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Papiers Des Chefs De L'etat. Ive République (1947-1959)

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Papiers Des Chefs De L'etat. Ive République (1947-1959) Papiers des chefs de l'Etat. IVe République (1947-1959) Répertoire (4AG/1-4AG/718) Par F. Adnès Archives nationales (France) Pierrefitte-sur-Seine 2001 1 https://www.siv.archives-nationales.culture.gouv.fr/siv/IR/FRAN_IR_003848 Cet instrument de recherche a été encodé en 2012 par l'entreprise Numen dans le cadre du chantier de dématérialisation des instruments de recherche des Archives nationales sur la base d'une DTD conforme à la DTD EAD (encoded archival description) et créée par le service de dématérialisation des instruments de recherche des Archives n ationales 2 Archives nationales (France) Préface Notices biographiques Liens : Liens annexes : • Notices biographiques 3 Archives nationales (France) INTRODUCTION Référence 4AG/1-4AG/718 Niveau de description fonds Intitulé Papiers des chefs de l'Etat. Ive République Date(s) extrême(s) 1947-1959 Localisation physique Pierrefitte DESCRIPTION Présentation du contenu Si les équipes ministérielles ont témoigné de quelque permanence, le massacre des premiers ministres a fait qu'aucun d'eux ne pouvait se maintenir au pouvoir. En face de ce personnage perpétuellement changeant, le président de la République demeurait immuable, étant seul à avoir, depuis le début, connu et suivi toutes les affaires, toutes les négociations, dans un courant interrompu. Quand il y avait crise, puis reprise de l'action politique après rupture de charge, c'était l'Élysée seul qui, pour enchaîner, offrait une rampe solide à quoi s'accrocher. André Siegfried De la IVe à la Ve République au jour le jour, Paris, Plon, 1958, p. 201. Cet inventaire présente à l'historien des sources de nature extrêmement différente, reflet des multiples activités de la présidence de la République de 1947 à 1958, et dont l'intérêt déborde souvent le cadre assigné à celle-ci par la Constitution du 27 octobre 1946. Apparaît ici en premier lieu bien sûr l'institution elle-même, les travaux et les jours de ceux qui la composaient, mais aussi à travers eux une image de la France et du monde sous la IVe République qui, même un peu filtrée, se révèle cependant très intéressante. Avant leurs versements aux Archives nationales, échelonnés de 1978 à 1999, les documents avaient été dans leurs grandes lignes organisés par les services dont ils émanaient et par le service des Archives de la Présidence Les états sommaires de versement furent réalisés par Albert Couturier, Félix Laffé et Jacques Lalyre. De ce grand fonds d'environ neuf-cent trente cartons à l'origine, mises à part certaines lettres et demandes d'interventions qui ont été échantillonnées, seuls les doubles - très nombreux - ont été éliminés. Aux Archives nationales, les documents connurent ensuite leur classement définitif, selon un plan calqué pour l'essentiel sur l'organigramme de la présidence de la République Voir en annexe de l'inventaire 4 AG : organisation de la présidence de la République et attributions de ses membres sous la IVe République pages . Il en fut établi l'inventaire que voici. D'après le texte constitutionnel de 1946 le président de la République, premier personnage de l'État, élu par le Parlement donc émanation suprême de la nation toute entière, se situe au-dessus des fonctions législative, exécutive et judiciaire. En étroite relation avec elles cependant, gardien des principes fondamentaux de la Constitution du pays, il est chargé de veiller à ce qu'en ces différents domaines tout leur soit conforme. Les moyens dont il dispose pour cela - notamment la présidence de maints conseils et comités - contribuent à renforcer considérablement la position en théorie assez faible qui est la sienne en régime parlementaire. Car, la constitution et son application sont évidemment deux choses différentes. Et dès l'origine, les circonstances, la personnalité du Président, son autorité morale et son 4 Archives nationales (France) travail conférèrent à la fonction présidentielle une importance et un rayonnement que n'avaient pas prévu les constituants de 1946, eux qui parfois proposèrent même sa suppression. Pourtant, même après tant d'articles, d'études et de livres publiés depuis plus de quarante ans Voir notamment André Siegfried, De la IVe à la Ve République au jour le jour, Paris, Grasset, 1958, ou Pierre Nora, Introduction générale au Journal du Septennat. 1947-1954, de Vincent Auriol, tome I : 1947, pages XIII à LXIX, Paris, Armand Colin, 1970. , après tant de prises de position qui montrent et démontrent son rôle, bien des idées abusivement reçues ont encore cours aujourd'hui à propos de la Présidence sous la IVe République. Les archives présentées ici, qu'il est indispensable de compléter notamment par le Journal et les papiers privés de Vincent Auriol conservés en 552 AP, font apparaître au contraire - en filigrane parfois seulement, il est vrai, ou à demi-mot - le caractère essentiel de cette institution qui, aux heures les plus sombres du régime, fera même figure de véritable "Institut du cancer" Ce mot est de Pierre Nora. Introduction générale au Journal, page XIX. Tiennent une place importante dans ce fonds les dossiers illustrant la fonction de représentation du président de la République, fonction loin d'être négligeable - en particulier par ses conséquences politiques en France et à l'étranger - et qui a d'ailleurs tant frappé les esprits que nombre d'entre eux ne retinrent qu'elle. Tous ces documents retraçant les voyages, déplacements, audiences, réceptions et cérémonies diverses, avec les textes de discours et les photographies, offrent sous une apparence trompeusement futile un portrait de la France de l'époque, de sa civilisation, de ses crises et difficultés aussi, portrait extrêmement contrasté, des villes détruites et des restrictions de l'après-guerre aux grands succès économiques et aux fêtes les plus raffinées de l'Élysée ou de Rambouillet. Ces documents révèlent aussi l'entourage des présidents, les lieux où ils apparaissaient et laissent deviner les influences, influences perceptibles aussi par l'analyse des emplois du temps et agendas présidentiels. Dès le début de son septennat en effet, Vincent Auriol, désireux de modifier l'image de la Présidence héritée de la IIIe République, institution ressentie comme lointaine et compassée, utilisa les manifestations publiques comme instrument de sa politique. Le 31 janvier 1947, lors d'une visite en banlieue parisienne, il définissait d'emblée son programme : "Entre le peuple et ses élus à quelque échelon qu'ils soient il doit y avoir communication permanente de pensées et de volonté. J'irai d'ailleurs partout à travers la France pour réaliser l'unité nationale, mobiliser toutes les forces vives du pays, entendre les doléances, exposer la politique nationale et internationale de la France, et, entre les élus de la population être le trait d'union permanent qui fera la force de notre pays" Vincent Auriol, Journal du Septennat. 1947-1954, tome I : 1947, Paris, Librairie Armand Colin, 1970, pages 41-42. Ainsi, affranchi en ces occasions de la règle du contre-seing ministériel, il pût s'exprimer librement, exhorter, et ... combattre lui-même les attaques contre le régime, n'étant pas seulement "un président qui préside" mais aussi en ces occasions "un président qui gouverne", ne dédaignant pas de se faire, selon sa propre expression, "le propagandiste numéro 1 de l'action nationale". René Coty, s'il se glissa sans difficulté dans les structures mises en place par son prédécesseur, adoptera une attitude à cet égard plus réservée. Ayant notamment une conception très extensive de l'irresponsabilité du chef de l'État et du contre-seing ministériel, il opta personnellement pour un "effacement volontaire" Voir Francis de Baecque, René Coty, tel qu'en lui-même, Nancy, Presses universitaires de Nancy, Les Éditions STH, 1991. En particulier le chapitre "Un septennat écourté", pages 179 à 289. Les archives des conseils et comités présidés par le président de la République sont également, à des degrés divers, parmi les plus intéressantes de ce fonds puisque loin de se cantonner dans leur rôle d'arbitre, les présidents de la IVe République y exercèrent largement - trop selon certains - leur magistrature d'influence. Les conseils des ministres tout d'abord. Le Président, fait nouveau, est tenu par la Constitution de 1946, d'en faire établir et d'en conserver les procès-verbaux de séances. Vincent Auriol de surcroît, établit la coutume de choisir les participants au Conseil, de mettre au point l'ordre du jour et le texte final du procès-verbal. Source essentielle, ces douze cartons d'ordres du jour et procès-verbaux sont toutefois à compléter par le Journal du Septennat qui en rend compte et les commente, et par les dossiers du secrétaire général du gouvernement chargé par le président du Conseil de préparer les séances. Le journal de René Coty quant à lui, de 1954 à 1958, se fait très lacunaire, ne donnant pratiquement aucun renseignement d'ordre politique. 5 Archives nationales (France) Ainsi apparaît dans le domaine de l'écrit, une différence essentielle entre les deux présidents de la IVe République, et qui détermine largement bien sûr la nature des archives transmises aux historiens. Le premier, par tempérament et dans la perspective de ses mémoires, écrit d'abondance, note et annote, enregistre tout ce dont il est témoin, allant jusqu'à fixer ses "impressions" et à constituer cet important fonds de papiers "privés" parallèle à celui de la présidence de la République. Le second au contraire estime que ses actes doivent être entourés d'un certain secret et, à partir du jour où il accède à la Présidence, laisse en toutes choses très peu de traces écrites de ce qu'il fait ou connaît. "Dès les premières réunions, écrit son ancien collaborateur Francis de Baecque, il nous demande expressément de ne pas tenir un journal quotidien" Voir Francis de Baecque, op. cit. René Coty de surcroît n'effectua qu'un quinquennat.
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