Conflict in Sudan: Guns, Globalisation and Accelerated History
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Power and Proximity: the Politics of State Secession
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 9-2016 Power and Proximity: The Politics of State Secession Elizabeth A. Nelson The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/1396 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] POWER AND PROXIMITY: THE POLITICS OF STATE SECESSION by ELIZABETH A. NELSON A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Political Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2016 © 2016 ELIZABETH A. NELSON All Rights Reserved ii Power and Proximity: The Politics of State Secession by Elizabeth A. Nelson This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Political Science in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. ______________ ____________________________________ Date Susan L. Woodward Chair of Examining Committee ______________ ____________________________________ Date Alyson Cole Executive Officer Supervisory Committee: Professor Susan L. Woodward Professor Peter Liberman Professor Bruce Cronin THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii ABSTRACT Power and Proximity: The Politics of State Secession by Elizabeth A. Nelson Advisor: Susan L. Woodward State secession is a rare occurrence in the international system. While a number of movements seek secession, the majority fail to achieve statehood. Of the exceptional successes, many have not had the strongest claims to statehood; some of these new states look far less like states than some that have failed. -
South Sudan Conflict Insight | Aug 2018 | Vol
ABOUT THE REPORT South Sudan Conflict The purpose of this report is to provide analysis and recommendations to assist the African Union (AU), Regional Economic Communities (RECs), Member States and Development Partners in decision-making Insight and in the implementation of peace and security- related instruments. CONTRIBUTORS Dr. Mesfin Gebremichael (Editor in Chief) Mr. Alagaw Ababu Kifle Ms. Alem Kidane Ms. Mahlet Fitiwi Ms. Tsion Belay Ms. Zaharau S. Shariff Situation analysis The area that is today’s South Sudan was once a marginalized region in the EDITING, DESIGN & LAYOUT Republic of Sudan administered by tribal chiefs during the British colonial Ms. Michelle Mendi Muita period (1899-1955). In the 1950s, marginalization gave rise to the Anyanya Mr. Mikias Yitbarek I rebellion, spearheaded by southern Sudanese separatists and resulting in Ms. Siphokazi Mnguni the First Sudanese Civil War (1955-1972). The war ended after the 1972 Addis Ababa Agreement, only for another civil war to break out in 1983 instigated by the Sudan People Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A). The Second Sudanese Civil War (1983-2005), one of the longest civil wars on © 2018 Institute for Peace and Security Studies, record, officially ended in 2005 with the signing of the Comprehensive Addis Ababa University. All rights reserved. Peace Agreement (CPA) by the SPLM/A and the government of Sudan. In 2011, six years after the end of the civil war, South Sudan gained August 2018 | Vol. 2 independence from the Republic of Sudan. South Sudan is home to more than 60 ethnic groups, with the Dinka and CONTENTS the Nuer constituting the largest numbers. -
Building Peace in South Sudan: Progress, Problems, and Prospects
BUILDING PEACE IN SOUTH SUDAN: PROGRESS, PROBLEMS, AND PROSPECTS CENTRE FOR CONFLICT RESOLUTION CAPE TOWN, SOUTH AFRICA PPOLICY ADVISORY GROUP SEMINAR REPORT CAPE TOWN, SOUTH AFRICA DATE OF PUBLICATION: JUNE 2017 BUILDING PEACE IN SOUTH SUDAN: PROGRESS, PROBLEMS, AND PROSPECTS CAPE TOWN • SOUTH AFRICA POLICY ADVISORY GROUP SEMINAR REPORT CAPE TOWN, SOUTH AFRICA DATE OF PUBLICATION: JUNE 2017 RAPPORTEURS CHARLES MUTASA AND KUDRAT VIRK ii BUILDING PEACE IN SOUTH SUDAN: PROGRESS, PROBLEMS, AND PROSPECTS Table of Contents Acknowledgements, About the Organiser, and Rapporteurs v Executive Summary 1 Introduction 6 1. The Challenges of Building Peace in South Sudan 10 2. Challenges Facing South Sudan’s Transitional Government of National Unity 13 3. Implementing the 2015 Addis Ababa Peace Agreement 17 4. Human Rights 20 5. Gender and Peacebuilding 23 6. The Role of Civil Society in Peacebuilding 27 7. The Role of External Actors in South Sudan 30 Policy Recommendations 34 Annexes I. Conference Team 36 II. List of Acronyms 37 DESIGNED BY: KULT CREATIVE, CAPE TOWN, SOUTH AFRICA EDITORS: TONY KARBO, CENTRE FOR CONFLICT RESOLUTION, SOUTH AFRICA; AND JASON COOK, INDEPENDENT CONSULTANT (COPY EDITOR) PHOTOGRAPHER: FANIE JASON BUILDING PEACE IN SOUTH SUDAN: PROGRESS, PROBLEMS, AND PROSPECTS iii iv BUILDING PEACE IN SOUTH SUDAN: PROGRESS, PROBLEMS, AND PROSPECTS Acknowledgements The Centre for Conflict Resolution (CCR), Cape Town, South Africa, would like to thank the governments of Norway, Sweden, the Netherlands, and Finland for their generous support that made possible the holding of the policy advisory group seminar “Building Peace in South Sudan: Progress, Problems, and Prospects” in Cape Town from 14 to 15 December 2016. -
Space, Home and Racial Meaning Making in Post Independence Juba
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles The Worldliness of South Sudan: Space, Home and Racial Meaning Making in Post Independence Juba A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirement for the degree of Master of Arts in Anthropology By Zachary Mondesire 2018 © Copyright by Zachary Mondesire 2018 ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS The Worldliness of South Sudan: Space, Home and Racial Meaning Making in Post Independence Juba By Zachary Mondesire Master of Art in Anthropology University of California, Los Angeles, 2017 Professor Hannah C. Appel, Chair The world’s newest state, South Sudan, became independent in July 2011. In 2013, after the outbreak of the still-ongoing South Sudanese civil war, the UNHCR declared a refugee crisis and continues to document the displacement of millions of South Sudanese citizens. In 2016, Crazy Fox, a popular South Sudanese musician, released a song entitled “Ana Gaid/I am staying.” His song compels us to pay attention to those in South Sudan who have chosen to stay, or to return and still other African regionals from neighboring countries to arrive. The goal of this thesis is to explore the “Crown Lodge,” a hotel in Juba, the capital city of South Sudan, as one such site of arrival, return, and staying put. Paying ethnographic attention to site enables us to think through forms of spatial belonging in and around the hotel that attached racial meaning to national origin and regional identity. ii The thesis of Zachary C. P. Mondesire is approved. Jemima Pierre Aomar Boum Hannah C. Appel, Committee Chair University -
Wartime Trade and the Reshaping of Power in South Sudan Learning from the Market of Mayen Rual South Sudan Customary Authorities Project
SOUTH SUDAN CUSTOMARY AUTHORITIES pROjECT WARTIME TRADE AND THE RESHAPING OF POWER IN SOUTH SUDAN LEARNING FROM THE MARKET OF MAYEN RUAL SOUTH SUDAN customary authorities pROjECT Wartime Trade and the Reshaping of Power in South Sudan Learning from the market of Mayen Rual NAOMI PENDLE AND CHirrilo MADUT ANEI Published in 2018 by the Rift Valley Institute PO Box 52771 GPO, 00100 Nairobi, Kenya 107 Belgravia Workshops, 159/163 Marlborough Road, London N19 4NF, United Kingdom THE RIFT VALLEY INSTITUTE (RVI) The Rift Valley Institute (www.riftvalley.net) works in eastern and central Africa to bring local knowledge to bear on social, political and economic development. THE AUTHORS Naomi Pendle is a Research Fellow in the Firoz Lalji Centre for Africa, London School of Economics. Chirrilo Madut Anei is a graduate of the University of Bahr el Ghazal and is an emerging South Sudanese researcher. SOUTH SUDAN CUSTOMARY AUTHORITIES PROJECT RVI’s South Sudan Customary Authorities Project seeks to deepen the understand- ing of the changing role of chiefs and traditional authorities in South Sudan. The SSCA Project is supported by the Swiss Government. CREDITS RVI EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR: Mark Bradbury RVI ASSOCIATE DIRECTOR OF RESEARCH AND COMMUNICATIONS: Cedric Barnes RVI SOUTH SUDAN PROGRAMME MANAGER: Anna Rowett RVI SENIOR PUBLICATIONS AND PROGRAMME MANAGER: Magnus Taylor EDITOR: Kate McGuinness DESIGN: Lindsay Nash MAPS: Jillian Luff,MAPgrafix ISBN 978-1-907431-56-2 COVER: Chief Morris Ngor RIGHTS Copyright © Rift Valley Institute 2018 Cover image © Silvano Yokwe Alison Text and maps published under Creative Commons License Attribution-Noncommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International www.creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 Available for free download from www.riftvalley.net Printed copies are available from Amazon and other online retailers. -
South Sudan: Solutions for Moving Beyond an "Ethnic Conflict"
International Research and Review: Journal of Phi Beta Volume 3, Number 1, Fall 2013 Delta Honor Society for International Scholars South Sudan: Solutions for Moving Beyond an "Ethnic Conflict" Christa Charbonneau Kuntzelman, M.A. Candidate DePaul University Abstract Although ethnicity is a contributing factor to the ongoing crisis in South Sudan, particularly after the re-escalation of violence in December of 2013, the characterization of the conflict as an ethnic crisis is insufficient. This analysis will reframe the violence in terms of both its proximate and root causes, including a comprehensive examination of systemic problems of underdevelopment. The reframing of root causes is necessary to appropriately create the local, regional, national, and international responses that will dually address the immediate sources of violence and contribute towards the social, legal, and institutional infrastructure required to transition the new nation from conflict to durable peace and stability. This argument will be substantiated by a historic analysis of South Sudan done in three distinct segments: Sudan’s 1956 independence until the signing of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), including an analysis of the two civil wars between the North and South; the interim period, between the 2005 CPA and South Sudan’s independence in 2011; and the post-independence period. The final sections offer pragmatic, cross-sectoral recommendations for peacebuilding and capacity building in order to ameliorate the current humanitarian crisis and to establish the human and national security that will guard against conflict recurrence. The recommendations will both consider current cross-sector approaches which privilege traditional actors, such as nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and governments and present new recommendations that include nontraditional actors, such as Internally-displaced persons (IDPs), refugees, and diasporic communities. -
Conflict and Crisis in South Sudan's Equatoria
SPECIAL REPORT NO. 493 | APRIL 2021 UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org Conflict and Crisis in South Sudan’s Equatoria By Alan Boswell Contents Introduction ...................................3 Descent into War ..........................4 Key Actors and Interests ............ 9 Conclusion and Recommendations ...................... 16 Thomas Cirillo, leader of the Equatoria-based National Salvation Front militia, addresses the media in Rome on November 2, 2019. (Photo by Andrew Medichini/AP) Summary • In 2016, South Sudan’s war expand- Equatorians—a collection of diverse South Sudan’s transitional period. ed explosively into the country’s minority ethnic groups—are fighting • On a national level, conflict resolu- southern region, Equatoria, trig- for more autonomy, local or regional, tion should pursue shared sover- gering a major refugee crisis. Even and a remedy to what is perceived eignty among South Sudan’s con- after the 2018 peace deal, parts of as (primarily) Dinka hegemony. stituencies and regions, beyond Equatoria continue to be active hot • Equatorian elites lack the external power sharing among elites. To spots for national conflict. support to viably pursue their ob- resolve underlying grievances, the • The war in Equatoria does not fit jectives through violence. The gov- political process should be expand- neatly into the simplified narratives ernment in Juba, meanwhile, lacks ed to include consultations with of South Sudan’s war as a power the capacity and local legitimacy to local community leaders. The con- struggle for the center; nor will it be definitively stamp out the rebellion. stitutional reform process of South addressed by peacebuilding strate- Both sides should pursue a nego- Sudan’s current transitional period gies built off those precepts. -
Sudan: Colonialism, Independence, and Conflict
Sudan: Colonialism, Independence, and Conflict Overview Students will analyze the impact of colonization on Sudan including regional divisions, independence movements, and conflict. Students will understand the various economic, political, and societal factors that have led to wars in the region. Students will also learn that these conflicts have led to migration out of Sudan, exploring cultural and artistic production of Sudanese people in the diaspora. Students will learn that the effects of decolonization and ethnic conflict have been a push factor for African migration in the new wave of diaspora. Essential/Compelling Question(s) How has the legacy of colonization and imperialism impacted Sudan? How has conflict in Sudan affected the country’s politics, economy, and society? How are human rights affected in times of conflict? Grade(s) 9-12 Subject(s) World History North Carolina Essential Standards WH.8: Analyze global interdependence and shifts in power in terms of political, economic, social and environmental changes and conflicts since the last half of the twentieth century. WH.H.8.3: Analyze the "new" balance of power and the search for peace and stability in terms of how each has influenced global interactions since the last half of the twentieth century (e.g., post WWII, Post Cold War, 1990s Globalization, New World Order, Global Achievements and Innovations). WH.8.6: Explain how liberal democracy, private enterprise and human rights movements have reshaped political, economic and social life in Africa, Asia, Latin America, Europe, the Soviet Union and the United States (e.g., U.N. Declaration of Human Rights, end of Cold War, apartheid, perestroika, glasnost, etc.). -
Sudan's Deep State
Violent Kleptocracy Series: East and Central Africa Sudan’s Deep State How Insiders Violently Privatized Sudan’s Wealth, and How to Respond By The Enough Project April 2017 REUTERS / Alamy Stock Photo Sudan’s Deep State Violent Kleptocracy Series: East & Central Africa Executive Summary Sudan’s government is a violent kleptocracy, a system of misrule characterized by state capture and co-opted institutions, where a small ruling group maintains power indefinitely through various forms of corruption and violence. Throughout his reign, President Omar al-Bashir has overseen the entrenchment of systemic looting, widespread impunity, political repression, and state violence so that he and his inner circle can maintain absolute authority and continue looting the state. The result of this process, on the one hand, has been the amassment of fortunes for the president and a number of elites, enablers, and facilitators, and on the other hand crushing poverty and underdevelopment for most Sudanese people.* A Failed State? For nearly three decades, President al-Bashir has maintained his position at the pinnacle of Sudan’s political order after seizing power through a military coup in 1989. During his rule, the government of Sudan has perhaps been best known for providing safe haven to Osama bin Laden and other Islamic militants in the 1990s, for committing genocide1 and mass atrocities against its citizens in Darfur, for the secession of South Sudan in 2011, and for ongoing armed conflict—marked by the regime’s aerial bombardment of civilian targets and humanitarian aid blockade—in South Kordofan and Blue Nile. Often portrayed as a country wracked by intractable violence and hampered by racial, religious, ethnic and social cleavages, Sudan ranks consistently among the most fragile or failed states.2 At the same time, Sudan has considerable natural resource wealth and significant economic potential. -
The Case of Sudan How the West Lost, and China Gained Influence
The Case of Sudan How the West Lost, and China Gained Influence Peter Bang, Copenhagen Business School Date: 02.03.2015 Master of Science in International Business and Politics Supervisor: Anna Leander Number of Pages: 79 STU Count: 175,036 Table of Content List of figures .................................................................................................................................... 2 Abstract ............................................................................................................................................. 3 Acronyms .......................................................................................................................................... 4 Chapter 1: Introduction .................................................................................................................. 5 Current Literature ........................................................................................................................... 6 Research Question .......................................................................................................................... 8 Thesis Outline ................................................................................................................................. 9 Chapter 2: International Relations and the English School ...................................................... 10 The English School ........................................................................................................................ 10 International -
South Sudan: Jonglei – “We Have Always Been at War”
South Sudan: Jonglei – “We Have Always Been at War” Africa Report N°221 | 22 December 2014 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Jonglei’s Conflicts Before the Civil War ........................................................................... 3 A. Perpetual Armed Rebellion ....................................................................................... 3 B. The Politics of Inter-Communal Conflict .................................................................. 4 1. The communal is political .................................................................................... 4 2. Mixed messages: Government response to intercommunal violence ................. 7 3. Ethnically-targeted civilian disarmament ........................................................... 8 C. Region over Ethnicity? Shifting Alliances between the Bahr el Ghazal Dinka, Greater Bor Dinka and Nuer ...................................................................................... 9 III. South Sudan’s Civil War in Jonglei .................................................................................. 12 A. Armed Factions in Jonglei ........................................................................................ -
Abyei Jenn Christian and John Prendergast October 11, 2012
Forgotten Again: How the World Has Failed Abyei Jenn Christian and John Prendergast October 11, 2012 On September 27, 2012, Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir and South Sudanese President Salva Kiir signed agreements concerning a host of issues resulting from South Sudan’s July 2011 secession. The agreements concern issues of oil and other financial matters, border security, and citizenship. They represent the culmination of a nearly two and half year-long negotiation process and, if implemented, have the potential to further consolidate peace and security within and between the two Sudans. However, the suc- cess of these agreements ultimately hinges on the resolution of the remaining outstand- ing issues on which the two presidents were unable to agree, chief among them the final status of the disputed Abyei area. Straddling the ill-defined international border separating the two Sudans, Abyei is the traditional homeland of the nine Ngok Dinka chiefdoms, a group with strong ethnic, cultural, and linguistic ties with the Dinka of South Sudan. Misseriya herders, members of a northern nomadic Arab tribe, seasonally traverse the Abyei area with their cattle. While Abyei was administratively transferred to the North in 1905, its Ngok Dinka inhabitants sided with the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement, or SPLM, and its pre- decessor, the Anyanya movement, during Sudan’s successive North-South civil wars.1 Despite Abyei’s central role as a catalyst for North-South tensions, the international com- munity has historically dodged the difficult issue of the area’s final status – or the question of whether the area should be part of Sudan or South Sudan – and, in doing so, has repeat- edly sacrificed the safety, security, and livelihoods of the Ngok Dinka people for the sake of other concerns and interests.