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Movie Theaters and Migrants SETTLEMENT HOUSE SCENES: MIGRANTS AND THE PERFORMING ARTS IN TRANSATLANTIC PERSPECTIVE by YEVGENY GOLDIN DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at The University of Texas at Arlington May 2016 Arlington, Texas Supervising Committee: Kenyon Zimmer, Supervising Professor Robert Fairbanks David LaFevor ABSTRACT SETTLEMENT HOUSE SCENES: MIGRANTS AND THE PERFORMING ARTS IN TRANSATLANTIC PERSPECTIVE Yevgeny Goldin, Ph.D. The University of Texas at Arlington, 2016 Supervising Professor: Kenyon Zimmer This dissertation examines the transatlantic history of the settlement house movement in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It has two foci. The first is the origin of the settlement movement, in Britain; its spread to countries such as France, Germany, Russia, Japan, and, especially, the United States; and the connections — in the form of the movement of ideas and people — among the settlement movements in various countries. The second focus is on U.S. settlement houses as performance spaces, particularly in regards to migrants (immigrants). In that context, this dissertation examines in detail the kinds of activities that migrants engaged in while at settlement houses and interactions between migrants and settlement house workers (residents). This dissertation argues for settlement houses as places of cultural production, consumption, or both, in some ways similar to, but also distinct from, ethnic theater and cinema. - ii - Among the key issues discussed are the degree of control that migrants exerted in each type of venue and the cultural confrontations that took place in each type of venue between migrants and members of the native-born middle class, including residents and film censors. - iii - To Luz — mantarraya - iv - TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT . ii INTRODUCTION . 1 CHAPTER 1: TRANSATLANTIC TURMOIL AND TRANSFORMATION . 26 CHAPTER 2: THE GLOBAL SETTLEMENT MOVEMENT . 97 CHAPTER 3: MIGRANTS AND THE U.S. SETTLEMENT MOVEMENT . 157 CHAPTER 4: SETTLEMENT HOUSES, MIGRANTS, AND THE ARTS . 199 CONCLUSION . 248 BIBLIOGRAPHY . 257 - v - INTRODUCTION The late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were a period of mass migrations in the transatlantic world. In both Europe and the United States, millions of people left the countryside to swell urban populations, permanently or seasonally, while tens of millions crossed the Atlantic to settle or work for a while in the Western Hemisphere. Many, but far from all, of those migrants chose the United States, though a sizable fraction of them later returned to their native lands, either because that had been their plan from the start or because their new lives hardly improved on their old ones.1 With the important exception of Jews fleeing persecution, the vast majority of these migrations, both internal and transatlantic, occurred for economic reasons, and the greatest economic development of the era was the second industrial revolution. The first industrial revolution, characterized by textiles and steam power, had arrived in the late eighteenth century in Britain, which, partly because of its vast coal deposits, had become the first industrialized country in the world. By the second half of the nineteenth century, factories and mills powered by electricity were producing iron and steel in increasing quantities. And though there was plenty of industry on the Continent and Britain remained a world center of industry, the U.S. took the lead in industrial production. With its mineral wealth, railroad network, and weak government regulation, the U.S. was well-suited to industry, which had received a boost from 1 Historians of migration generally use migrants to refer to people who are called immigrants or emigrants in common, non-academic usage to better capture the complexity and multidirectionality of migration. - 1 - the production of materiél for the Civil War. Because industry was concentrated in cities, they grew as migrants and the native-born flocked there for jobs. But urban areas were places not just of work but also of leisure, where new and old forms of entertainment co-existed. And just as migrants formed an important part of the urban workforce, they were also involved in leisure-time activities. Ethnic theater was especially important, not just in New York but nationwide. It offered entertainment as well as spaces to socialize with other migrants, relax, and have fun. Ethnic theater was something that migrants had a great degree of control over, writing and staging plays in their own languages or translating plays from other languages. Because of the language barrier, few of the native-born, except migrants’ children, attended. When cinema was invented, migrants took to the new medium right away, and it suited them well. As audience members, they could appreciate silent film, which put a premium on visuals, even if they had trouble understanding intertitles. Because migrants made up such a significant portion of early movie audiences, without their patronage, the industry might have been hobbled from the start and never taken off, or taken off much later. Silent film also offered migrants opportunities to write, edit, direct, and even act: in the absence of audible dialogue, accents did not matter, and actors had to know only enough English to take direction and read the script, if there was one. And migrants quickly got into the business of cinema ownership. Because the industry was new, barriers to entry — though not necessarily to success — were relatively low, so movies provided business opportunities to recent migrants who would have found it difficult or impossible to enter industries already dominated by more - 2 - established ethnic groups. Settlement houses stood at the intersection of all the developments described above: migration, industrialization, urbanization, and leisure, especially the performing arts. In addition, because the settlement movement was worldwide and because it serve so many migrants, settlement houses participated in the transatlantic movement of people and ideas. The settlement movement initially grew out of a desire to alleviate the misery caused by industrialization, which enriched a few at the expense of multitudes who were always on, or over, the edge of economic disaster and starvation. The world’s first settlement, Toynbee Hall, opened in London in 1884, and the idea quickly gained traction and spread. Settlement movements arose in countries including the U.S., France, Norway, Denmark, Austria, the Netherlands, Germany, Russia, and Japan. The U.S. settlement movement dated to 1886, when Stanton Coit founded the Neighborhood Guild on the Lower East Side of New York. The guild offered services and facilities such as a kindergarten, legal aid, loan office, library, rooftop playground, clubs, theatricals, lectures, and public baths.2 There were about fifty settlement houses in the U.S. by 1895 and, depending on how a settlement house was defined, two hundred to four hundred by 1914.3 Prominent settlements included Jane Addams and Ellen Gates Starr’s Hull House in Chicago and Lillian Wald’s Henry Street Settlement in New York. 2 Judith Ann Trolander, Professionalism and Social Change: From the Settlement House Movement to Neighborhood Centers 1886 to the Present (New York: Columbia University Press, 1987), 9. 3 Trolander, Professionalism and Social Change, 10. - 3 - The settlement movement’s worldwide scope led to a transatlantic network of connections. In 1913 and 1914, for example, Alix Westerkamp, a German settlement worker, lived at the Chicago Commons and observed the settlement and American life in general. In 1922, the National Federation of Settlements opened an office in Paris to facilitate the sharing of ideas between U.S. and French settlements, and soon after that, Eleanor McMain of Kingsley House in New Orleans traveled to France to help organized a settlement house there. In 1924, the NFS and Toynbee Hall cooperated in the creation of a fellowship that would encourage settlement workers on both sides of the Atlantic to become better acquainted. Some U.S. settlements proved magnets for visitors from abroad, including prominent figures, who were not connected to settlement houses. Many were British: Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald and Scottish socialist and labor leader Keir Hardie. Others came from farther afield, such as Russian socialist Catherine Breshkovsky, who stayed at settlement houses during both of her trips to the U.S. Help for the poor was available in a variety of forms, such as charity, housing, and government-sponsored social services. But settlement houses, besides providing material aid and services such as education and recreation, had a particular mission: to try to bridge the widening divide between the poor and the middle class. Central to that concept were shared physical spaces — settlement workers (residents) living among, and being visited by, the poor of a neighborhood (neighbors). Despite being shared space, however, settlement houses were hardly neutral territory. Rather, they were owned and controlled by residents, most of whom were native-born and middle-class. Residents thus - 4 - imparted, or tried to impart, their values to people who did not necessarily share those values or have much interest in them, which set limits on and helped shape the kinds of activities that went on in settlement houses and the experiences that neighbors could have there. Migrants were integral to the life and mission of many settlement houses,
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