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BROOKINGS 1775 Massachusetts Ave., NW Washington, D.C. 20036-2103 ANALYSIS PAPER www.brookings.edu Number 18, January 2009 Europe, the United States, and Middle Eastern Democracy: Repairing the Breach Tamara Cofman Wittes Saban Center at Brookings Richard Youngs Fundación para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Diálogo Exterior ANALYSIS PAPER Number 18, January 2009 Europe, the United States, and Middle Eastern Democracy: Repairing the Breach Tamara Cofman Wittes Saban Center at Brookings Richard Youngs Fundación para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Diálogo Exterior TABL E OF CONT E NT S E X E CUTIV E SUMMARY .............................................. V T H E AUTHOR S .................................................. VII I NTRODUCTION .................................................. 1 T RAN S ATLANTIC TE N S ION ON MIDDL E EA S T E RN RE FORM ....................... 3 S HAR E D COMMITM E NT AND CONV E RG E NT AG E NDA S ........................... 7 N UANC es AND STRAT E GIC COMP E TITION ..................................15 R E COMM E NDATION S ...............................................21 T HE SABAN CEN T ER A T THE BROOKING S IN st I T U T ION III EX E CUTIV E SUMMARY ensions between the United States and the Europe- for democratic reform, and how to mesh the long- Tan Union since the 2003 war in Iraq affected many term objective of supporting democracy with shorter- arenas of Middle East policy, but perhaps none has term strategic objectives. In short, both actors share come to encapsulate those tensions as much as the quest the same challenge of transcending the fundamental to advance democracy in the region. This paper looks ambivalence about the “democracy project” that ham- beyond the highly charged, Iraq-related deterioration in pers their policy effectiveness. the transatlantic relationship in order to assess the real similarities and differences in the two actors’ democracy Advancing sustainable and meaningful political re- promotion strategies in the Middle East. form in the Middle East will require the efforts of governments on both sides of the Atlantic. American The United States and European Union disagreed on and European policymakers should build upon their some notable issues regarding Middle Eastern reform, shared strategic framework to forge a new partnership and serious mistrust developed between them as they on behalf of Arab reform. In this vein, the paper sug- developed their post-9/11 diplomacy on this issue. Yet, gests several concrete steps that European and Ameri- the substantive divergence in policy is not as great as is can governments should take: now routinely presumed. Both actors made strong com- mitments to supporting Arab democracy in the wake of • Avoid concretizing divergent rhetoric in dispa- 9/11 and articulated an understanding that democratic rate European and American mechanisms or development in the Arab world was important to the institutions. Brussels and Washington should security of Western states. In light of mounting regional consider setting up a higher-level transatlantic security challenges and certain electoral outcomes, such forum for coordinating policies in the Middle as the victory of Hamas in the January 2006 Palestinian East, along the lines of the U.S.-E.U. strategic legislative elections, both actors shifted some way back dialogue on Asia established in 2005. toward realist alliance-building with autocratic Arab regimes. Additionally, both parties have been reluctant • Continue issuing joint diplomatic statements to engage with Islamist opposition groups, but have on the need for and desired shape of Middle done so in various instances. Eastern reform. The Atlantic community should leave Arab leaders in no doubt of the West’s con- Fundamentally, European and American officials tinued interest in and attention to democratic struggle with the same two challenges: whether and growth and human rights improvements in the how to offer Arab governments significant incentives Middle East. T HE SABAN CEN T ER A T THE BROOKING S IN st I T U T ION V • Coordinate rewards on offer for democratic • Stress jointly that democratic development in reform. The Atlantic allies should seek common the Middle East is a common interest of Europe, criteria for determining such rewards and coor- the United States, and the peoples of the region, dinate on the use of positive conditionality to in- not a means to other ends. Democracy should be duce greater reform and ease the costs of change. supported as a system that meets the aspirations of Middle Eastern citizens for greater say in their • Uphold the principle that local civil society can government, and not simply because it is judged seek and accept foreign assistance. The Europe- as instrumental for Western interests. an Union and the United States should articulate clearly and forcefully that their links to and sup- Challenges to greater transatlantic policy coordination port of Arab civil society are non-negotiable. and effectiveness derive not only—or even primari- ly—from the invasion of Iraq. They also result from • Coordinate positions on engagement with Is- the more prosaic fact that the European Union and lamists. Western defense of peaceful political United States approach the issue of Middle Eastern po- activism should not be selective, and transat- litical reform from different angles. The United States lantic pressure should be wielded when regimes is still struggling to build a framework for its engage- crack down on nonviolent Islamist organiza- ment of Middle Eastern society that would invest its tions or prevent them from meeting with West- views on democracy with greater legitimacy and cred- ern donors. ibility in the region. The European Union, for its part, needs to demonstrate that its already-existing forms • Improve coordination in the provision of of multifaceted engagement can translate into a more non-governmental aid. American and Euro- tangible contribution to democratization. If European pean government funders should engage in and American policymakers wish to move beyond the more sustained and regular dialogue on fund- ructions of recent years, they can and should focus on ing strategies for democratic development in their points of relative similarity as a foundation from specific states, and how to use their funds most which transatlantic cooperation in the Middle East efficiently to achieve common goals. can, cautiously, be rebuilt. VI EUROPE , T HE UNI T ED ST A T E S , AND MIDDLE EA st ERN DE M O C RA C Y : REPAIRING T HE BREA C H TH E AUTHOR S TAMARA COFMAN WITT es is a Senior Fellow in the RICHARD YOUNG S is Coordinator of the Democrati- Saban Center for Middle East Policy at Brookings sation programme at FRIDE. He is also an associate and directs the Center’s Project on Middle East De- professor at the University of Warwick in the United mocracy and Development. Her most recent book is Kingdom. Prior to joining FRIDE, he was E.U. Marie Freedom’s Unsteady March: America’s Role in Building Curie Research Fellow from 2001 to 2004. He stud- Arab Democracy. Previously, she served as Middle East ied at Cambridge (BA Hons) and Warwick (MA, PhD) Specialist at the U.S. Institute of Peace and Director of universities, and previously worked as Analyst at the Programs at the Middle East Institute. Her work has Foreign and Commonwealth Office, United Kingdom. addressed a wide range of topics, including the Israeli- Young has authored four books and edited seven vol- Palestinian peace negotiations, Arab politics, and eth- umes on different aspects of European foreign policy. nic conflict. She edited How Israelis and Palestinians Negotiate: A Cross-Cultural Analysis of the Oslo Peace Process. She is also an adjunct professor of security studies at Georgetown University and a member of Women in International Security and the Council on Foreign Relations. T HE SABAN CEN T ER A T THE BROOKING S IN st I T U T ION VII INTRODUCTION s the Obama Administration assumes office, now routinely presumed. If European and American Ahopes are high that transatlantic cooperation policymakers wish to move beyond the ructions of re- can be revitalized. If debates over Iraq poisoned the cent years, they can and should focus on their points of U.S.-European relationship during the Bush Admin- relative similarity as a foundation from which transat- istration, and bitterly divided the European Union lantic cooperation in the Middle East can, cautiously, itself, they also affected broader policy deliberations. be rebuilt. In the years since the invasion of Iraq, the issue of de- mocracy promotion in the Middle East has often been As such, the paper seeks to provide a corrective to the a focus of discussions over the breach in transatlan- tendency of many analysts to apply readings of the tic relations—sometimes presented as a major cause macro-level trends in transatlantic politics to the issue of discord, and sometimes presented as the stepping of democracy promotion, with no more than a cursory stone to renewed harmony of purpose. Within the look at the actual substance of democracy assistance United States, President-elect Barack Obama’s tran- strategies. These analysts often make an erroneous set sition team has begun to consider new options for of assumptions: that only Europe favors sophisticated Middle East policy. The European Union, meanwhile, methods of encouraging sustainable political change has launched a new Union for the Mediterranean, in the Middle East, whereas the United States seeks co- while also revising its overarching security strategy. ercive imposition of democracy; or, alternatively, that As these new plans take root, views differ on how far only the United States is serious about political reform transatlantic cooperation can be rebuilt and on how in the Middle East, whereas Europeans are spinelessly desirable or meaningful such cooperation may be. It wedded to their alliances with autocratic incumbents.

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