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A Feminist Critique of Nerea

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A Feminist Critique of Nerea International Journal of Liberal Arts and Social Science Vol. 3 No. 6 August, 2015 Our Pregnancy, My Choice: A Feminist Critique of Nerea Dr. Joy Mueni * Lecturer, University of Nairobi, P. O. Box 58070 - 00200 Nairobi - Kenya Email: [email protected] Ms Louise Omollo Post Graduate Student, Egerton University, Kenya Email: [email protected] *Corresponding Author Abstract The role of media in the fight for the rights of women across the globe is a major interest in contemporary scholarship. While Kenya as a country is making commendable steps towards lifting the status of women through legislation and education, gender equality remains elusive. Feminism has over the years sought to define and defend equal rights of women in social, economic and political spheres. One means to this end is to uncover ways in which dominance and oppression of women are often masked in aspects of our daily lives; through ideology passed down through generations in very subtle ways. This paper therefore uses critical discourse analysis to critique the portrayal of the woman in Nerea, a contemporary music video on abortion. The emphasis is on how patriarchal gender ideologies perpetuate oppressive stereotypical views on the place and role of women in society. This study therefore recommends that depictions of women in media and other social commentary be examined critically. It is often in very covert ways, some intended to achieve the contrary effect that the battle for gender equality is lost. Key words: Feminism, Ideology, Abortion, Kenya 1. Introduction There have been shifts in the dynamics of gender power relations within the family in Kenya in the recent past according to Wamue–Ngare and Njoroge (2011). This shift has questioned the perpetuation and maintenance of male dominance over women. This reversal in gender roles has been occasioned by women having to take up hitherto male prescribed roles of provision and decision making as more and more women 55 International Journal of Liberal Arts and Social Science ISSN: 2307-924X www.ijlass.org being educated and moving into the country’s workforce. Another core reason for this shift in roles in the country has been that men have abdicated their roles as husbands and fathers by abandoning their families. Drugs and alcohol addiction have been cited as key contributors to this dire situation. In mid 2015, amid protests from the public, especially women, Uhuru Kenyatta, Kenya's president gave a directive to members of parliament to "clean central Kenya of illicit brews" (Daily Nation). In many Kenyan communities, children, legitimate or not, belonged to the father. In cases where a girl fell pregnant outside wedlock, she would be expected to give birth and nurse the child. Among the Abaluhya of western Kenya for example, should the father to be deny paternity, the paternal grandmother would send spies to visit the girls home when the child was born. The spies would find out if the child bore any likeness to the alleged father; in which case the girl would be asked to ‘breastfeed the child for them ‘then take him/her ‘home’ when they were weaned. In the song Nerea, the persona asks that the child be taken to him, promising to nurture it until he/she achieves their destiny in life. The objective of this paper is to use feminist theory to critique the song Nerea and to specifically look at the representation of the persona Nerea. Nerea was released on Monday 20 April 2015 and in a matter of hours, it was clear that it was going to be popular in Africa but specifically in Kenya. The song was written by Sauti Sol and co-written by Amos and Josh while the 3 minutes and 30 seconds long music video was directed by Enos Olik of Bokeh Family (Capital Lifestyle, 2015; Gichuru, 2015). The song is addressed to Nerea, a pregnant girl whose age, marital or social status we do not know. It seeks to convince her not to have an abortion by rationalizing the situation and, appealing to shared cultural and religious beliefs. First, that God who ‘brings’ children would provide for the child and second, the child could succeed in life and become someone famous, like the various great personalities mentioned in the song. Sauti Sol is an all male Kenyan afro pop band formed in Nairobi. It comprises of Bien-Aimé Baraza, Willis Chimano, Delvin Mudigi and Polycarp Otieno, who are all in their mid to late twenties. The four band members are all college educated a fact that many feel sets them apart from average bands (Muchai, 2014). Baraza and Chimano both have journalism degrees from the United States International University - Kenya and the University of Nairobi respectively. Mudigi studied banking and accountancy at Africa Nazarene University - Kenya while Otieno holds an actuarial science degree from the Jomo Kenyatta University of Agriculture and Technology - Kenya. Speaking to Otas (2013) the band explains that Sauti means “voice” in Swahili, and "sol" means “sun” in Spanish, which they say makes them “Voices of the Light.” According to their website (Sauti-sol.com), the band has two albums to their name; Mwanzo (2008) and Sol Filosofia (2011). The band is in its final stages of producing their much anticipated album, Live and Die in Afrika scheduled for release in 2015. From its inception in 2005, the band set itself up for victory. The band has gone ahead to win many music awards and fans alike. In May 2015, Black Entertainment Television (BET) announced that Sauti Sol was one of the eight nominees to the Best International Act: Africa. Having been nominated for the Channel O Africa Music Video Awards, the UK’s BEFFTA Awards and other awards, Sauti Sol definitely resonates with African music lovers. In 2014, Sauti Sol won the Best African Act in the MTV Europe Music Award (Oyugi, 2014 & Muchai, 2014), a much coveted award in Africa. In the same year they won the best video of the year award and the best artist of the year award during the Bingwa Music awards (BMA) (Bingwamusic.com). Nishike, one of their 2014 singles went ahead to be the most watched youtube music video in Kenya (African muzikmag.com). In the video, the four men oozed sex appeal and machismo by showing off their chiselled torsos and sexy dance moves endearing them even more to their female fans and raising the bar for male body image aspirations. In agreement, Muchai (2014) notes that another key attraction to this group is that "the boys have proved to be great performers, sending fans into frenzies and gaining the respect of 56 International Journal of Liberal Arts and Social Science Vol. 3 No. 6 August, 2015 fellow artistes". Toledo and Pritchard (2015) say that with their Lipala dance, Sauti Sol "is on a mission to reclaim the country's dance floors and create their own national Gangnam Style hit. So they've taken a traditional dance and made it cool". It is at the height of this success that the band, featuring Amos and Josh released Nerea. Amos and Josh met each other in 2010 and were singing together in various church choirs before being thrown into limelight through Tusker Project Fame (TPF). Tusker Project Fame is an East African reality- singing competition show sponsored by Tusker lager, a brand of East Africa Breweries Limited. During its sixth season, running from 6 October 2013 to 8 December 2013, Amos Muema, 30 and Joshua Simani, 25 entered as a duo to compete for the top prize of five million Kenyan Shillings and a recording contract (Kagire, 2013). They were the runners up in the competition after Hope Irakoze from Burundi took the top award. To date, the duo has produced two singles with Nerea being their third. The two singles are Smile and Baadaye featuring Rabbit King Kaka. Just like Sauti Sol, Amos and Josh are both college educated. Amos is a graphic designer while Josh is a Bachelor of Commerce student at the University of Nairobi (Njuguna, 2013). In an interview with Mosongo (2015), Amos and Josh declare that they are born again Christians and that "we (they) are measured by the kind of content that we put out there. Yes, we are Christians; we are born again, meaning that our content will be supported by who we are and not necessarily by being placed in a box". 2. Theoretical Framework Feminism is an ideology aimed at defining, establishing, and defending equal political, economic, and social rights for women. Any feminist critique of narrative must take into consideration its ideological dimension. Ideology has to do with consciousness; beliefs, notions and ideas that constitute the intellectual aspect of culture (van Dijk, 1998). Hence, ideologies are the basic underlying value systems held by members of a society, which govern their norms and determine the dynamics of relationships between members within the social space. Ideological concepts can therefore be understood as derived from and reflective of the interests of certain social positions for instance, gender. Due to the very close connection between ideology and social power, issues of distortion rationalization and legitimization then come into play. Thompson (1984) sees ideology as "linked to the process of sustaining asymmetrical relationships of power", that by disguising, distorting, rationalizing or legitimating these relationships, it assists in perpetuating and maintaining dominance and status quo. Eagleton (1991) further characterizes ideology as a collection of "signifying practises that go to constitute human beings as social subjects, producing relations by which such subjects are connected to the dominant relations of production in society". In agreement, Hall (1996) writes explains that; "By ideology I mean the mental frameworks — the languages, the concepts, categories, imagery of thought, and the systems of representation — which different classes and social groups deploy in order to make sense of, figure out and render intelligible the way society works" (p.26).
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