ISRAEL's TRUTH-TELLING WITHOUT ACCOUNTABILITY Inquest Faults
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Tightening the Belt and Introspection – Preparing for the Cut in Shekel Aid
Tightening the Belt and Introspection – Preparing for the Cut in Shekel Aid Saul Bronfeld “The Israeli Navy was always hampered by limited budgets, but achieved smart solutions… It resembles a painter, a poet – [who] creates his greatest art only on an empty stomach.” Brigadier General (ret.) Shabtai Levy1 Introduction The conference at the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv on the subject of the defense industries2 can be summarized in two sentences: first, the defense industries are very important to the IDF, the economy, and the country’s outlying areas; and second, a reduction of the shekel component in US aid will have a severe negative impact on Israel’s security, the economy, and the local defense industries. Echoing these statements, most of the speakers at the conference concurred that the reduction in shekel aid was another reason to increase the defense budget for local procurement, and the sooner the better. Brigadier General (res.) Prof. Jacob Nagel, who led the drawn-out negotiations with the American authorities, was the only speaker who argued that the reduction in the shekel aid budget should also prompt some self-reflection on the part of the defense establishment. To illustrate his remarks, he recalled the collapse of Kodak, which failed to identify in advance the changing environment in which it operated. Saul (Sam) Bronfeld is a research fellow at the Dado Center for Interdisciplinary Military Studies, IDF Operations Directorate. Israel’s Defense Industry and US Security Aid 95 Sasson Hadad, Tomer Fadlon, and Shmuel Even, Editors 96 I Saul Bronfeld This article follows Nagel’s argument, and points to a matter that was not raised, but that should be before the budget is reshuffled to deal with an emerging defense-economic problem. -
Command and Control | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds Command and Control by David Makovsky, Olivia Holt-Ivry May 23, 2012 ABOUT THE AUTHORS David Makovsky David Makovsky is the Ziegler distinguished fellow at The Washington Institute and director of the Koret Project on Arab-Israel Relations. Olivia Holt-Ivry Articles & Testimony his week, the world's major powers resumed negotiations with Iran over its nuclear program. Should they fail, T the specter of a possible Israeli strike looms large, seeming to grow more likely as Tehran's nuclear program advances. In recent weeks, however, the conventional wisdom has shifted to favor the view that Israel is not on the cusp of a strike against Iran. This has been driven in part by public comments from former Israeli security officials -- notably former Mossad head Meir Dagan and former Shin Bet head Yuval Diskin -- questioning the wisdom of such an attack. An Israeli strike is not feasible, the thinking goes, so long as its security community remains divided -- and the thinly veiled threats of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Ehud Barak are therefore mere bluster. Don't be so sure. Dagan and Diskin's views aren't likely to tell us much about the likelihood of a strike on Iran one way or the other. For starters, they're former officials -- given the sensitivity of this issue, and the recent media misinterpretation of Israel Defense Forces (IDF) Chief of Staff Benny Gantz's remarks earlier this month, no other current members of the security establishment are likely to go public with their views. -
Israel in 1982: the War in Lebanon
Israel in 1982: The War in Lebanon by RALPH MANDEL LS ISRAEL MOVED INTO its 36th year in 1982—the nation cele- brated 35 years of independence during the brief hiatus between the with- drawal from Sinai and the incursion into Lebanon—the country was deeply divided. Rocked by dissension over issues that in the past were the hallmark of unity, wracked by intensifying ethnic and religious-secular rifts, and through it all bedazzled by a bullish stock market that was at one and the same time fuel for and seeming haven from triple-digit inflation, Israelis found themselves living increasingly in a land of extremes, where the middle ground was often inhospitable when it was not totally inaccessible. Toward the end of the year, Amos Oz, one of Israel's leading novelists, set out on a journey in search of the true Israel and the genuine Israeli point of view. What he heard in his travels, as published in a series of articles in the daily Davar, seemed to confirm what many had sensed: Israel was deeply, perhaps irreconcilably, riven by two political philosophies, two attitudes toward Jewish historical destiny, two visions. "What will become of us all, I do not know," Oz wrote in concluding his article on the develop- ment town of Beit Shemesh in the Judean Hills, where the sons of the "Oriental" immigrants, now grown and prosperous, spewed out their loath- ing for the old Ashkenazi establishment. "If anyone has a solution, let him please step forward and spell it out—and the sooner the better. -
EXTENSIONS of REMARKS April 13, 1989 EXTENSIONS of REMARKS Yielding to Extraordinary Economic Pres Angola
6628 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS April 13, 1989 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS Yielding to extraordinary economic pres Angola. Already cut off from South African TESTIMONY OF HOWARD sures from the U.S. government, South aid, which had helped stave off well funded PHILLIPS Africa agreed to a formula wherein the anti invasion-scale Soviet-led assaults during communist black majority Transitional 1986 and 1987, UNITA has been deprived by HON. DAN BURTON Government of National Unity, which had the Crocker accords of important logistical been administering Namibia since 1985, supply routes through Namibia, which ad OF INDIANA would give way to a process by which a new joins liberated southeastern Angola. IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES government would be installed under United If, in addition, a SWAPO regime were to Thursday, April 13, 1989 Nations auspices. use Namibia's Caprivi Strip as a base for South Africa also agreed to withdraw its anti-UNITA Communist forces, UNITA's Mr. BURTON of Indiana. Mr. Speaker, I estimated 40,000 military personnel from ability to safeguard those now resident in would like to enter a statement by Mr. Howard Namibia, with all but 1,500 gone by June 24, the liberated areas would be in grave ques Phillips of the Conservative Caucus into the to dismantle the 35,000-member, predomi tion. RECORD. In view of recent events in Namibia, nantly black, South West African Territori America has strategic interests in south al Force, and to permit the introduction of ern Africa. The mineral resources concen I think it is very important for all of us who are 6,150 U.N. -
The Israeli Experience in Lebanon, 1982-1985
THE ISRAELI EXPERIENCE IN LEBANON, 1982-1985 Major George C. Solley Marine Corps Command and Staff College Marine Corps Development and Education Command Quantico, Virginia 10 May 1987 ABSTRACT Author: Solley, George C., Major, USMC Title: Israel's Lebanon War, 1982-1985 Date: 16 February 1987 On 6 June 1982, the armed forces of Israel invaded Lebanon in a campaign which, although initially perceived as limited in purpose, scope, and duration, would become the longest and most controversial military action in Israel's history. Operation Peace for Galilee was launched to meet five national strategy goals: (1) eliminate the PLO threat to Israel's northern border; (2) destroy the PLO infrastructure in Lebanon; (3) remove Syrian military presence in the Bekaa Valley and reduce its influence in Lebanon; (4) create a stable Lebanese government; and (5) therefore strengthen Israel's position in the West Bank. This study examines Israel's experience in Lebanon from the growth of a significant PLO threat during the 1970's to the present, concentrating on the events from the initial Israeli invasion in June 1982 to the completion of the withdrawal in June 1985. In doing so, the study pays particular attention to three aspects of the war: military operations, strategic goals, and overall results. The examination of the Lebanon War lends itself to division into three parts. Part One recounts the background necessary for an understanding of the war's context -- the growth of PLO power in Lebanon, the internal power struggle in Lebanon during the long and continuing civil war, and Israeli involvement in Lebanon prior to 1982. -
Western Europe
Western Europe Great Britain National Affairs OIGNS OF SLOW BUT DISCERNIBLE economic recovery in 1993 —such as a drop in interest rate, reduced inflation, and even a small decline in unemploy- ment — did nothing to halt the unremitting decline in the political fortunes of Prime Minister John Major's Conservative government. The Tories lost to the Liberal Democrats in by-elections for two hitherto safe parliamentary seats — Newbury in May and Christchurch in July — and in local elections in May, when the Conserva- tives lost control of all but one county council. The most likely cause of the government's unpopularity was its own disunity. Internal dissension, for example, dogged the progress of the bill to ratify the Maas- tricht Treaty on European Union. In March the government lost a key vote on the bill by 22 votes, and Major had to call for a vote of confidence in July, which did insure final ratification of the treaty. The Labor party limited itself to profiting from the government's unpopularity and to updating its image and organization. Under leader John Smith's impetus, the party's annual conference in September voted to abolish the bloc vote enjoyed by the trade unions, in a bid to enhance the party's appeal to middle-class electors. Despite appeals by the Board of Deputies of British Jews and other groups, the government's Asylum Bill, which would limit the number of political refugees admitted to Britain, was passed by the House of Commons in January. Israel and the Middle East The draft peace accord signed by Israel and the Palestinians in September was welcomed by all political parties and opened the door to a more positive stance by Britain in Middle East politics. -
Israeli Jets Strike PLO in Lebanon; Attack Not Meant to End Cease-Fire, Begin's Aide Says
Page 1 8 of 13 DOCUMENTS The Washington Post April 22, 1982, Thursday, Final Edition Israeli Jets Strike PLO In Lebanon; Attack Not Meant To End Cease-Fire, Begin's Aide Says BYLINE: By Edward Cody, Washington Post Foreign Service SECTION: First Section; A1 LENGTH: 1562 words DATELINE: DAMOUR, Lebanon, April 21, 1982 Israeli warplanes, streaking in pairs out of a low haze over the Mediterranean, repeatedly bombed and rocketed Palestinian positions along these coastal hills south of Beirut today. Two Syrian Migs that rose to meet the attack were shot down by other Israeli jets. The Israeli assault followed by only hours the killing of an Israeli soldier and the wounding of a second in southern Lebanon by a land mine that Israeli officials charged was planted by Palestinian guerrillas. The men were in the part of Lebanon controlled by Israeli-backed Christian militias. The air raids, which lasted two hours, marked the first clash between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization in Lebanon since a cease-fire was worked out under U.S. patronage last July. They raised the specter of retaliation by PLO artillery in southern Lebanon and still more devastating strikes by the militarily superior Israeli forces. A spokesman for Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin said the raids were meant as a warning to the PLO to stop what he described as violations of the nine-month cease-fire, The Associated Press reported. The spokesman, Uri Porat, said: "If the PLO learns the lesson from today's attack, from our point of view the cease-fire can continue. -
Mamluk Architectural Landmarks in Jerusalem
Mamluk Architectural Landmarks 2019 Mamluk Architectural in Jerusalem Under Mamluk rule, Jerusalem assumed an exalted Landmarks in Jerusalem religious status and enjoyed a moment of great cultural, theological, economic, and architectural prosperity that restored its privileged status to its former glory in the Umayyad period. The special Jerusalem in Landmarks Architectural Mamluk allure of Al-Quds al-Sharif, with its sublime noble serenity and inalienable Muslim Arab identity, has enticed Muslims in general and Sufis in particular to travel there on pilgrimage, ziyarat, as has been enjoined by the Prophet Mohammad. Dowagers, princes, and sultans, benefactors and benefactresses, endowed lavishly built madares and khanqahs as institutes of teaching Islam and Sufism. Mausoleums, ribats, zawiyas, caravansaries, sabils, public baths, and covered markets congested the neighborhoods adjacent to the Noble Sanctuary. In six walks the author escorts the reader past the splendid endowments that stand witness to Jerusalem’s glorious past. Mamluk Architectural Landmarks in Jerusalem invites readers into places of special spiritual and aesthetic significance, in which the Prophet’s mystic Night Journey plays a key role. The Mamluk massive building campaign was first and foremost an act of religious tribute to one of Islam’s most holy cities. A Mamluk architectural trove, Jerusalem emerges as one of the most beautiful cities. Digita Depa Me di a & rt l, ment Cultur Spor fo Department for e t r Digital, Culture Media & Sport Published by Old City of Jerusalem Revitalization Program (OCJRP) – Taawon Jerusalem, P.O.Box 25204 [email protected] www.taawon.org © Taawon, 2019 Prepared by Dr. Ali Qleibo Research Dr. -
The Development of Security-Military Thinking in The
The Development of Security-Military Thinking in the IDF Gabi Siboni, Yuval Bazak, and Gal Perl Finkel In the seven weeks between August 26 and October 17, 1953, Ben-Gurion spent his vacation holding the “seminar,” 1 following which the State of Israel’s security concept was formulated, along with the key points in the IDF doctrine.2 Ben-Gurion, who had been at the helm of the defense establishment for the Israeli population since the 1930s, argued that he needed to distance himself from routine affairs in order to scrutinize and re-analyze defense strategies. Ben-Gurion understood that Israel would be fighting differently during the next war – against countries, and not against Israeli Arabs 3 – and that the means, the manpower, and the mindset of the Haganah forces did not meet the needs of the future. This prompted him to concentrate on intellectual efforts, which led to the formulation of an approach that could better contend with the challenges of the future. This was only the starting point in the development and establishment of original and effective Israeli military thinking. This thinking was at the core of the building and operation of military and security strength under inferior conditions, and it enabled the establishment of the state and the nation, almost against all odds. The security doctrine that Ben-Gurion devised was based on the idea of achieving military victory in every confrontation. During a time when the Jewish population was 1.2 million and vying against countries whose populations totaled about 30 million, this was a daring approach, bordering on the impossible. -
Hard Lessons in the Holy Land
Hard Lessons in the Holy Land Joint Fire Support in the Yom Kippur War By Jimmy McNulty On October 6 th , 1973, a coalition of Arab states led by Egypt and Syria launched a surprise attack against Israel in the Sinai Peninsula and the Golan Heights. This would spark what would become known as the Yom Kippur War, and would threaten Israel’s very existence. Although it was a brief conflict, the Yom Kippur War would forever transform the Middle East, and would have lasting global impacts. Its military significance is often overshadowed by the concurrent Vietnam War, and is often not afforded the thorough analysis it deserves. The Yom Kippur War would see the introduction of new tactics and technologies that would change how conflicts are fought, and would provide a number of sobering lessons to all participants. The focus of this essay will be on joint fire support, analysing how each of the participants employed their fire support assets, the impact their fire support assets had on operations, and the lessons learned that can be applied to Canadian Armed Forces (CAF) operations. Prior to examining the actual conduct of the Yom Kippur War, it is necessary to outline a number of key concepts regarding joint operations. Joint operations involve two or more military environments (army, navy, air force) working together to plan and execute operations, rather than working separately. 1 Joint operations require interoperability and synchronization between the different military environments under the command of a single Joint Task Force (JTF) commander in order to maximize the effectiveness and efficiency of the force. -
Speak Truth to Power
SPEAK KERRY KENNEDY TRUTH FOTOGRAFÍAS DE EDDIE ADAMS TO POWER DEFIENDE LOS DERECHOS HUMANOS Material didáctico elaborado por el ROBERT F. KENNEDY CENTER FOR JUSTICE AND HUMAN RIGHTS Basado en el libro de KERRY KENNEDY Speak Truth to Power Incluye el guión de la obra de teatro de ARIEL DORFMAN Voces desde la oscuridad “TODO LO QUE NO QUEREMOS VER, TODO AQUELLO DE LO QUE HUIMOS, TODO LO QUE NEGAMOS, DENIGRAMOS O DESPRECIAMOS, ACABA VENCIÉNDONOS. EN CAMBIO, TODO LO QUE PARECE DURO, DOLOROSO O MALO PUEDE CONVERTIRSE EN UNA FUENTE DE BELLEZA, ALEGRÍA O FUERZA SI NOS ENFRENTAMOS A ELLO CON LA MENTE ABIERTA” RIGOBERTA MENCHÚ “EL ARMA MÁS POTENTE EN PODER DEL OPRESOR ES LA MENTE DEL OPRIMIDO” STEVE BIKO “LA PAZ, EN SU SENTIDO DE AUSENCIA DE GUERRA, NO TIENE MUCHO VALOR PARA ALGUIEN QUE ESTÁ MUERTO DE HAMBRE O DE FRÍO. NO ALIVIA EL DOLOR DE UN PRISIONERO TORTURADO. LA PAZ SÓLO TIENE SENTIDO CUANDO LOS DERECHOS HUMANOS SON RESPETADOS, CUANDO LA GENTE TIENE ALIMENTO, CUANDO LOS INDIVIDUOS O LAS NACIONES SON LIBRES” DALAI LAMA “SI NO TOMAS PARTIDO ANTE LAS SITUACIONES DE INJUSTICIA, YA ESTÁS DEL LADO DEL OPRESOR. SI UN ELEFANTE PISA CON SU PATA EL RABO DE UN RATÓN Y TÚ LE DICES QUE ERES NEUTRAL, SEGURO QUE EL RATÓN NO TE AGRADECE TU NEUTRALIDAD” DESMOND TUTU “A VECES PIENSO: ¿QUÉ ESTOY HACIENDO? NO GANO NADA CON ELLO Y NO PARECE MUY EFECTIVO PARA EVITAR EL SUFRIMIENTO A MI ALREDEDOR... PERO, SI ME DOY LA VUELTA Y LO DEJO, NO HABRÁ NADIE QUE LO INTENTE” KA HSAW WA “SON LOS INNUMERABLES ACTOS DE CORAJE Y FE LOS QUE MUEVEN LA HISTORIA HUMANA. -
The Temple Mount/Haram Al-Sharif – Archaeology in a Political Context
The Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif – Archaeology in a Political Context 2017 March 2017 Table of contents >> Introduction 3 Written by: Yonathan Mizrachi >> Part I | The history of the Site: How the Temple Mount became the 0 Researchers: Emek Shaveh Haram al-Sharif 4 Edited by: Talya Ezrahi >> Part II | Changes in the Status of the Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif 0 Proof-editing: Noa Granot from the 19th century to the Present Day 7 Graphic Design: Lior Cohen Photographs: Emek Shaveh, Yael Ilan >> Part III | Changes around the Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif and the 0 Mapping: Lior Cohen, Shai Efrati, Slava Pirsky impact on the Status Quo 11 >> Conclusion and Lessons 19 >> Maps 20 Emek Shaveh (cc) | Email: [email protected] | website www.alt-arch.org Emek Shaveh is an Israeli NGO working to prevent the politicization of archaeology in the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and to protect ancient sites as public assets that belong to members of all communities, faiths and peoples. We view archaeology as a resource for building bridges and strengthening bonds between peoples and cultures. This publication was produced by Emek Shaveh (A public benefit corporation) with the support of the IHL Secretariat, the Federal Department for Foreign Affairs Switzerland (FDFA) the New Israeli Fund and CCFD. Responsibility for the information contained in this report belongs exclu- sively to Emek Shaveh. This information does not represent the opinions of the above mentioned donors. 2 Introduction Immediately after the 1967 War, Israel’s then Defense Minister Moshe Dayan declared that the Islamic Waqf would retain their authority over the Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif compound.