Tomasz Nowakiewicz

Some remarks on settlement systems of Early Medieval Prussians. e case of northern Galindia

1 ventures were of considerable assistance for improving our understanding of the material Inquiries into Prussian territorial divisions of the Early Medieval Prussians, every time of the Early Medieval Period have the nature, the question of territorial divisions in the area first and foremost, of historical studies. The re - of Prussian settlement lagged far behind the sults of archaeological investigation undertaken priority research objectives. so far have made it possible to verify these find - Nevertheless, thanks to analyses of histori - ings only to a limited extent. Until recently ar - cal sources it has been possible to formulate chaeological research was concentrated mainly a number of concepts on the subject of the in the coastal zone of the Old Prussian territory division of Prussian territories in the period where special interest of researchers was at - antedating the Teutonic conquest 2. The point of tracted by issues related to different aspects of departure was the division of , into relationships linking the Prussians with the out - tribal lands, universally accepted by researchers side world. The best example of this are the long-standing inquiries into the presence of Scandinavians in the region of the Sambian Emil Hollack (1908). Archaeological material secured Peninsula, the search for and exploration of the during these studies was analysed to a considerable extent through the perspective of Viking stylistic. trade emporium at Janów Pomorski/Truso, or Qualitative change came with a publication of Bernt (to a smaller extent) the Adalbertus Project von zur Mühlen (1975). In this context we have to implemented ten years ago 1. Though these mention the study of V. Kulakov (1990) which while presenting the material evidence does not include any more useful analysis. The aim of the project 1 From the early 20 th c. there has been an observable “Adalbertus” was to investigate the area on the border - intensification of various studies, both historical and land of Slav and Prussian settlement on the Lower archaeological, aimed on identifying the location of the Vistula in the context of the mission of Saint Adalbertus port of Truso (first of all, the publications of Bruno of Prague whose millennium of death was observed in Ehrlich – 1932; 1933; 1937a; 1937b; 1938; but also: 1997 (Urbańczyk ed. 1998). Carstenn 1911; Ebert 1926; Miegel 1927; Gaerte 1937). 2 Recently, several studies by Grzegorz Białuński have Investigation in Sambia, never brought within the presented an analysis of medieval historical sources organised framework of a single research project, concerned with the Prussians. One example of settle - nevertheless covered a relatively large group of cem- ment studies is his brief analysis of Prussian settlement eteries. A list of a few score gravefields from phases G, on the middle Łyna River (Białuński 2004 – with a list H and I, as defined by Carl Engel (1931), is given by of references).

487 TOMASZ NOWAKIEWICZ

(Fig . 1) 3. Individual interpretations differ as to there were any rules regulating the number of the meaning of the units of the lower order strongholds to a pulko although in theory the (“inter-tribal”) and criteria used in distinguish - number of its inhabitants should have been suf - ing them. ficient for the upkeep of one stronghold (Łow- According to Henryk Łowmiański (1989, miański 1989, 65). An even more basic unit of 62) a principal role in tribal divisions of the Old territorial division was the “field”, constituent Prussians was played by smaller territorial units element of the pulko , known in Old Prussian as (in relation to the primary tribal units), which lauks (the Latin counterpart was campus ) which this researcher called vlost (Polish: włość ) – presumably was inhabited by a kinship group a term adopted from Ruthenia and used in which resided in single homesteads lying in the Lithuania. It is identical with the Old Prussian neighbourhood of the stronghold. pulko , which translates into Latin as territorium . This interpretation of Prussian tribal divi - These units were of various size, ranging from sions is supplemented by conclusions reached 80 to 700 km 2, and had a population of a thou - by Gertrud and Heinrich Mortensen who sand or so (the richest territoria in Sambia demonstrate the existence of a Prussian ter- probably were more populated – inhabited by ritorial unit of an order lower than the pulko around 1500 people; Łowmiański 1989, 63). – the moter (Mortensen & Mortensen 1937, Larger units, made up of several territoria, prob- 39 f.). Importance of the moter (mutir ) is also ably existed in Sudovia (named in Ruthenian acknowledged by Reinhard Wenskus who iden - sources: Yatvings), although we cannot exclude tified Sambian units of this type with strong - that their nature was temporary determined to hold districts which were subordinated to a unit a great extent by current military necessity. of a higher order ( pulko ). The moter served Their presence in the western area of Prussian a military function as well as economic and territory is less well legible but cannot be ruled religious and determined the location of the out. On the other hand, it is not clear whether main centre (Wenskus 1964, 227) 4. According to Jan Powierski, moter type units were known 3 The two most comprehensive lists of Prussian tribal only in Sambia – the remaining Prussian tribal domains are given in the medieval sources: Liber census territory was organised along a different system Daniae of 1210 ( Hec sunt nomina terrarum Pruzie: (Powierski 1975, 38). Pomizania, Lanlania, Ermelandia, Natangia, Barcia, An alternative interpretation of Prussian Peragodia, Nadrauia, Galindo, Syllonis, in Zudua, Litto - nia. Hec sunt terre ex una parte fluvii, qui vocatur Lipz. territorial divisions, proposed only for the Ex altera parte eiusdem: Sambia, Scalewo, Lammato, Warmian tribal territory, is put forward by Curlandia, Semigallia ; according to J. Powierski [2001, Marzena Pollakówna (1953, 48 f.). In her view, 42]) and Chronicon terrae Prussiae from the 1330s tribal was formed of small districts of (Terra Prussiœ in undecim partes dividitur. Prima fuit Colmensis & Lubavia, qvœ ante introitum Fratrum the same rank. The same author also claimed Domus Teutonicœ qvasi fuerat desolata. Secunda that any attempt to reconstruct the internal Pomesania, in qua Pomesani. Tertia Pogesana in qva Pogesani. Qvarta Warmia, in qva Warmienses. Qvinta Nattangia, in qva Nattangi. Sexta Sambia, in qva Sam - 4 The significance of this unit in the territorial and bitœ. Septima Nadrovia, in qva Nadrovitœ. Octava social organisation of the Prussians is suggested by its Scalovia, in qva Scalovitœ. Nona Sudovia, in qva survival, in an altered form, into the later Medieval Sudovitœ. Decima Galindia. Undecma Barthe & Plica Period. Presence in the Teutonic State of small strong - Barthe, qvœ nunc major & minor Bartha diditur, in qva holds of “motte” type ( la motte ) is noted by Marian Barthi vel Barthenses habitabant , in the account given Arszyński (1995, 123; cf also Poliński 2003, 151-156). by Peter von Dusburg, edition of Christoph Hartknoch These strongholds can be identified with residences of of 1679 [Dusburg 1679]). The location of the identified Prussian nobles who had feudal duties towards the territorial units within the borders of individual (Arszyński 1995, 123, footnote 31; domains is given by H. Łowmiański (1985). Nowakiewicz & Rudnicki 2003, 169, footnote 14).

488 SOME REMARKS ON SETTLEMENT SYSTEMS OF EARLY MEDIEVAL PRUSSIANS ...

Fig. 1. Tribal divisions of Old Prussian territory on Caspar Hennenberger’s map (edition of Christoph Hartknoch, 1679). Names of tribes and their territories mentioned by Peter of Dusburg are shown in colour (cf Footnote 3). territorial relationships between these districts elements of the pulko would have been: kaymis would be excessively retrospective, due to dis - (village) and lauks (cultivated fields but also, tortion by the later medieval situation. in a wider sense, the entire area exploited by The most elaborate system of Prussian ter - the inhabitants of the pulko : farmland, forest, ritorial divisions was presented by Gerard pasture, hives of wild honey, fisheries, etc.) 5. Labuda (Labuda & Biskup 1988, 70 f.). Among Prussian territories he distinguished “lands” – 5 Labuda concluded that, in terms of its size, the Prussian field ( pulko ) exhibited a similar wealth of types as in Slav structures autonomous with regard to tribal countries. Thus, there were settlements consisting of areas, smaller in size than they. The smallest unit a single homestead their focal point the residence of territorial division was pulko (its Latin counter- (kaymis ) of the great family or even clan, as well as part, differently than in Łowmiański, campus – concentrations of occasionally as many as a dozen-odd villages and hamlets. (...) In some villages authority was field), its focal point an open settlement. A group exercised by the richest or the most influential member of of these “fields” formed a territorial unit of the community; villages organised in this manner are a higher order: territorium , or terrula , or, a unit encountered especially in the Yatving zone. No doubt this even smaller than a terra. Thus, according to form was known also in the northern, i.e., Prussian, region (Labuda 1988, 71-72). According to R. Wenskus, G. Labuda, pulko would have been a unit of the headman of such a community in Sambia was administrative nomenclature. The constituent known as rikijs (Wenskus 1964, 203 f.).

489 TOMASZ NOWAKIEWICZ

A hierarchical division of Prussian territory very limited number of settlement analyses – was proposed by Łucja Okulicz-Kozaryn (1997, whether of the larger tribal territories as smaller 268). In her concept, the principal unit of ter- local territorial units. As a result in historical ritorial division was the terra , made up of small- and archaeological literature alike in the er units, terrulae (territoria ). These, in turn, were method of description of Early Medieval reality divided into the basic unit – lauks , which was there is an observable backward projection of also a “stronghold unit”. territorial divisions known to us from the later The concepts outlined above are shown in Medieval Period. At the present stage of re - simplified form in the block diagram (Tab le 1). search this is not so much a criticism but this In any case, concepts reviewed above remain helps us see how limited at present is our po - unverifiable because of the far from satisfactory tential for recognising the nature of the Early progress of archaeological studies on the situa - Medieval settlement network in Prussia. tion of the Prussian territory during the Early 6. This is the main reason for the 2 An opportunity for partial improvement of 6 This period did not enjoy much attention of archae - this situation may be discerned in the results of ologists of . Except for Sambian Peninsula research launched around the year 1995 in the and the littoral zone (from the delta of the Vistula to micro-region of Salęt Lake, in the Lake District the delta of the Neman), excavations were made only of Mrągowo (northern area of Mazury Lake rarely. In the region of Mazury until the end of the 1930s short-lived fieldwork was carried out only at District, in the past, a fragment of the tribal ter - earthworks Bosemb, Kr. Sensburg/Boże, pow. Mrągowo ritory of Galindia 7). This is an area moulded (Bujack 1887), Jesziorken, Kr. Lötzen/Jeziorko, pow. strongly by postglacial processes: the lakes have Giżycko (Wichdorff 192 6; Antoniewicz 195 2; Antoniewicz the form of long and narrow troughs lying be - & Okulicz 1958), Passenheim, Kr. Ortelsburg/Pasym, tween quite high moraine elevations. The hills pow. Szczytno (Bujack 1888, 92; Odoj 1968). During the closing decades of the 20 th c. isolated sites of a different are built of heavy boulder clays mostly unsuit - type came under investigation: a cremation cemetery able for agriculture. Until the modern age they at Cerkiewnik (Ziemlińska-Odojowa 1992) and a settle- were thickly forested and in many places they ment at Franknowo (Babič, Dąbrowska & Kozłowska remain so even today. 2000) . Stray finds are also rare and include: a Viking sword from Lucknainen, Kr. Sensburg/Łuknajno, pow. Salęt Lake lies in the northern area of the Mrągowo (Gaerte 1926), and a very small number of Lake District of Mrągowo and is the last larger silver hoards (Kiersnowski 1966, 72-79, map 3). More water body in the so-called “Trough of Salęt” advanced research was carried out in Sambia, where ex - which it occupies along with two smaller lakes cavation was made of a series of Early Medieval cem- eteries, and on the margin of the Elbląg Heights, where separated by an extensive peninsula. One of the a many years’ search for Truso was crowned with suc - characteristic features of the lake is its well- cess in the early 1980s (cf Footnote 1). It is also worth -developed shoreline, with many inlets and pen- recalling that the collapse of Ostpreußen in the wake of insulas, and many areas potentially attractive for the Second World War had disastrous consequences for settlement (sheltered from the wind, ex posed the material base – modest, in any case – of Early Medieval Prussian archaeology. The capital city of Königsberg, one of the main research centres of north - ern Europe, was for the USSR (and later, for ) 7 This identification is suggested by the written sources a remote and unfamiliar area of strategic significance assembled by Max Toeppen, the most important – in principle it ceased to exist in the form it had had among them the description from 1326 of the former evolved over the seven centuries of its history. South - tribal boundary between Galindia and Bartia (Toeppen ern and north-eastern provinces of former East Prussia 1998, 47), quite reliable, since the former tribal border became an area peripheral both for (Warmia had survived as one of the internal divisions of the Teu - and Mazury) and for Lithuania (Klaipeda region). This tonic State in Prussia: during the Middle Ages the de - situation made it virtually impossible to run coordinat- scribed stretch separated the bishop’s estates from the ed research of the past of the Prussian territory. lands of the komturei of Balga.

490 SOME REMARKS ON SETTLEMENT SYSTEMS OF EARLY MEDIEVAL PRUSSIANS ...

Table 1. Prussian territorial divisions in outline, according to concepts of different authors. to sunlight, with good access to the water) and others, just the opposite (steep eroding slopes 1897 ). Interest was attracted also by a mound on of the moraine hills, with marshy ground). a peninsula on Salęt Lake: mentioned for the first time More importantly, this area has been rela - by Emil Titius (1865), it entered scholarly circulation tively well-investigated archaeologically – much only thanks to Emil Hollack who interpreted it as an element of the of the Teutonic at of it investigated during the last quarter of the (Hollack 1908, 176). However, the chronology century which makes input from this study easy of the mound is probably older, associated with the to verify and free from gaps caused by the loss Early Middle Ages, as suggested by pottery finds from of evidence secured before 1945 8. The most the mound and its surrounding area, recovered by Herr Strehlau, schoolteacher of Sensburg (now Mrągowo), and dispatched by him to Königsberg where they were 8 The first archaeological study in the region of Salęt dated by Wilhelm Gaerte, Director of Prussia-Museum Lake was made (probably) in 1884 by Georg Bujack, ar - (letters exchanged on this subject are in the collection chaeologist from Königsberg (cf Footnote 6; Bujack of the Museum für Vor- und Frühgeschichte in Berlin: 1887; on history of this research – cf Nowakiewicz file “Weißenburg”, PM-A 596/1, Archiv der vor- und 2003). At the end of the 19 th c. on the estate Marienhof frühgeschichtlichen Sammlung des Prussia-Museums, on the shore of the lake was discovered one of the few Königsberg i. Ostpr.; review of sources by A. Rzeszo- Early Medieval hoards known from Mazury (Kemke tarska- Nowakiewicz). Additional information, although

491 TOMASZ NOWAKIEWICZ important input from fieldwork carried out 2003; Nowakiewicz 2006 – with a list of further around Salęt Lake is a functional and chrono - references) and there is no need to discuss this logical differentiation of sites recorded in this material anew. Nevertheless, there we need area. Excavation was made in sites dating from to review the source base used in making a re- Early Iron Age as far as the Late Medieval construction of the local settlement network Period; its results represent a sequence of culture (Table 2; Fig. 3 ). change at work in a small area over more than The chronology of the sites of interest, 2000 years. This creates an opportunity for based on small finds, suggests that they were in making an inquiry, on a scale unique for the use during the period 10 th to 11 th c. Also appar - Prussian territory, into the nature of the ter- ent is a sudden decline of the entire settlement ritorial organisation during any given segment network around AD 1050, possibly, in the wake of a long chronological sequence of occupation of an invasion from the outside which destroyed on Salęt Lake. The text presented here is an at- the main habitation sites 9. Nevertheless, several tempt to reconstruct the Early Medieval settle- decades previous to these developments was ment network in this micro-region (Fig . 2). a time of economic prosperity of the settlement complex on Salęt Lake, accompanied by organ - 3 isational solutions of a special sort. These regu - Interim results from the study of the Early lated the relationship between settlements, each Medieval sites on Salęt Lake have been pub - with its specific function, and, at the same time, lished (Wróblewski, Nowakiewicz & Bogucki were a good example of the “territorial system” of the northern Galindian tribal territory. occasionally difficult to verify, is furnished by an 4 archaeological map of Kreis Sensburg (now pow. In the existence of three main categories of Mrągowo) made in 1933, as a teaching reference, by Georg Johann Friedrich von Hassel (cf Mellin- sites – ring forts, mounds and open settlements -Wyczółkowska 1999). In 1949 J. Antoniewicz excavat- we can discern traces of a hierarchical division ed on Salęt Lake – the first Polish excavation in Mazury of individual settlements. There is no doubt that (, site I; Antoniewicz 1977). Fieldwork was resumed in 1974 (Nowakowski 1994). The next year Jerzy Okulicz started excavation of a cemetery at 9 Wyszembork, site IV), next to which were discovered, The decline of Galindian settlement on Salęt Lake and investigated, several score storage pits and hearths may have been the result of political developments in from the (they shed new light on e.g., Mazowsze – north-eastern province of the Piast state, the question of Prussian-Slav contacts at the dawn of which bordered on Prussian territory. After the crisis Early Middle Ages; Okulicz 1988). Until the second half of the first Piast monarchy of the late 1030s Mazowsze of the 1990s, the material basis for understanding the became a virtually independent province which, in an local settlement features was secured mostly from sites alliance with pagan Prussians and Pomeranians, with - dated to the Early Iron Age (Bursche & Nowakowski stood for a decade the attacks of the reviving Piast state 1980; Waluś & Manasterski 1998 ) and the Roman Pe - of Kazimierz I the Restorer. An end to Mazowsze and riod and the Migration Period (Nowakowski 1995; its allies was brought only by an intervention of Szymański 2005 – with a more comprehensive list of Yaroslav the Wise of Kiev who assisted Kazimierz I the references; cf also Lempka, Mazurowski & Waluś 2000). Restorer. It is not impossible that these events are echo- In 1995 a new chapter of archaeological research on ed in a Galindian legend , recorded by Peter of Dusburg, Salęt Lake opened with the excavation of an Early Me - about a bygone war campaign of the Galindians, its dieval ring fort at Szestno made Wojciech Wróblewski. consequences disastrous, waged against “the neigh - Input from several seasons of intensive investigation of bouring Christians”. Its effect, supposedly, was so great this Early Medieval settlement was used in formulat - a ruin of Galindia that, even after many years, this ter - ing the first hypotheses on its nature (Wróblewski, ritory was described by the annalist of the Teutonic Nowakiewicz & Bogucki 2003; Nowakiewicz 2005; Knights as terra desolata (Nowakiewicz & Wróblewski 2006). 2003).

492 SOME REMARKS ON SETTLEMENT SYSTEMS OF EARLY MEDIEVAL PRUSSIANS ...

Fig. 2. The extent of the tribal territory of the Galindians (reconstructed basing on medieval sources) and Early Medieval settlement network on Salęt Lake . the main centre of the micro-region on Salęt indicated by its form of a fortified, permanently Lake was the ring fort at Szestno- Czarny Las inhabited stronghold and its auxiliary open (complete with its suburb settlement). This is settlement, as well as by its manifestly greater

No. Type of site Location Chronology 1 –Neolithic, 2 –Early Iron Age , 3 –Roman Period, 4 –Migration Period, 5 –Early Medieval, 6 –Medieval 1 ring fort (stronghold) Szestno -Czarny Las , site III 1 2 3 4 5 6 2 Rydwągi, site I 1 2 3 4 5 6 3 Wilkowo ( Jerusalem ) 1 2 3 4 5 6 4 mound (tower) Boże, site I 1 2 3 4 5 6 5 Boże, site IX 1 2 3 4 5 6 6 Wyszembork, site III 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 open settlement Muntowo, site XIX 1 2 3 4 5 6 8 Ruska Wieś, site XIII 1 2 3 4 5 6 9 settlement attached Szestno -Czarny Las , site VI 1 2 3 4 5 6 to a stronghold 10 Boże, site X 1 2 3 4 5 6 11 Wyszembork, site II 1 2 3 4 5 6 12 hoard Marienhof / Brodzikowo 1 2 3 4 5 6 Table 2. Early Medieval sites in the micro-region on Salęt Lake (segments less reliably supported by archaeological material are shown in lighter colour).

493 TOMASZ NOWAKIEWICZ prosperity 10 . It seems also, that the cost of rais - by ring forts at Rydwągi and Wilkowo ( Schanze ing the earthwork most likely outstripped the Jerusalem ), similar in many respects. Absence of potential of the local community of the ring fort obvious traces of occupation suggests that they and the settlement. Finally, special status of the did not serve typical uses associated with settle - site is documented by finds associated with ment 11 . Moreover, their refugial function is worship (e .g., burials defined as “type Czarny ruled out by their location. What is remarkable, Las” identified within the ring fort; Wróblewski on the other hand, is that they lie in a narrow 2000; Sabaciński 2006). strip of borderland dividing the Lake District of A specific situation is noted on the north ern Mrągowo from the Lowland of Sępopol, and, periphery of the study area which is delimit ed tribal Galindia from the neighbouring land of Bartia. It seems therefore that the ring forts at Rydwągi and Wilkowo may have been sentinel 10 We need to signal at this point a possible connection forts 12 , raised to protect the network of settle - which earthworks of a form similar to the structure ments on Salęt Lake from Bartians whose abodes recorded at Czarny Las may have with “manors of were just a few kilometres farther to the north 13 . Prussian nobles”, the presence of which in Prussia is confirmed by an account given in Miracula sancti An additional argument in favour of inter - Stanislai , more precisely, in Vita maior, about on preting the “empty” earthworks at Rydwągi and a knight, one Andrzej of Morawica, who on one oc- casion went on a crusade to Prussia (…)The Christians burned down their houses and robbed their possessions. 11 From Rydwągi we have some residual evidence on And so it happened at the time that the knight came with occupation and a very small number of fragments of his companions to a fine and well-fortified manor of Early Medieval pottery. On the other hand, the ring fort a certain rich Prussian. They advised him to put the at Wilkowo could be linked to Schanze Jerusalem – manor to the fire and burn it down. At first, he could not a specific location, which according G. Bujack, was used find any entrance to the house until at last he found by the Teutonic Knights during their mock“storming of a passage, precious narrow and small, made his way Jerusalem”. Analogous features known from Sambia inside but found no one at all in the house. But once he suggest that on these occasions the monks liked to take had set fire to the house he was surrounded by flames on advantage of at least the original, pagan context of the all sides as the fire suddenly shot upwards and blocked all location (Bujack 1887, 121 ). the exits. (…) And when in terror he looked everywhere 12 Their presence is recorded e.g., in Elbląg Heights. about him he saw that which he had not observed by any A group of similar establishments was characterised by means before, namely, that opposite that passage the being situated within the borders of a settled territory flame divided into the form of a chamber of sorts (…) and absence of traces of dwelling structures (Ł. Okulicz- And where previously he had pushed his way through -Kozaryn 1997, 171-174; cf with details on individual only with difficulty, with his armour on and dragging his earthworks at Bielany Wielkie [Haftka 1976 ] and horse behind him, now on horseback he was able to gal - at Kwietniewo [Jagodziński, Jonakowski, Sawicki & lop through unscathed, so that it seemed to him that he Stasiełowicz 1998]). had passed through a wide gate (Miracula... , 1987 ed., 13 The first (going north from the borders of the Lake 52). The text of the Miracula was written in 1252 District of Mrągowo) of the more significant centres of (Plezia 1987, 151) whereas the Vita maior of Saint Bartia is the stronghold at Bezławki. The first season of Stanislas was written down a few years after his canon - fieldwork here established that it was in use probably isation (8 September 1253; Plezia 1987, 19). As such, during the same time as the settlements on Salęt the account of the precarious action of the crusader, Lake (Nowakiewicz & Rzeszotarska-Nowakiewicz 2001; presumably, Andrzej Topór of Morawica, who is known Nowakiewicz & Rudnicki 2003). Worth noting is the from other sources, would refer either to a war waged evidently military context in which Bartians are pre - on the Prussians in 1242 by the Piast princes assisting sented in Medieval written sources – the impression the Teutonic Knights, or by auxiliary units dispatched made on the basis of mainly Teutonic, but also, Ruthen - in 1248 by Bolesław V the Chaste to the campaign waged ian sources, is that the two most outstanding traits of against the Yatvings by Ruthenian princes Daniel and the Bartians was daring and mobility. Naturally, we can - Vasilko. Consequently, these events took place two not project back with impunity what we know from the centuries after the decline of the ring fort at Czarny Las , later Medieval accounts but we are allowed to make use but the written source suggest an observable similarity of this information to assist the reconstruction of the to archaeological relics recorded at the site. Early Medieval reality.

494 SOME REMARKS ON SETTLEMENT SYSTEMS OF EARLY MEDIEVAL PRUSSIANS ...

Fig. 3. Archaeological sites on Salęt Lake (cf Table 2): 1 – ring fort at Rydwągi; 2 – ring fort at Wilkowo (Schanze Jerusalem ); 3 – mound at Boże (site I); 4 – mound at Boże (site IX); 5 – marshy forest harbouring linear earthworks; 6 – settlement at Ruska Wieś; 7 – mound at Wyszembork; 8 – ring fort at Szestno- Czarny Las ; 9 – settlement at Muntowo (Photo : 1-3, 5-7 – T. Nowakiewicz; 4 – R. Klimek; 8 – W. Wróblewski).

Wilkowo is the presence nearby of (linear) clear. Perhaps it may be narrowed down if earthworks, in a wet forest, a few kilometres we look more closely at their location. The fact north-east of the village Boże – near the villages that they run roughly west-east suggests that Koczarki, Budziska (Budziszki) and Langanki the threat was expected to come from the north, (Mellin-Wyczółkowska 1999, 178 , footnote 5; or south, rather than from the east. In which Nowakiewicz 2002, 313-314). They were raised case they would have been of little use for pro - in a boggy and impenetrable forest where there tecting the Teutonic villages on Salęt Lake from were no larger or permanent streams. Laid in Lithuanian raids; this could be an important a terrain so lacking in natural defensive features argument in favour of an older, Early Medieval these earthworks not only provided protection against a sudden invasion of the settled zone 14 Similar conclusions arise from the analysis of the lo - but also prevented the invaders from avoiding cation of linear earthworks known from other parts of Poland. According to Elżbieta Kowalczyk the siting of the important outposts, as presumably were the the earthworks outside the settled zone, at least, during “empty” ring forts at Rydwągi and Wilkowo, or the first period they had been in function, suggests that the special sort of site – “high houses” (see dis - their construction was dictated by the desire to protect cussion below) identified near the village of the settled area with the least possible involvement of 14 human resources, and, as a next step, to direct the ag - Boże . But, we also have to admit that the gression towards selected sites and concentrate the de - chronology of the linear earthworks is far from fence there (Kowalczyk 1987, 220, 222).

495 TOMASZ NOWAKIEWICZ chronology 15 . Even so, this question needs designated (controlled) the northern part of the verification from archaeological research 16 . settlement network on Salęt Lake. However, the A special class of archaeological site are mounds are a rather mixed group. The mound mounds, identified at Wyszembork and Boże at Boże I (with its auxiliary open settlement) (“high houses”) 17 . I believe that they are relics represents a classical model of this type of associated with the presence in the region of establishment and may be interpreted as a Prus- a group of Prussian nobles, whose residences sian“high house” but the mound at Wyszembork gives the impression of being a structure more likely to have been associated with commercial 15 Similar problems are posed by the interpretation of activity which was pursued on the peninsula 18 . linear earthworks in the region of Biskupiec. Their Early This is supported further by the location of this Medieval dating is not ruled out by Anna Bitner- -Wróblewska and Andrzej Piotrowski who, neverthe - mound rising as it does over the settlement and less, stress that their dating is far from clear (Bitner- the inlet as well as much of the lake. -Wróblewska & Piotrowski 1990, 136-139). It seems It seems therefore that we may consider the however that (assuming that the linear earthworks are “high houses” at Boże and Wyszembork, and the of Early Medieval date) it is not correct to associate them with intended to protect Galindia ring forts at Rydwągi (and possibly, also the lin - from Yatving and Polish raids (Bitner-Wróblewska & ear earthworks near Koczarki) as elements which Piotrowski 1990, 137 ). This is because their location is in had a special role to play in the local settlement correspondence with the zone of the Galindian-Bartian network. Let us note too, that they all lie in borderland meaning that the builders of the linear earthworks were Galindians or Bartians. With such an the northern part of the micro-region, on the interpretation we are struck by the compatibility of the border with Bartia. Could it be that no expense location of the linear earthworks in the area of Salęt Lake had been spared to develop the infrastructure and Biskupiec with the area of the Galindian-Bartian in this part of the micro-region 19 ? borderland. Therefore, the founders of this project would have been – presumably – either the Early Medieval tribal leaders or the medieval Bishops of Warmia (the 18 Documented by a series of remarkable settlement boundaries of the diocese in some parts coincide with the finds: a miniature axe (Waluś 1998), Thor’s hammer earlier Galindian-Bartian border; Toeppen 1998, 45 f.). pendant (spoken communication of M. Gładki; more 16 Linear earthworks in the area of former East Prussia on this subject – cf Wróblewski, Nowakiewicz & Bogucki were recorded and catalogued by Hans Crome (1937) .The 2003, 163, 165, footnote 40) and a denier – presumably small number of contributions aimed at grasping their imitation of coins of Franconian type (preliminary de - function and chronology was collected by E. Kowalczyk termination S. Suchodolski and M. Bogucki [Institute (next to the already cited references by this author, cf of Archaeology and Ethnology, Polish Academy of also Kowalczyk 1991). Nevertheless, one cannot resist Sciences] and P. Ilisch [Landesmuseum in Münster]). an impression that the correct interpretation of their Except for the trade emporium at Truso this is the only function will be made possible once we have improved silver find discovered in a settlement context from the our understanding of the nature of the settlement con - Prussian territory. centrations which are in observable spatial relationship 19 It is interesting that, to all appearances, the strip of with the linear earthworks. These remarks aside, it land dividing the territory of Galindia and Bartia, rather seems also that one should not exaggerate the defensive than being a sort of a “zone of mutual avoidance” value of the linear earthworks – their military impor - (mutuo metu – acc. to Germania’s descripcion of Taci - tance cannot have been great, and without the support tus), was an area evidently controlled by the Galindians of a standing troop to defend them, outright negligible. and Bartians (from the hill near the ring fort at There is no doubt however that they had the role of Rydwągi one can see as far as the Teutonic castle at a signal with a strategic significance (which does not Bezławki; this means that the earlier Bartian ring fort rule out other functions). However, as long as the settle- would have been visible from Rydwągi too). Galindian ment context of the linear earthworks is not understood “high houses” on Salęt Lake must have been visible also better their function will continue to elude us. and identifiable as elements marking the borders of the 17 On the form of these mounds and their possible con - settlement zone on that area. From the area of the nection to Prussian“high houses” (presence of which is Galindian-Bartian borderland (with a“depth” of 10 km) suggested by medieval written sources, cf Nowakiewicz defined in this manner we have no finds of Early Me - (2004; 2006). dieval pottery whatsoever.

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The main element of the settlement net - suggests that the settlement network was work on Salęt Lake are open settlements situat- established along a model already in function ed at two opposite ends of the lake (Ruska Wieś, and with an origin hard to grasp at present. site XIII and Muntowo, site XIX), but presum - Nevertheless, it seems most appropriate to ably able to communicate well – by water – with interpret the settlement complex on Salęt Lake other sites in the micro-region. We may assume as a Galindian territorial unit – pulko – situated that the main function of these open settle - in a strategic area of their tribal domain: on the ments was to realise the economic needs of the border with Bartia and in the neighbourhood inhabitants of the micro-region (fishing and of a possible trade route running from the agriculture) although with neither settlement in - Prussian hinterland to the Baltic coast of vestigated in full we cannot draw more definite Sambian Peninsula 22 . The great distance (within conclusions. The number of open settlements the borders of the micro-region) which sepa - may seem unexpectedly modest (“unsatisfac - rates the open settlements at Ruska Wieś and tory” even) but it seems that on the basis of Muntowo could be an argument in favour of in - available data we have no grounds for a more terpreting the two as seats ( kaymis ) of two local reliable interpretation of this phenomenon. lauks (in the broader sense denoting the entire space under exploitation). It is unclear, on the 5 other hand, whether we can also interpret as The sites of interest and their function as kaymis the “high houses” in the northern area we have reconstructed it, make it possible to of the micro-region. Their position may mark measure up the features of the settlement net - both the presence of further lauks or document work on Salęt Lake against different concepts special subsidiary investment projects aimed on on the subject of the Prussian territorial sys - developing the infrastructure of the borderland tems 20 . The group of sites identified on Salęt primarily of military significance. Lake and its surrounding area may be perceived Such an identification of the elements of the as a compact territorial unit and one established settlement system on Salęt Lake implies that according to specific guidelines. This is argued probably it may be classed as the smallest of the also by its chronology – a well-defined horizon Prussian territorial units ( pulko , territorium ) – of setting up of new settlement sites (barring small, particularly as compared to the size of a few exceptions – on virgin ground) 21 . This these units in Sambia or on Yatving territory 23 . But we need to bear in mind also the difference of more than 200 years which divides the time 20 Naturally, extreme caution is needed when compar - ing a situation, reconstructed on the basis of input from excavation, with reality recorded in the written sources, especially if the two are divided by a considerable chro- 22 Specific hydrographic situation in this part of the nological and geographical distance. It seems that, given Lake District of Mazury makes it possible to travel the present status of archaeological research, all the ob - from Salęt Lake to the Baltic coast of Sambia without servable similarities which these two sets of data share, getting out of the boat. The communication route need to be substantiated by more research. At present follows the course of the largest rivers of the region: they may be viewed more as research postulates than Dajna, Guber, Łyna and Pregolya (Wróblewski, theories which are founded by a sound source base. Nowakiewicz & Bogucki 2003, 166, pl. VI). 21 Never mind that some of these sites were occupied 23 For the sake of order we need to note that the ring also during the Early Iron Age. In this context it is sig - fort at Szestno- Czarny Las fulfils the criteria of a cen - nificant that on the threshold of the Early Medieval Pe - tre of moter type. But irrespective of whether we inter - riod sites which had been settled for over five centuries pret it as the main centre of a pulko , or as a stronghold (during the Roman Period and the Migrations Period) of moter type, there is no doubt that it was the focal were deserted in favour of other locations, some of point for the rest of the settlements on and around Salęt which were made use of during the Early Iron Age (cf Lake. At the present stage of research we are unable to Nowakiewicz 2006 , 164, fig. 3). resolve this point in a conclusive manner.

497 TOMASZ NOWAKIEWICZ of the functioning of Galindian settlement on with the conquest of these territories by Salęt Lake (which is unlikely to have continued crusaders during the 13 th c. 26 in a compact form after ca. 1050), and other Boundaries of Semigalian tribal divisions Prussian areas of which we have a retrospective show clearly that in several cases (e .g., Mežotne, description from Peter of Dusburg 24 . We can Kamārde, Silakalns, Tērvete, Žeimelis, Lokava, surmise that at this time Prussian tribal associ - Auželi) the principal stronghold was situated on ations were undergoing consolidation, one con - the periphery of its territory. This means that sequence of which may have been the increase the central position of this focal point and the in their territorial potential and, presumably, resulting“administrative” ease in managing the also changes in their organisational structures 25 . territory was not – in that area – an argument The topography of sites which make up the which decided the rank and significance of that Galindian pulko analysed here is remarkable in settlement. We can assume that among the that its postulated main centre, the complex at causes of this phenomenon an important role Czarny Las , has a placement which may be con - was played by the need to group the military sidered as uncharacteristic. Its location on pe - forces on the borders of the territory, but is not riphery of the micro-region seems to be in clear whether (possibly: to what extent?) this contradiction with the generally accepted view, rather than being an older tribal tradition, ideas on the central position of the main cen - reflects the state of threat set off at the time by tres of individual units of territorial division. the invasions of the crusaders? However, irre - Nevertheless, a similar pattern is observed also spective of the actual genesis of the observed in other Balt lands – the best case is the phenomenon, the tribal territory perceived in spatial structure of the Latvian tribal land of this way may be described e .g., as a fortified Semigalia during the 12 th and 13 th c. (Stašulāne border zone and a secure hinterland. Provided & Slušinskaitė ed. 2003, fig. p. 84; see Fig . 4 ). The that this interpretation is correct, it documents reliability of Semigalian divisions is supported the capacity to adjust the form of the settlement by a great many written sources associated network to current needs and threats, but a sine qua non condition of its implementation was the presence of a strong authority of chieftains. 24 Chronicon Terrae Prussiae was written in the 1330s for Werner von Orseln, Grand Master of the Teutonic Medieval sources furnish data indicating that Knights for propaganda purposes and naturally some this condition was met during the Teutonic of the facts it describes are less than reliable. For in - crusade 27 but for Early Medieval Period on stance, Prussians, adversaries of the Order, are treated without greater discrimination: actually, during the early period of conquest they represented little more 26 Understood here, first and foremost, as the Order of than a background for the activities of the Teutonic the Brothers of the Sword, but also, armies of the Knights and only at a later stage assume some more au - Bishop of Riga, Danes from Reval, and Teutonic tonomous features. This viewpoint (nb. easily explained Knights, who initially assisted the Sword Brothers and by military progress and recollections of informers of later joined forces with them as one monastic organi - Peter of Dusburg) makes it difficult to compare the data sation. More recently, the conquest of Semigalia and on individual regions of the Prussian territory despite other northern Balt lands was discussed by D. Prekop the fact that this information comes from a single source. (2003, 32-51). 25 The extent of Prussian territorial expansion during 27 A similar system is described by Peter of Dusburg the Early Middle Ages is still poorly understood. There when he writes about the stronghold Bisena on the is evidence (Powierski 1971) that for a time the Neman River where the Lithuanians are said to Prussians occupied the land of Kulm (Colmensis/ watch in forts which are close to the border and join Kulmerland) – area of present day Chełmno. This may forces in doing this. Their king appoints some armed have been the case also of the Kolno Heights area men to watch such a fort for a month or longer. After (north-eastern Mazowsze; research by E. Marczak, In - doing this duty they go back home and others come stitute of Archaeology, University of Warsaw) although in their place to continue to keep watch at the same more research is needed to resolve this point. (Dusburg 2004, III, 300).

498 SOME REMARKS ON SETTLEMENT SYSTEMS OF EARLY MEDIEVAL PRUSSIANS ...

Fig. 4. Inner divisions of Latvian tribal territory of Semigalia (basing on medieval sources), showing territorial units and their central strongholds located in the border zone (simplified map based on Stašulāne & Slušinskaitė eds 2003, 84). Prussian territory – we have no similar and re - at Szestno- Czarny Las we can look for traces of liable information 28 . Despite this lack it is not a similar model. Even though at the present stage impossible that in the location of the stronghold of research it is difficult to pinpoint the reason for choosing a “strategic” (western) direction which determined the location of the strong - 28 It is possible that the legendary account on a Galin - dian chieftain Izegups may be an echo of an older tra - hold within the borders of the settlement com - dition, imaginably, from the Early Medieval Period. munity, in this context it seems quite probable

499 TOMASZ NOWAKIEWICZ that there was a connection with a water route, interpretation, not only of the site but also of of which the Dajna, flowing nearby, was a part. the entire settlement system. Along this river ran the shortest route which The concept outlined above does not take linked the lands on Salęt Lake with Sambia, one into account all the elements which are evi - of the richest lands of northern Europe and dently, even at the unsatisfactory level of recog - the richest of Prussian domains (Wróblewski, nition, crucial for Prussian settlement systems. 29 Nowakiewicz & Bogucki 2003, 180, pl . VI) . It is still not clear whether any special role was Adoption of such an interpretation could ex - played in much of the Prussian settlement zone plain the location of the stronghold at Czarny by e .g., stronghold establishments consisting of Las , and moreover, its association with a com - multiple elements (of castrum Weklitze type in mercial route also explains indirectly the rea - Elbląg Heights), in trying to grasp the spatial sons for the above-standard prosperity of the organisation we are troubled by the deficiency site (and of the entire micro-region). of archaeologically tangible cemeteries, we still It is worth stressing at this point that the know little about the location of places and adoption of a theory on a special “designed” space associated with worship (e .g., easily iden - purpose of specific areas of the settlement com - munity (and therefore, on planned investments tifiable Prussian stone statues are known almost undertaken in them) puts to the question without exception from places of secondary 30 divisions – made on the basis of archaeological localisation ). At the same time, each of these material – into“rich” and“poor” sites. This clas - “deficit” areas is sufficient cause for formulat - sification, most often made using subjective cri - ing the assumptions for future research pro - teria, does not take into account the decisive grammes and this gives us hope that the coming factor which would have been the function years will bring an answer to questions we are played by a particular settlement as an element asking today. of an entire system. On the other hand, this element could be conclusive for a correct Translated by Anna Kinecka

30 Especially significant in this context is the discovery of a few years back of a similar stone idol (“baba”) in an undisturbed stratigraphic context, within an Early 29 The Dajna has it source in Czos Lake a few kilome - Medieval settlement at Poganowo near Kętrzyn (un- tres from Szestno and subsequently flows north published research of Mariusz Wyczółkowski from the through Juno Lake which can be seen from the sum - Museum in Kętrzyn). With investigation at Poganowo mit of the hill named Schloßberg rising next to the ring still in progress it is too early for any more far-reaching fort at Czarny Las . This means that in its upper reaches conclusions on the relationship between the site of the Dajna could have been controlled by the users of discovery of the stone idol and the pattern of the local the ring fort at Czarny Las . settlement network.

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