams o£ his ll£e was to have a common platform on which members o£ the different ccxnmunltles might stand together for national purpose, and regard themselves an Indian first, Hindus, Mohamedans, Parsees, Ch ristlans, afterwards. He desired progress along all lines of human activity and for all classes and ranks of the people. He desired us, above everything else, to realisethe essen­ tial dignity of man as man. About his towering intellec­ tual pre-eminence, his enormous Industry, his steady pursuit of vrtiat appeared to him to be good ends^ his selfish devotion to the causes he had at heart, his simplicity of habits and demeanour, his indomitable hope­ fulness and cherished optimism, there are no differences of opinion. About his moral fervour, and his piety in the best sense of the term, there is no question.

His philosophy of social change in India was that of all change occurred by evolution and not by revolution. The protagonist of reform, therefore, must not be revolu­ tionaries trying to achieve the work of a century in a decade. They must seek to turn the stream with a gentle bend here and a gentle bend there, to fructify the land, we cannot afford to dam it up together or force it into a new channel. It was because of this philosophy of social reform that Ranade place some reliance on the method of shastric reinterpretation Instead of taking his stand solely on reason and humanism. He believed - 102 -

that an intellectual and moral purification could came about without destroying traditional virtues. His aims of purifying without destoying Hinduism,

AS social reformer a veritably thorny one, full of pitfalls and subterranean mines, Mr, Ranade's guiding u principle might be quoted in his own words National prejudices, national customs, and national habits cannot be swept away in a day or a year. Ranade's conviction that the core of true religion is found in a moral and personal relationship between the soul and God, is - reflected in the zest with which he traces the parallel between the Protestant Reformation in Europe and the work of the saints and prophets of Maharashtra. The Protestant's fight against the authority of the priest, and against raonasti- cism, and celibacy* he compares with the protest against the tyranny of caste and against an unspiritual reliance on self-mortification, fasts, penances, and pilgrimages. The protest against image - worship and saintworship is paralleled by the condemnation in theory and practice of polytheistic worship. He shows how, in both the reform movements, supreme emphasis is placed upon love and faith for the soul's acceptance with God. He believed that the soul is a spirit and has being by itself and immortal. The soul is immortal and lives after death, which separates It from the body. God'^ will governs and regulate inanimate and - 103 -

unconsclences matter as well as voluntary and self- conscious spirits by a scheme of providence, salvation is attained by faith, devotion, prayer and submission to God*s will, by the love of man and love of man and love of God, and by the practice of virtue and piety.

Ranade had the vision to see India* s life as whole the past producing the present and learning on to the future. He had an unerring instict to see the possibilities of the situation for evil and good. The nat\iral situation of the country, the mixture of races and the capacity for a healthy and progressive absorption of all that was beneficial in new culture - these foundations of India's intellectual heritages, substantiated his hopes. To supply to each individual an environment where his fullest freedom to develop would be assured is our main task. Freedom can hardly be used for a constructive and expan­ ding purpose unless the welfare of physical life is secured as a means to the moral and cultural achievement of the race. Every person and every nation has to meet the challenge of the situation as they are confronted with it, not forgetting its significance for the wider human struggle. A life of constant striving for secure freedom and equality for all - this would be a fitting description of Ranade's life and teachings.

Ranade';^ greatest individual achievement was almost single-handed creation of the National Social Conference -104

provided a significant service to local reform associations, by opening a channel for their inter-cotranunication. Appended to each year's Conference Report were description of local bodies, for example, proceduresfor establishing a body and getting it registered with the authorities, sample character, and statement of purpose, llhe conference discussed and passed resolutions favouring raising marriage ages (12 and 18), prohibition of imprisonment for women in conjugal rights cases, reduction in marriage expenses, re->marriage of child widows, inter-marriage between castes which inter-dined, discouragement of the custom of paying a bridge-prize, discouragement of polygamy and Kulinisro, and support of female education.

Towards the close of the century, which also marked the end of Ranade's leadership of the Conference, there were evidences that social reform leaders, increasingly concerned with the prolems of general (as opposed to local and individual) progress, were willing to confront India's most fundamental and perplexing social phenomena, caste. The inferior condition of women was an equally basic problem, and reformers had long been actively aware of it, but programmes for female progress conti­ nued to be restricted to women of the upper castes, re-marriage, of widows, child marriage, ill-assorted marriages, heavy bridge prices, and polygamy were all customers associated chiefly with high caste group. Recognition of the Caste system as probably the greatest obstacle to progress - 105 -

ajjpeared m early reform writings, but no public bodies had ventured to take a stand against the organisation of Hindu society On caste lines.

The social Conference in 1895 made the first move directing national attention to the benefits of caste movement a passing resolution favouring the uplift of pariahs and untouchables and succeeding Conference reaffirmed the motion. Never, upto the time of conference's demise in 1933, was any discipline enforced by it upon local associations or their members, in contrast to what the National congress did under Gandhi, nor did the Conference organize local reform bodies as the Congress did local units. Ranade's service to the social reform movement was in establishing its character as a national movement. But the conference was scarcely an organised body, it had no permanent staff, no office and no publications, other than the yearly report of Conference proceedings. It was simply, a ConfeEence, whose influence in public life was largely a reflection of its leader's influence,

Ranade was just the type of young man whom the higher urges of the time spirit would find a welcome, and we see him in his student days eagerly responding to its imperious summons. It is study that made him an independent thinker, a cautious guide, anl a Sana philosopher. He was fully conscious of the vital need to educate the new generation in - 106 -

tbe spirit as also the methods of new life of freedom and creativeness which he wanted to see realised in India, not only for the individual but also for the community, and in fact for humanity at large. He wanted that young Indiainsto be aware of his high descent and higher destiny at a early stage as possible* The system of education,he thought, ought to empha­ size the wider human and universal significance of the efforts of each individual and each people.

While Ranade urged upon the teachers the necessity of taking to their duties in a spirit of natural and wider human service. The teachers o\>m devotion to learning a primarily instrumental in prcamoting a similar attitudes of mind among the pupils. He wanted that science should be studied with a veiw to serve human needs* He designed that arts should be developed to improve the finer sensibilities of the people. For physical as well as for cultural achievements he could visualise the full implication of a position of organised strength and hence he designed to produce in India a type of mental outlook and physical organisation which was a help in the course of India's liberation and progress.

He never shied attaclcing the faults of the British administrations when ha found them, but he did not hesitate to give them credit when it was due. He took a leading part in the growth of the Indian Economics Conference, studied - 107 -

the conditions of agriculture and the peasantry in their various phases and became an unequalled authority on questions of land revenue, land tenure and land improvement. He was one of the poineers among writers on the economics problems of India, he provided a scientific justification for an Indian point of views and is truly called the Father of Indian Economics. He also laid the foundations of hist,orical research in Maharashtra, and as historianf conclusively proved Shivaji's innate nobility of character.

He tried to educate the public by his aitides on political, industrial, agricultural, educational and econcsnlc questions of the day. This work he did through the Poona Sarvajanic Sabha and its Quarterly. The Times of India says, "The Late Justice M.G. Ranade's contributions on political. Economical and Industrial subjects are model essay.We call upon (2) his younger friends to edit them and rescure them." Piety and liberalism were the most pronounced factors of his complex personality which was different from that of his contemporaries as Dadabhai Naoroji, Gopal Rao H. Deshmukh, Pherozeshah Mehta» Mandlik and Telang. There was no militancy in him. Peaceful progress was his watch word and he shunned every kind of strife from the bottom of his heart. All his achievement a have to be assessed ivithln these limitations* All these men regarded the British rule as a blessing, but

(2) 2nd February, 1901. - 108 -

with certain reservations, it was not an identical feeling. Though all of them appeared to be moderate and discipilned men, all Of them were not temperamentally moderate, some of them were capable of being indignant, resentful and assertive on occasions, but never Ranade, whether in his private dealings or public.

In all departments of national endeavotir and upliftment he was a poineer, and it would be the base truth to say him that he was the most considerable and influential among the builders of modern India. He himself once enumerated the elements that go to the making of a great man-earnestness o£ purpose, sincerity in action, originally, imagination and above all the povrer of magnetism we might call it vital or spiritual magnetism. He was a man with a mission of life - preacher of a new gospel, one who imported a new impulse to our thought and breathed a new hope into our hearts.

He was ready to allow each person perfect freedom, to think out his own spiritual problem in his ovm way and in association with people of his own way of thinking. He insisted upon the unity o£ the human race and of human progress* Unity, freedom, progress not for one but for all this was his objective and thus he thought would be the characteristics of the new Indian culture. This was a life of effort service and satisfication which it was worth while living. It was - 109 -

the promise of a free united progression world inhabited by the whole brotherhood of man.

Ranade was incessantly reflecting in how many ways that condition of debasement in v^ich India had fallen^ by reason of successive waves of conquest» indigenous and foreign* might be removed* and his countrymen* from stage to stage* be restored to their former pinnacle* but in haxtnony with the spirit and civilization of the age. Hope was eternal in his breast. He lived* moved and had his being in Hope of Divine Power* which one day may make India regain her place in the front rank of the great nations of the World. It appears that he feels the noblest and acts the best. Ranade* when he died on the 16th January* 1901^ was in the best sense 'lived most'. We for our part close this conclusion with the thought that India's greatness may will be measured by the fact that she could produce a Mahadev Govlnd Ranade.

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