From Kemalism to Neo-Ottomanism: Turkish Foreign Policy Towards Syria
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1944 Pan-Turanism Movements: from Cultural Nationalism to Political Nationalism
УПРАВЛЕНИЕ И ОБРАЗОВАНИЕ MANAGEMENT AND EDUCATION TOM V (3) 2009 VOL. V (3) 2009 1944 PAN-TURANISM MOVEMENTS: FROM CULTURAL NATIONALISM TO POLITICAL NATIONALISM A. Baran Dural ДВИЖЕНИЕТО ПАН-ТУРАНИЗЪМ 1944 г.: ОТ КУЛТУРЕН НАЦИОНАЛИЗЪМ КЪМ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИ НАЦИОНАЛИЗЪМ А. Баран Дурал ABSTRACT: The trial of Turanism in 1944 has a historical importance in terms of nationalism being an ac- tionary movement in Turkish history. When socialism turned out to be a dreadful ideology by getting reactions all over the world, there would not be any more natural attitude than that intellectuals coming from an educa- tion system full of nationalist proposals conflicted with this movement. However, that the same intellectuals crashed the logic of the government saying “if needed, we bring communism, then we deal with it without the help of anyone” was really a dramatic paradox. Movements of Turkism on 3rd of May did not curb the movement of Turkism, on the contrary, the transformation the government avoided most happened and supporters of Turk- ism spread to all parts of the country by politicizing. While Nihal Atsız, one of the nationalist leaders of the time- was summarizing results taken out from the trial process by his ideology, he could not even be regarded unjust in his remarks saying “The 3rd of May became a turning point in the history of Turkism. Turkism, which was only a thought and emotion and which could not go beyond literary and scientific borders, became a movement sud- denly on the 3rd of May, 1944”. Keywords: Turanism Movements, Turk nationalism, one-party ideology, Nihal Atsız, socialism, racism. -
Turkey's Deep State
#1.12 PERSPECTIVES Political analysis and commentary from Turkey FEATURE ARTICLES TURKEY’S DEEP STATE CULTURE INTERNATIONAL POLITICS ECOLOGY AKP’s Cultural Policy: Syria: The Case of the Seasonal Agricultural Arts and Censorship “Arab Spring” Workers in Turkey Pelin Başaran Transforming into the Sidar Çınar Page 28 “Arab Revolution” Page 32 Cengiz Çandar Page 35 TURKEY REPRESENTATION Content Editor’s note 3 ■ Feature articles: Turkey’s Deep State Tracing the Deep State, Ayşegül Sabuktay 4 The Deep State: Forms of Domination, Informal Institutions and Democracy, Mehtap Söyler 8 Ergenekon as an Illusion of Democratization, Ahmet Şık 12 Democratization, revanchism, or..., Aydın Engin 16 The Near Future of Turkey on the Axis of the AKP-Gülen Movement, Ruşen Çakır 18 Counter-Guerilla Becoming the State, the State Becoming the Counter-Guerilla, Ertuğrul Mavioğlu 22 Is the Ergenekon Case an Opportunity or a Handicap? Ali Koç 25 The Dink Murder and State Lies, Nedim Şener 28 ■ Culture Freedom of Expression in the Arts and the Current State of Censorship in Turkey, Pelin Başaran 31 ■ Ecology Solar Energy in Turkey: Challenges and Expectations, Ateş Uğurel 33 A Brief Evaluation of Seasonal Agricultural Workers in Turkey, Sidar Çınar 35 ■ International Politics Syria: The Case of the “Arab Spring” Transforming into the “Arab Revolution”, Cengiz Çandar 38 Turkey/Iran: A Critical Move in the Historical Competition, Mete Çubukçu 41 ■ Democracy 4+4+4: Turning the Education System Upside Down, Aytuğ Şaşmaz 43 “Health Transformation Program” and the 2012 Turkey Health Panorama, Mustafa Sütlaş 46 How Multi-Faceted are the Problems of Freedom of Opinion and Expression in Turkey?, Şanar Yurdatapan 48 Crimes against Humanity and Persistent Resistance against Cruel Policies, Nimet Tanrıkulu 49 ■ News from hbs 53 Heinrich Böll Stiftung – Turkey Representation The Heinrich Böll Stiftung, associated with the German Green Party, is a legally autonomous and intellectually open political foundation. -
Is Turkey's Foreign Policy Moving East?
University of New Orleans ScholarWorks@UNO Senior Honors Theses Undergraduate Showcase 12-2013 Is Turkey’s Foreign Policy Moving East? James Brodie LeBlue University of New Orleans Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uno.edu/honors_theses Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation LeBlue, James Brodie, "Is Turkey’s Foreign Policy Moving East?" (2013). Senior Honors Theses. 50. https://scholarworks.uno.edu/honors_theses/50 This Honors Thesis-Unrestricted is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by ScholarWorks@UNO with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Honors Thesis-Unrestricted in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/or on the work itself. This Honors Thesis-Unrestricted has been accepted for inclusion in Senior Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UNO. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Is Turkey’s Foreign Policy Moving East? An Honors Thesis Presented to the Department of Political Science of the University of New Orleans In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts, with University Honors and Honors in Political Science by James Brodie LeBlue December 2013 Acknowledgements First and foremost, I would like to thank the incredible support system of friends and family for getting me through not only the last four years of undergrad, but also the times in writing this thesis when I thought I was just moments away from ripping my hair out because of constant rewrites. -
Could Turkey's New Parties Change the Political Balance?
POLICY BRIEF EUROPE IN THE WORLD PROGRAMME 13 MARCH 2020 Could Turkey’s new parties Amanda Paul Senior Policy Analyst European Policy Centre change the Demir Murat Seyrek Senior Policy Advisor political balance? European Foundation for Democracy New political trends are unfolding in Turkey. Recently of these two parties, coupled with the success of the established political parties have raised hopes for change opposition in the 2019 municipal elections, shows that in the country, impacting the political balance between Turkish democracy is not dead and buried. The EU must the government and the opposition. While this is not a continue to engage with and support those that are foregone conclusion, it is a development worth watching fighting for democratic change. closely, including for the EU. The Justice and Development Party (AKP) has dominated BACKGROUND – DWINDLING AKP SUPPORT Turkish politics for over 17 years. Nevertheless, with mounting domestic headaches and a moribund economy, Just at the time when Erdoğan consolidated power the AKP seems to be running out of steam. Support for through the adoption of an executive presidential system, the party is at an all-time low, while President Recep following the 2017 constitutional referendum, he lost Tayyip Erdoğan’s popularity is also in decline. the ability to rule without alliances, due to the need for an absolute majority to be elected. That forced the AKP, which until 2017 did not need political alliances, to join forces with Devlet Bahçeli’s Nationalist Movement Party Turkish democracy is not dead and (MHP) and form the People’s Alliance. buried. The EU must continue to engage This alliance was successful in securing victory in both and support those that are fighting for the constitutional referendum and subsequent 2018 democratic change. -
The Plot Against the Generals
THE PLOT AGAINST THE GENERALS Dani Rodrik* June 2014 On a drizzly winter day four-and-a-half years ago, my wife and I woke up at our home in Cambridge, Massachusetts, to sensational news from our native Turkey. Splashed on the first page of Taraf, a paper followed closely by the country’s intelligentsia and well-known for its anti-military stance, were plans for a military coup as detailed as they were gory, including the bombing of an Istanbul mosque, the false- flag downing of a Turkish military jet, and lists of politicians and journalists to be detained. The paper said it had obtained documents from 2003 which showed a group within the Turkish military had plotted to overthrow the then-newly elected Islamist government. The putative mastermind behind the coup plot was pictured prominently on the front page: General Çetin Doğan, my father-in-law (see picture). General Doğan and hundreds of his alleged collaborators would be subsequently demonized in the media, jailed, tried, and convicted in a landmark trial that captivated the nation and allowed Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to consolidate his power over the secular establishment. In a judgment issued in October 2013, Turkey’s court of appeals would ratify the lower court’s decision and the decades-long prison sentences it had meted out. Today it is widely recognized that the coup plans were in fact forgeries. Forensic experts have determined that the plans published by Taraf and forming the backbone of the prosecution were produced on backdated computers and Cover of Taraf on the alleged coup attempt made to look as if they were prepared in 2003. -
ERGENEKON, SLEDGEHAMMER, and the POLITICS of TURKISH JUSTICE: CONSPIRACIES and COINCIDENCES August 29, 2011 Gloria-Center.Org
http://www.gloria-center.org/2011/08/ergenekon-sledgehammer-and-the-politics-of-turkish-justice-conspiracies-and-coincidences/ ERGENEKON, SLEDGEHAMMER, AND THE POLITICS OF TURKISH JUSTICE: CONSPIRACIES AND COINCIDENCES August 29, 2011 gloria-center.org Since it was launched in June 2007, the Ergenekon investigation has become the largest and most controversial case in recent Turkish history, resulting in over 300 people being charged with a membership of what is described as a clandestine terrorist organization seeking to destabilize the country’s Islamist government. In the parallel Sledgehammer investigation, 195 members of the fiercely secularist Turkish military stand accused of plotting a coup in 2003. Yet not only is the evidence in both cases deeply flawed, there are also increasing indications that much of it has been fabricated. On June 12, 2007, acting on an anonymous tip-off, the Turkish police discovered a crate of grenades in a shantytown in the Istanbul suburb of Umraniye in the beginning of what later became known as the Ergenekon investigation. By May 2011, a motley collection of over 300 people had been formally charged with membership of what public prosecutors described as the “Ergenekon terrorist organization,” which was allegedly plotting to use violence to try to destabilize the government of the moderate Islamist Justice and Development Party (JDP). In January 2010, prosecutors launched a parallel investigation into claims that members of the Turkish military had plotted to stage a coup against the JDP in early 2003. By May 2011, 195 serving and retired members of the Turkish military had been formally charged with involvement in the alleged plot. -
February 2, 2015 To: Prof. Dr. Ahmet Davutoğlu Prime Minister of The
February 2, 2015 To: Prof. Dr. Ahmet Davutoğlu Prime Minister of the Republic of Turkey CC: Deputy Prime Minister Ali Babacan, Deputy Undersecretary for Turkish Treasury Cavit Dağdaş, Ambassador Feridun Sinirlioğlu, and G20 Finance Ministers RE: Implementation of G20 Commitment to Phase-out Fossil Fuel Subsidies Dear Prime Minister Davutoğlu, In the spirit of your G20 Presidency’s outreach efforts with civil society, we – representing 39 civil society organizations – are writing in support of the Turkish Presidency’s “2015 Year of Implementation.” We share the Turkish government’s concern that G20 commitments are characterized by long delayed implementation. We were very pleased to see that the Turkish G20 Presidency Priorities for 2015 included discussions on the G20’s commitment to phase out inefficient fossil fuel subsidies and for the recognition that 2015 is a crucial year for climate change with the UNFCCC negotiations set to make a global agreement in December. We strongly agree that 2015 is the time to increase action on climate change. Thus, we request the following G20 outcomes towards implementing the phase out of fossil fuel subsidies: Agree to immediately eliminate all subsidies for fossil fuel exploration. According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) and the International Energy Agency (IEA), in order to meet the internationally agreed goal of limiting global average temperature increase to 2 degrees Celsius, at least two-thirds of already existing reserves of fossil fuels need to be left in the ground. A recent assessment found that G20 governments are spending approximately $88 billion a year on finding new oil, gas and coal reserves.1 The report shows that with rising costs for hard-to-reach reserves, and falling coal and oil prices, generous public subsidies are propping up fossil fuel exploration, which would otherwise be deemed uneconomic. -
Sabiha Gökçen's 80-Year-Old Secret‖: Kemalist Nation
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO ―Sabiha Gökçen‘s 80-Year-Old Secret‖: Kemalist Nation Formation and the Ottoman Armenians A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Communication by Fatma Ulgen Committee in charge: Professor Robert Horwitz, Chair Professor Ivan Evans Professor Gary Fields Professor Daniel Hallin Professor Hasan Kayalı Copyright Fatma Ulgen, 2010 All rights reserved. The dissertation of Fatma Ulgen is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: _______________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________ Chair University of California, San Diego 2010 iii DEDICATION For my mother and father, without whom there would be no life, no love, no light, and for Hrant Dink (15 September 1954 - 19 January 2007 iv EPIGRAPH ―In the summertime, we would go on the roof…Sit there and look at the stars…You could reach the stars there…Over here, you can‘t.‖ Haydanus Peterson, a survivor of the Armenian Genocide, reminiscing about the old country [Moush, Turkey] in Fresno, California 72 years later. Courtesy of the Zoryan Institute Oral History Archive v TABLE OF CONTENTS Signature Page…………………………………………………………….... -
Dealing with a Rising Power
Dealing with a Rising Power: Turkey’s Transformation and its Implications for the EU Svante Cornell, Gerald Knaus, Manfred Scheich Dealing with a Rising Power: Turkey’s Transformation and its Implications for the EU Dealing with a Rising Power: Turkey’s Transformation and its Implications for the EU Svante Cornell, Gerald Knaus, Manfred Scheich CREDITS Centre for European Studies Cover design: RARO S.L. Layout: Victoria Agency Printed in Belgium by Drukkerij Jo Vandenbulcke Centre for European Studies Rue du Commerce 20 Brussels, BE – 1000 The Centre for European Studies (CES) is the political foundation of the European People’s Party (EPP) dedicated to the promotion of Christian Democrat, conservative and like-minded political values. For more information please visit: www.thinkingeurope.eu This publication receives funding from the European Parliament. © Centre for European Studies 2012 Photos used in this publication: Centre for European Studies 2012 The European Parliament and the Centre for European Studies assume no responsibility for facts or opinions expressed in this publication or their subsequent use. Sole responsibility lies on the author of this publication. 2 Dealing with a Rising Power: Turkey’s Transformation and its Implications for the EU About the CES The Centre for European Studies (CES), established in 2007, is the political foundation of the European People’s Party (EPP). The CES embodies a pan-European mindset, promoting Christian Democrat, conservative and like-minded political values. It serves as a framework for national political foundations linked to member parties of the EPP, with 25 foundations currently members. The CES takes part in the preparation of EPP political platforms and programmes. -
The Conflict Within Turkey's Islamic Camp
The Conflict within Turkey’s Islamic Camp Ömer Taşpınar* he roots of the conflict between Turkey’s moderate attempt to arrest coup plotters rapidly turned into a Islamic Justice and Development Party (AKP) go- witch-hunt against all enemies of the AKP and the Gülen Tvernment and the Gülen movement go back to the movement. Instead of targeting only people involved in 1970s. Yet it is only in the last couple of years that the rift the conspiracy, the prosecutors, often presumed to be has gained unprecedented domestic and international Gülenists, had warrants issued for the arrests of people media coverage. This is hardly surprising. Until recently who appeared hostile to the Gülen community – not the AKP and the Gülen movement shared a common only military officers but also journalists, academics, civil enemy. The raison d’être of the Gülen-AKP alliance was society activists and bureaucrats. The politicization of the the need for both groups to protect themselves against Ergenekon investigation earned the Gülen movement the staunchly secularist military, which considered both international criticism. In time, it also began to undermine groups an existential threat to Kemalism, the official ide- relations between the Gülenists and the AKP, with the ology of the Republic named after the founding father Prime Minister showing signs that he wanted to reach a Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. less confrontational modus vivendi with the military.1 With support from the Gülenists, the AKP considerably Although the AKP and Prime Minister Recep Tayyip reduced the role and power of the army. The scope of Erdoğan strongly supported the Ergenekon investigation Gülenist influence over the Turkish judiciary is probably from the outset, once the military was sidelined, the AKP- real, as became clear during the Ergenekon investigation. -
January 29, 2016 Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu Office of The
January 29, 2016 Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu Office of the Prime Minister Başbakanlık 06573 Ankara, Turkey Via Email: [email protected] We write on behalf of more than 12,000 members of the American Sociological Association to express our grave concern about the actions that the Turkish government has taken against signatories to the Academics for Peace statement. The American Sociological Association has a long-standing position of supporting the free exchange of ideas across national, state, cultural, and social borders that is consistent with Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights that “[e]veryone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression [including the right] to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impact information and ideas through any media regardless of frontiers.” The Academics for Peace statement, which calls for a halt to military action in the southeastern region of Turkey, a lifting of curfews in some Kurdish-majority cities, and the development of a roadmap to lasting peace, has been falsely depicted as supporting terrorism. The supporters were derided as traitors. We understand the Turkish government has arrested some of the scholars who signed the statement (charging them with treason) and filed a lawsuit against all those who signed, and that the Higher Education Council (YÖK) in Turkey has launched investigations into scholars who signed the statement with the stated purpose of removing those people from their university positions. This overall atmosphere of intimidation has culminated in a public campaign involving violent threats against the signatories. These actions are a violation of Turkey’s responsibility to protect freedom of thought, expression, and assembly as a member state of the Council of Europe, and as a signatory to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights as well as the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. -
Turkish Foreign Policy Towards the Balkans: a Europeanised Foreign Policy in a De-Europeanised National Context?
JOURNAL OF BALKAN AND NEAR EASTERN STUDIES 2015, VOL. XX, NO. X, 1–17 http:/dx.doi.org/10.1080/XXXXXXXX.2015.XXXX Turkish foreign policy towards the Balkans: A Europeanised foreign policy in a de-europeanised national context? Birgül Demirtaş Department of International Relations, TOBB University of Economics and Technology, Söğütözü Cad. No: 43, Söğütözü, 06560, Ankara, Turkey ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY There has been and increasing number of studies in international Received 30 March 2015 relations literature discussing the rising salience of regionalism and Accepted 31 March 2015 regional powers in global politics. Due to its economic prowess, geographical size, demographic credentials as well as foreign policy activism Turkey can be considered as one of the contemporary regional actors. This article critically examines the impact of Europeanisation process on Turkish foreign policy towards the Western Balkan states and its rising status in regional politics. It argues that although Turkey is currently experiencing de-europeanisation in its domestic politics, the impact of Europeanisation on its Balkans policy continues. This article shows, among others, that not the internalisaton, but the instrumentalisation of ‘Europe’ has been the driving force of domestic and external foreign policy of Turkey. Introduction Following his party’s grandiose triumph at the local elections on March 30, 2014, despite all the turmoil in internal politics and allegations of wide-scale corruption, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the then Prime Minister of Turkey and leader of the Justice and Development Party (JDP) made a phone call to the mayor of Mamuşa, a village in Kosovo, populated mainly by Muslims. ‘I am sending all of you my greetings from İstanbul, dear people of Mamuşa’ he said at the beginning of his speech which was live transmitted to all the Turkish origin people in the village who came together to celebrate JDP’s victory.