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The Tarring and Feathering of Thomas Paul Smith: Common Schools, Revolutionary Memory, and the Crisis of Black Citizenship in Antebellum Boston
The Tarring and Feathering of Thomas Paul Smith: Common Schools, Revolutionary Memory, and the Crisis of Black Citizenship in Antebellum Boston hilary j. moss N 7 May 1851, Thomas Paul Smith, a twenty-four-year- O old black Bostonian, closed the door of his used clothing shop and set out for home. His journey took him from the city’s center to its westerly edge, where tightly packed tene- ments pressed against the banks of the Charles River. As Smith strolled along Second Street, “some half-dozen” men grabbed, bound, and gagged him before he could cry out. They “beat and bruised” him and covered his mouth with a “plaster made of tar and other substances.” Before night’s end, Smith would be bat- tered so severely that, according to one witness, his antagonists must have wanted to kill him. Smith apparently reached the same conclusion. As the hands of the clock neared midnight, he broke free of his captors and sprinted down Second Street shouting “murder!”1 The author appreciates the generous insights of Jacqueline Jones, Jane Kamensky, James Brewer Stewart, Benjamin Irvin, Jeffrey Ferguson, David Wills, Jack Dougherty, Elizabeth Bouvier, J. M. Opal, Lindsay Silver, Emily Straus, Mitch Kachun, Robert Gross, Shane White, her colleagues in the departments of History and Black Studies at Amherst College, and the anonymous reviewers and editors of the NEQ. She is also grateful to Amherst College, Brandeis University, the Spencer Foundation, and the Rose and Irving Crown Family for financial support. 1Commonwealth of Massachusetts vs. Julian McCrea, Benjamin F. Roberts, and William J. -
Chapter I: the Supremacy of Equal Rights
DIVISION OF THE HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES CALIFORNIA INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY PASADENA, CALIFORNIA 91125 CHAPTER I: THE SUPREMACY OF EQUAL RIGHTS J. Morgan Kousser SOCIAL SCIENCE WORKING PAPER 620 March 1987 ABSTRACT The black and white abolitionist agitation of the school integ ration issue in Massachusetts from 1840 to 1855 gave us the fi rst school integ ration case filed in Ame rica, the fi rst state sup reme cou rt decision re po rted on the issue, and the fi rst state-wide law banning ra cial disc rimination in admission to educational institutions. Wh o favo red and who opposed school integ ration, and what arguments did each side make? We re the types of arguments that they offe re d diffe rent in diffe re nt fo ru ms? We re they diffe rent from 20th centu ry arguments? Wh y did the movement triumph, and why did it take so long to do so? Wh at light does the st ruggle th row on views on ra ce re lations held by membe rs of the antebellum black and white communities, on the cha racte r of the abolitionist movement, and on the development of legal doct rines about ra cial equality? Pe rhaps mo re gene rally, how should histo ri ans go about assessing the weight of diffe rent re asons that policymake rs adduced fo r thei r actions, and how flawed is a legal histo ry that confines itself to st rictly legal mate ri als? How can social scientific theo ry and statistical techniques be profitably applied to politico-legal histo ry? Pa rt of a la rge r project on the histo ry of cou rt cases and state and local provisions on ra cial disc rimination in schools, this pape r int roduces many of the main themes, issues, and methods to be employed in the re st of the book. -
The Long American Revolution: Black Abolitionists and Their
Gordon S. Barker. Fugitive Slaves and the Unfinished American Revolution: Eight Cases, 1848-1856. Jefferson: McFarland & Company, 2013. 232 pp. $45.00, paper, ISBN 978-0-7864-6987-1. Reviewed by Emily Margolis Published on H-Law (January, 2014) Commissioned by Craig Scott U.S. historians tend to mark the end of the their Revolution was the war against slavery and American Revolution as George Bancroft did, in their quest was to create a “more perfect union.” the early 1780s when military action with the Therefore, he claims their Revolution ended--at British ceased (upon either the surrender of Corn‐ the very earliest date--with the ratification of the wallis at Yorktown in 1781 or the Treaty of Paris Thirteenth Amendment. in 1783). As Gordon Barker rightly points out, in Using black and white abolitionist lectures, the 1980s, American and Atlantic social historians correspondence, annual reports, newspapers, di‐ began to produce a new body of scholarship that aries, and memoirs, as well as Northern and challenged this periodization as they found ordi‐ Southern newspapers, fugitive slave trials, and nary men, women, and African Americans em‐ lawyers’ papers, Barker employs a sociopolitical ploying the principles of the Declaration of Inde‐ approach to illustrate African Americans’ contin‐ pendence in their battle to gain freedom from dif‐ ued battle against the tyranny of slavery. To show ferent types of tyranny long after the end of the their continued Revolution, he centers his book eighteenth century. In fact, some argue that the on the late 1840s and 1850s and chronicles eight battle, for these groups, continues today. -
Wendell Phillips Wendell Phillips
“THE CHINAMAN WORKS CHEAP BECAUSE HE IS A BARBARIAN AND SEEKS GRATIFICATION OF ONLY THE LOWEST, THE MOST INEVITABLE WANTS.”1 For the white abolitionists, this was a class struggle rather than a race struggle. It would be quite mistaken for us to infer, now that the civil war is over and the political landscape has 1. Here is what was said of the Phillips family in Nathaniel Morton’s NEW ENGLAND’S MEMORIAL (and this was while that illustrious family was still FOB!): HDT WHAT? INDEX WENDELL PHILLIPS WENDELL PHILLIPS shifted, that the stereotypical antebellum white abolitionist in general had any great love for the welfare of black Americans. White abolitionist leaders knew very well what was the source of their support, in class conflict, and hence Wendell Phillips warned of the political danger from a successful alliance between the “slaveocracy” of the South and the Cotton Whigs of the North, an alliance which he termed “the Lords of the Lash and the Lords of the Loom.” The statement used as the title for this file, above, was attributed to Phillips by the news cartoonist and reformer Thomas Nast, in a cartoon of Columbia facing off a mob of “pure white” Americans armed with pistols, rocks, and sticks, on behalf of an immigrant with a pigtail, that was published in Harper’s Weekly on February 18, 1871. There is no reason to suppose that the cartoonist Nast was failing here to reflect accurately the attitudes of this Boston Brahman — as we are well aware how intensely uncomfortable this man was around any person of color. -
William Leonard, “'Black and Irish Relations in 19Th Century Boston
William Leonard, “’Black and irish Relations in 19th Century Boston: The Interesting Case Lawyer Robert Morris” Historical Journal of Massachusetts Volume 37, No. 1 (Spring 2009). Published by: Institute for Massachusetts Studies and Westfield State University You may use content in this archive for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the Historical Journal of Massachusetts regarding any further use of this work: [email protected] Funding for digitization of issues was provided through a generous grant from MassHumanities. Some digitized versions of the articles have been reformatted from their original, published appearance. When citing, please give the original print source (volume/ number/ date) but add "retrieved from HJM's online archive at http://www.westfield.ma.edu/mhj. Robert Morris (1823-82) was the second African Amer- ican to pass the bar exam in the United States. An ardent abolitionist, during the 1840s he was the only practicing black lawyer in Boston. In 1849 he represented Ben- jamin Roberts, whose daughter had been denied entry to the white public schools. Charles Sumner eventu- ally argued this case before the Massachusetts Supreme Court. During the 1850s Morris participated in three daring rescues of fugitive slaves who were being held in custody for return to the South. After the Civil War he converted to Catholicism, which was then dominated by the Irish. Both before and after the war a majority of Morris’ clients were Irish. (Photo courtesy of the Social Law Library, Boston) Black and Irish Relations in Nineteenth Century Boston: The Interesting Case of Lawyer Robert Morris WILLIAM LEONARD Abstract: This article examines the life of Robert Morris (1823-82), Boston’s first African American lawyer and a noted abolitionist. -
By Cassandra Newby-Alexander, Ph.D. Professor of History Norfolk State University
By Cassandra Newby-Alexander, Ph.D. Professor of History Norfolk State University American Beacon April 24, 1834 American Beacon April 26, 1834 Southern Argus January 10, 1859 Southern Argus, January 24, 1855 Southern Argus, January 15, 1859 Southern Argus January 17, 1859 Southern Argus January 10, 1859 Southern Argus September 15, 1859 Southern Argus, January 17, 1855 Southern Argus March 7, 1855 Southern Argus January 13, 1855 Slavery was prosperous and economically important to the U.S., especially after the invention of the cotton gin In 1860 the South produced 7/8ths of the world's cotton. Cotton represented 57.5% of the value of all U.S. exports. 55% of enslaved people in the United States were employed in cotton production. Cotton Production in the South, 1820–1860 Cotton production expanded westward between 1820 and 1860 into Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, and western Tennessee. Source: Sam Bowers Hilliard, Atlas of Antebellum Southern Agriculture (Louisiana State University Press, 1984) pp. 67–71. Ownership of Enslaved people in the South was unevenly distributed 25% of white families owned slaves in 1860 Fell from 36% in 1830 Nearly half of slaveholders owned fewer than five 12% owned more than twenty slaves 1% owned more than fifty slaves Typical slave lived on a sizeable plantation As Pro-Slavery supporters continued to use the law to protect their “property,” Abolitionists employed all manner of strategies to persuade the American public and its leadership to end slavery. One of their first strategies was to unite groups of like- minded individuals to fight as a body. -
William Cooper Nell. the Colored Patriots of the American Revolution
William Cooper Nell. The Colored Patriots of the American ... http://docsouth.unc.edu/neh/nell/nell.html About | Collections | Authors | Titles | Subjects | Geographic | K-12 | Facebook | Buy DocSouth Books The Colored Patriots of the American Revolution, With Sketches of Several Distinguished Colored Persons: To Which Is Added a Brief Survey of the Condition And Prospects of Colored Americans: Electronic Edition. Nell, William Cooper Funding from the National Endowment for the Humanities supported the electronic publication of this title. Text scanned (OCR) by Fiona Mills and Sarah Reuning Images scanned by Fiona Mills and Sarah Reuning Text encoded by Carlene Hempel and Natalia Smith First edition, 1999 ca. 800K Academic Affairs Library, UNC-CH University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1999. © This work is the property of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. It may be used freely by individuals for research, teaching and personal use as long as this statement of availability is included in the text. Call number E 269 N3 N4 (Winston-Salem State University) The electronic edition is a part of the UNC-CH digitization project, Documenting the American South. All footnotes are moved to the end of paragraphs in which the reference occurs. Any hyphens occurring in line breaks have been removed, and the trailing part of a word has been joined to the preceding line. All quotation marks, em dashes and ampersand have been transcribed as entity references. All double right and left quotation marks are encoded as " and " respectively. All single right and left quotation marks are encoded as ' and ' respectively. -
The Fugitive Slave Act Resources
Essential Civil War Curriculum | H. Robert Baker, The Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 | September 2015 The Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 By H. Robert Baker, Georgia State University Resources If you can read only one book Author Title. City: Publisher, Year. Lubet, Steven Fugitive Justice: Runaways, Rescuers, and Slavery on Trial. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2010. Books and Articles Author Title. City: Publisher, Year. Baker, H. Robert The Rescue of Joshua Glover: A Fugitive Slave, the Constitution, and the Coming of the Civil War. Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press, 2006, 26-57. ———. Prigg v. Pennsylvania: Slavery, the Supreme Court, and the Ambivalent Constitution. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2012. Brandt, Nat The Town That Started the Civil War. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1990. Campbell, Stanley The Slave-Catchers: Enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Law, 1850-1860. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1970. Finkelman, Paul An Imperfect Union: Slavery, Federalism, and Comity. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1980, 236-84. Fehrenbacher, Don The Slaveholding Republic: An Account of the United States Government’s Relations to Slavery. New York: Oxford University Press, 2001, 205-52. Essential Civil War Curriculum | Copyright 2015 Virginia Center for Civil War Studies at Virginia Tech Page 1 of 4 Essential Civil War Curriculum | H. Robert Baker, The Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 | September 2015 Foner, Eric Gateway to Freedom: The Hidden History of the Underground Railroad. New York: W. W. Norton, 2015. Harrold, Stanley Border War: Fighting Over Slavery Before the Civil War. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010. -
The Fugitive Slave Act of 1850: the Tipping Point
The Fugitive Slave Act of 1850: The Tipping Point During the Antebellum period, tensions between the Northern and Southern regions of the United States escalated due to debates over slavery and states’ rights. These disagreements between the North and South set the stage for the Civil War in 1861. Following the end of the Mexican-American War in 1848, the United States acquired 500,000 square miles of land from Mexico and the question of whether slavery would be allowed in the territory was debated between the North and South. As a solution, Congress ultimately passed the The Compromise of 1850. The Compromise resulted in California joining the Union as a free state and slavery in the territories of New Mexico, Nevada, Arizona and Utah, to be determined by popular sovereignty. In order to placate the Southern States, the Fugitive Slave Act was put into place to appease the Southerners and to prevent secession. This legislation allowed the federal government to deputize Northerners to capture and return escaped slaves to their owners in the South. Although the Fugitive Slave Act was well intentioned, the plan ultimately backfired. The Fugitive Slave Act fueled the Abolitionist Movement in the North and this angered the South. The enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Act increased the polarization of the North and South and served as a catalyst to events which led to the outbreak of the Civil War. The Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 brought into sharp focus old differences between the North and South and empowered the Anti-Slavery movement. Prior to the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850, the Act of 1793 was passed and this allowed for slave owners to enter free states to capture escaped slaves. -
Resisting the Slavocracy: the Boston Vigilance Committee's Role in the Creation of the Republican Party, 1846-1860
RESISTING THE SLAVOCRACY: THE BOSTON VIGILANCE COMMITTEE’S ROLE IN THE CREATION OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY, 1846-1860 by Yasmin K. McGee A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The Dorothy F. Schmidt College of Arts and Letters In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Florida Atlantic University Boca Raton, FL May 2020 Copyright 2020 by Yasmin K. McGee ii RESISTING THE SLAVOCRACY: THE BOSTON VIGILANCE COMMITTEE'S ROLE IN THE CREATION OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY, 1846-1860 April 16th, 2020 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I’d like to put a spin on the familiar proverb “it takes a village,” for me it “took a village” to write this thesis. The village chief, Dr. Stephen Engle, guided me throughout the MA program and as my thesis advisor, with great leadership, insight, understanding, and impressive, yet humble, expertise. I thank Dr. Engle for introducing me to the Boston Vigilance Committee and for encouraging me to undertake this work. Dr. Engle’s love for 19th century American history, depicted through his enthusiasm for teaching, has inspired me to continuously improve my writing and understanding of history. His inspiration and confidence in my work has fostered clear convictions about my own capabilities, yet he has set an example of how to remain modest and strive for further knowledge. My gratitude to Dr. Engle goes beyond words and I am grateful for having been able to learn from him. Dr. Norman has been especially positive and helpful throughout my time in the program. While taking her graduate seminar, she introduced me to the wonders of public and oral history and encouraged me to obtain valuable experience as an intern in a local South Florida museum. -
Joan Waugh on the Trials of Anthony Burns: Freedom And
Albert J. von Frank. The Trials of Anthony Burns: Freedom and Slavery in Emerson's Boston. Cambridge, Massachusetts and London, England: Harvard University Press, 1998. 409 pp. $27.95,, cloth, ISBN 978-0-674-03954-4. Reviewed by Joan Waugh Published on H-SHEAR (January, 2000) On May 24, 1854 two events occurred which many of the principal fgures in the trial contro‐ dramatically shaped the future of the union. The versy. This linking of thought and action makes Kansas-Nebraska Act was passed in Washington, for a complex and interesting examination of the D.C., and a fugitive slave from Virginia named An‐ private sources animating public behavior. Emer‐ thony Burns was arrested by a federal marshal as sonian transcendentalism empowered the indi‐ he walked down a Boston street. Historians have vidual over the institution, and celebrated the traditionally focussed on the consequences of the goodness inherent in all men, black and white. By former, while relegating the latter to a few para‐ doing so, Emerson and his circle (who generally graphs or a footnote in the tumultuous history of eschewed overt political involvement) inspired the 1850s. Albert J. von Frank's superb rendering the actions of readers to liberate humans from all of the ensuing trial of Burns restores the episode fetters, and oppose the evils of slavery, even if it to its rightful place as an important event in the meant breaking the law. For example, Emerson march to disunion and deftly interweaves intel‐ admirer and abolitionist minister Thomas Went‐ lectual, legal, cultural, and political history to worth Higginson risked his life and his family's make his case. -
Book Review: Shadrach Minkins, Fugitive Slave to Citizen
Shadrach Minkins, Fugitive Slave to Citizen Gary Collison Harvard University Press, 1997 Both the first and last African-American held in Boston under the Fugitive Slave Act settled in Canada. The last is well-known in Ontario. He was Anthony Burns and was a minister in St. Catharines. He is commemorated with a provincial historical plaque in Victoria Lawn Cemetery in that city. The other man’s story is virtually unknown. The first man to be arrested in Boston under the Act of 1850 was Shadrach Minkins. His capture and escape made headlines in newspapers across the United States, but over the years, faded into the background of history. Fortunately Shadrach’s story has been resurrected with the publication of Shadrach Minkins, From Fugitive Slave to Citizen. Gary Collison, a professor of English at Pennsylvania State University, spent years searching through archives and old newspapers to reconstruct the life of Minkins. Shadrach Minkins was a slave in Norfolk, Virginia, when he escaped to Boston in May of 1850. There he found work as a waiter in a restaurant in the heart of Boston. The author points out that it was not really a safe area to work for an escaped slave because of the number of Southerners who came to do business in that city. It became even more perilous with the passage of the Fugitive Slave Act in September, 1850. This Act sacrificed the freedom of Blacks in order to salvage the union between the North and the South. Collison shows that the South especially wanted the Act to be enforced in Boston because of the city’s abolitionist history.