DOCSLIB.ORG

Who Owns the Twin Cities? an Analysis of Racialized Ownership Trends in Hennepin and Ramsey Counties

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Who Owns the Twin Cities? an Analysis of Racialized Ownership Trends in Hennepin and Ramsey Counties METROPOLITAN HOUSING AND COMMUNITIES POLICY CENTER RESEARCH REPORT Who Owns the Twin Cities? An Analysis of Racialized Ownership Trends in Hennepin and Ramsey Counties Yonah Freemark Eleanor Noble Yipeng Su June 2021 ABOUT THE URBAN INSTITUTE The nonprofit Urban Institute is a leading research organization dedicated to developing evidence-based insights that improve people’s lives and strengthen communities. For 50 years, Urban has been the trusted source for rigorous analysis of complex social and economic issues; strategic advice to policymakers, philanthropists, and practitioners; and new, promising ideas that expand opportunities for all. Our work inspires effective decisions that advance fairness and enhance the well-being of people and places. Copyright © June 2021. Urban Institute. Permission is granted for reproduction of this file, with attribution to the Urban Institute. Cover image by Proper Studios for the Urban Institute. Contents Acknowledgments iv Who Owns the Twin Cities? 1 Key Takeaways 1 Property Ownership: One Reflection of Equitable Access to Wealth 3 Examining Ownership Patterns as a Barometer of Neighborhood Health and Wealth 3 Methods 9 Homeownership Patterns Show Growing Gaps between Households Based on Race 11 Overall Ownership Trends 11 Comparing Change Based on Neighborhood Type 14 The Rise of the Investor Landlord in the Twin Cities Metropolitan Region 19 Increasing LLC Ownership of Rental Properties over the Past Two Decades 20 Investor Landlords Target SFR Investment in Low-Income and BIPOC Neighborhoods 27 Implications of Our Findings 35 Future Research Directions 38 Notes 39 References 40 About the Authors 42 Statement of Independence 43 Acknowledgments This report was funded by the McKnight Foundation. We are grateful to them and to all our funders, who make it possible for Urban to advance its mission. The views expressed are those of the authors and should not be attributed to the Urban Institute, its trustees, or its funders. Funders do not determine research findings or the insights and recommendations of Urban experts. Further information on the Urban Institute’s funding principles is available at urban.org/fundingprinciples. We thank Kimberly Burrowes and Michael Neal for their extensive review and support throughout the editing process. We also appreciate the opportunity to present on this research to the Renters and Rental Market Crisis Working Group and the Housing Finance Policy Center at Urban. We also thank our partners in this research in the Twin Cities, including the Alliance, the Family Housing Fund, the Center for Economic Inclusion, and the Center for Urban and Regional Affairs. iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Who Owns the Twin Cities? In the Twin Cities, housing, economic mobility, and racial equity are inextricably linked. The region is home to the largest Black-white homeownership gap in the nation; rising rents; increasing racialized displacement; and limited opportunities for Black, Indigenous, and people of color (BIPOC) and low- income communities to build wealth through property ownership. In this report, we examine racial gaps in homeownership and displacement as well as the increasing prominence of corporate single- family rental (SFR) property ownership. This investigation identifies trends at both the neighborhood and county levels and is designed to explore existing conditions. In doing so, we aim to help community organizations and local governments achieve neighborhood stability and equitable recovery in the years ahead. The growing racial disparities in income, financial stability, and economic opportunity across the Minnesota Twin Cities region have been exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. To help decisionmakers, residents, and researchers in Hennepin and Ramsey Counties better identify homeownership and rental patterns, we examine two key questions essential to understanding residential location and ownership. First, we ask how homeownership patterns vary by race and over time.1 Second, we examine who owns rental properties, with a particular focus on ownership by large investors from outside of the region. We use several quantitative methods, integrating data from the US Census Bureau and from county property records. This work is the product of a partnership between the Urban Institute, the Alliance, the Family Housing Fund, and the Center for Economic Inclusion, with support from the McKnight Foundation. Key Takeaways ◼ The Twin Cities have largest Black-white homeownership gap of any metropolitan region in the nation, and that gap has worsened dramatically since 2000. This stark divide in homeownership reflects broader patterns of racialized wealth and income inequality in the region. 1 We chose to use the term BIPOC when describing aggregated groups of people of color but recognize that there are no uniform experiences or outcomes within these groups. Due to a lack of reliable and quality data at the neighborhood-level, we were unable to highlight the pressing housing disparities facing the many Indigenous, Asian, South Asian, and immigrant communities across the Twin Cities metro region. ◼ Homeownership among Black families has declined most in neighborhoods where higher- income families of all races are arriving. Neighborhoods that are attracting new high-income residents are displacing lower-income residents (who are more likely to be people of color) in the process. Although rising rents in these gentrifying neighborhoods increase the likelihood of evictions for existing renters, this research suggests that Black homeowners in these areas are also displaced, further widening the Black-white homeownership gap. Existing homeowners face rising property values and higher property taxes and thus a greater likelihood of being housing cost burdened or subject to foreclosure. ◼ An increasing share of housing units in the Twin Cities is made up of SFRs. As in other metropolitan areas throughout the nation, the region has experienced a dramatic rise in the share of single-family units that are rented out rather than owned by their residents. We estimate that the number of SFR units has more than doubled between 2005 and 2020, from around 22,000 to over 48,000 homes in Hennepin and Ramsey counties alone. ◼ Corporate landlords have invested massively in SFRs in the two counties, disproportionately purchasing in neighborhoods with more low-income and BIPOC residents and decreasing homeownership rates. North Minneapolis and much of central St. Paul have experienced a rapid rise in their shares of SFRs owned by investor landlords, which we define as LLC (limited liability company), corporate, or individual investor rental property owners with at least three single-family homes in their portfolios. Homeownership has also declined in these neighborhoods over the past two decades, and now over 10 percent of housing in them is SFR units owned by investors. ◼ The net effect of changing property ownership patterns is a shift of wealth out of the neighborhood. Over the past 15 years, the amount of property wealth held by local homeowners of single-family homes declined in the two counties despite a growing population. Investors have picked up the slack, siphoning away billions of dollars of local property value in single-family homes that are now rented. ◼ Local policymakers should identify best practices to close the Black-white homeownership gap. Local governments must work to ensure neighborhood stability is prioritized and Black families are provided increased opportunities to purchase their own homes. Options include increased homeownership counseling, financial aid to prevent foreclosures, and improved information about appropriate mortgage terms. ◼ New solutions are necessary to prioritize alternatives to investor property ownership that keep wealth in communities and ensure renters are treated fairly. Although SFRs may offer 2 WHO OWNS THE TWIN CITIES? moderate-income families an opportunity to live in convenient, comfortable neighborhoods, they also may be contributing to reduced homeownership and may subject tenants to precarious conditions. Local governments should work to ensure renters have protection against unjust eviction, and state and national governments should ensure investor landlords— particularly large, corporate entities, are regulated and taxed in a manner that reflects their impact on society. Property Ownership: One Reflection of Equitable Access to Wealth Examining Ownership Patterns as a Barometer of Neighborhood Health and Wealth For low-, moderate-, and middle-income residents in the US, homeownership has become the primary pathway to achieving financial stability and success. Property ownership makes up a larger share of wealth for these households than stocks or other assets.1 Homeownership also provides a degree of security: an owned home is more stable for many residents than rental units, which are subject to increasing costs over time and eviction. Homeownership, however, does not guarantee stability: the foreclosure of millions of homes during the Great Recession was a clear demonstration of that. Moreover, the distribution of both homeownership and property ownership today is the product of a shift from an already uneven base. Even for Black families who have been able to purchase a home, their ability to build wealth is limited. Neal, Choi, and Walsh (2020) note that median housing equity among Black owners was $60,000 in 2018 compared with $74,000 for Latinx owners and $118,000 for white owners.2 Black house owners, on average, own
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Managing Metropolitan Growth: Reflections on the Twin Cities Experience
    _____________________________________________________________________________________________ MANAGING METROPOLITAN GROWTH: REFLECTIONS ON THE TWIN CITIES EXPERIENCE Ted Mondale and William Fulton A Case Study Prepared for: The Brookings Institution Center on Urban and Metropolitan Policy © September 2003 _____________________________________________________________________________________________ MANAGING METROPOLITAN GROWTH: REFLECTIONS ON THE TWIN CITIES EXPERIENCE BY TED MONDALE AND WILLIAM FULTON1 I. INTRODUCTION: MANAGING METROPOLITAN GROWTH PRAGMATICALLY Many debates about whether and how to manage urban growth on a metropolitan or regional level focus on the extremes of laissez-faire capitalism and command-and-control government regulation. This paper proposes an alternative, or "third way," of managing metropolitan growth, one that seeks to steer in between the two extremes, focusing on a pragmatic approach that acknowledges both the market and government policy. Laissez-faire advocates argue that we should leave growth to the markets. If the core cities fail, it is because people don’t want to live, shop, or work there anymore. If the first ring suburbs decline, it is because their day has passed. If exurban areas begin to choke on large-lot, septic- driven subdivisions, it is because that is the lifestyle that people individually prefer. Government policy should be used to accommodate these preferences rather than seek to shape any particular regional growth pattern. Advocates on the other side call for a strong regulatory approach. Their view is that regional and state governments should use their power to engineer precisely where and how local communities should grow for the common good. Among other things, this approach calls for the creation of a strong—even heavy-handed—regional boundary that restricts urban growth to particular geographical areas.
    [Show full text]
  • Urban Heat Islands in the Arctic Cities: an Updated Compilation of in Situ and Remote-Sensing Estimations
    Applied Meteorology and Climatology Proceedings 2020: contributions in the pandemic year Adv. Sci. Res., 18, 51–57, 2021 https://doi.org/10.5194/asr-18-51-2021 © Author(s) 2021. This work is distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License. Urban heat islands in the Arctic cities: an updated compilation of in situ and remote-sensing estimations Igor Esau1, Victoria Miles1, Andrey Soromotin2, Oleg Sizov3, Mikhail Varentsov4, and Pavel Konstantinov4 1Nansen Environmental and Remote Sensing Centre/Bjerknes Centre for Climate Research, Thormohlensgt. 47, Bergen, 5006, Norway 2Institute of Ecology and Natural Resources Management, Tyumen State University, 625000, Tyumen, Russia 3Oil and Gas Research Institute RAS, Moscow, Russia 4Lomonosov Moscow State University, Faculty of Geography/Research Computing Center, Leninskie Gory 1, Moscow, 119991, Russia Correspondence: Igor Esau ([email protected]) Received: 17 July 2020 – Revised: 10 April 2021 – Accepted: 19 April 2021 – Published: 3 May 2021 Abstract. Persistent warm urban temperature anomalies – urban heat islands (UHIs) – significantly enhance already amplified climate warming in the Arctic. Vulnerability of urban infrastructure in the Arctic cities urges a region-wide study of the UHI intensity and its attribution to UHI drivers. This study presents an overview of the surface and atmospheric UHIs in all circum-Arctic settlements (118 in total) with the population larger than 3000 inhabitants. The surface UHI (SUHI) is obtained from the land surface temperature (LST) data products of the Moderate Resolution Imaging Spectroradiometer (MODIS) archive over 2000–2016. The at- mospheric UHI is obtained from screen-level temperature provided by the Urban Heat Island Arctic Research Campaign (UHIARC) observational network over 2015–2018.
    [Show full text]
  • Satellite Towns
    24 Satellite Towns Introduction 'Satellite town' was a term used in the year immediately after the World War I as an alternative to Garden City. It subsequently developed a much wider meaning to include any town that is closely related to or dependent on a larger city. The first specific usage of the word ‘satellite town’ was in 1915 by G.R. Taylor in ‘ Satellite Cities’ referring to towns around Chicago, St. Louis and other American cities where industries had escaped congestion and crafted manufacturer’s town in the surrounding area. The new town is planned and built to serve a particular local industry, or as a dormitory or overspill town for people who work in and nearby metropolis. Satellite Town, can also be defined as a town which is self contained and limited in size, built in the vicinity of a large town or city and houses and employs those who otherwise create a demand for expansion of the existing settlement, but dependent on the parent city to some extent for population and major services. A distinction is made between a consumer satellite (essentially a dormitory suburb with few facilities) and a production satellite (with a capacity for commercial, industrial and other production distinct from that of the parent town, so a new town) town or satellite city is a concept of urban planning and referring to a small or medium-sized city that is near a large metropolis, but predates that metropolis suburban expansion and is atleast partially independent from that metropolis economically. CITIES, URBANISATION AND URBAN SYSTEMS 414 Satellite and Dormitory Towns The suburb of an urban centre where due to locational advantage the residential, industrial and educational centres are developed are known as "satellite or dormitory towns." It has a benefit of providing clean environment and spacious ground for residential and industrial expansion.
    [Show full text]
  • The Anti-Poverty Soldier Page 1 Not Participate in Or Contribute to Our That Things Still Seem to Be Getting Worse in St
    THE ANTI-POVERTY SOLDIER By Clarence Hightower, Ph.D. Although Twin Cities poverty dips Now, a new report from the Met Council published in many places, it continues to rise in February, finds that while poverty has started to trend downward across much of the metropolitan in St. Paul area, there are still neighborhoods where it is April 13, 2017 | Vol. 4 No. 15 growing. Among the areas where poverty is on the rise are some northern suburbs and the City of St. In 2011, following the release of the U.S. Census Paul. In contrast to Minneapolis, where the Bureau’s American Community Survey, Minnesota poverty rate has remained “relatively flat” the last Compass published a statistical profile titled few years, the number of St. Paul residents at or “Poverty in Saint Paul.” The data, which was below 185 percent of the federal poverty alarming, showed that nearly one-quarter of all St. threshold (which is the baseline of how the Met Paul residents lived below the federal poverty Council defines poverty in its study) continues to guidelines. And, of the more than 67,000 people rise. Today in St. Paul, the number of individuals living in poverty, approximately 25,000 were living below that threshold is estimated to be children. around 125,000. Another disturbing trend highlighted by Moreover, pockets of concentrated poverty are Minnesota Compass was the rate at which poverty swelling in all corners of St. Paul. According to the was increasing in the capital city. From 1999 to latest data areas such as St. Paul’s East Side, North 2010, poverty rose significantly at the national, End, Thomas-Dale, Summit-University, and state, and the Twin Cities metro level.
    [Show full text]
  • Report: Municipal Water Supplier Data Reporting in the Twin Cities
    MUNICIPAL WATER SUPPLIER DATA REPORTING IN THE TWIN CITIES METROPOLITAN AREA Phase I – Background and Discovery April 2020 The Council’s mission is to foster efficient and economic growth for a prosperous metropolitan region Metropolitan Council Members Charlie Zelle Chair Raymond Zeran District 9 Judy Johnson District 1 Peter Lindstrom District 10 Reva Chamblis District 2 Susan Vento District 11 Christopher Ferguson District 3 Francisco J. Gonzalez District 12 Deb Barber District 4 Chai Lee District 13 Molly Cummings District 5 Kris Fredson District 14 Lynnea Atlas-Ingebretson District 6 Phillip Sterner District 15 Robert Lilligren District 7 Wendy Wulff District 16 Abdirahman Muse District 8 The Metropolitan Council is the regional planning organization for the seven-county Twin Cities area. The Council operates the regional bus and rail system, collects and treats wastewater, coordinates regional water resources, plans and helps fund regional parks, and administers federal funds that provide housing opportunities for low- and moderate-income individuals and families. The 17-member Council board is appointed by and serves at the pleasure of the governor. On request, this publication will be made available in alternative formats to people with disabilities. Call Metropolitan Council information at 651-602-1140 or TTY 651-291-0904. Background Project Overview The Metropolitan Council (Council) is tasked with planning activities that address the water supply needs of the Twin Cities Metropolitan Area (TCMA) (https://www.revisor.mn.gov/statutes/cite/473.1565). The Council’s Water Supply Planning unit works with communities to carry-out these activities and consults with appointed committees who advise the Council on proposed water policy and to communicate common concerns.
    [Show full text]
  • Section 9: Policy Responses from Across the Region
    SECTION NINE: POLICY RESPONSES FROM ACROSS THE REGION Metropolitan Council Choice, Place and Opportunity: An Equity Assessment of the Twin Cities Region Section 9 Sections One through Six of this document described the history, current situation and implications of the Twin Cities’ region’s place-based disparities by race and income. Section Seven outlined an array of the policy approaches that influence the distribution of access to opportunity. Section Eight discussed how the Metropolitan Council will respond to these issues while Section Nine outlines how other organizations and partnerships are taking action. Partnership for Regional Opportunity The new direction of the Partnership for Regional Opportunity, the successor organization to the successful Corridors of Opportunity partnership, represents one of the region’s many approaches to advancing equity. The Partnership for Regional Opportunity has adopted a vision of “Growing a prosperous, equitable, and sustainable region.” The goals of the Partnership are to: • Improve the economic prospects of low-income people and low-wealth communities • Promote high quality development near existing assets (e.g. employment centers, transitways, and commercial and industrial corridors) • Advance a 21st century transportation system Taking the findings and learning from the Corridors of Opportunity projects, the Partnership has charged itself with creating systems change and embedding the equity-focused work into existing organizations. Aligning resources, policies, and programs will be a key strategy for implementation, and each participating organization has committed to finding opportunities to embed the work internally. One of the four Partnership for Regional Opportunity workgroups is focused on Regional Equity & Community Engagement; this group is co-chaired by Ramsey County and Nexus Community Partners (representing the Community Engagement Team).
    [Show full text]
  • Why Are the Twin Cities So Segregated? Myron Orfield
    Mitchell Hamline Law Review Volume 43 | Issue 1 Article 1 2017 Why Are the Twin Cities So Segregated? Myron Orfield Will Stancil Follow this and additional works at: http://open.mitchellhamline.edu/mhlr Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons Recommended Citation Orfield, Myron and Stancil, Will (2017) "Why Are the Twin Cities So Segregated?," Mitchell Hamline Law Review: Vol. 43 : Iss. 1 , Article 1. Available at: http://open.mitchellhamline.edu/mhlr/vol43/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews and Journals at Mitchell Hamline Open Access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Mitchell Hamline Law Review by an authorized administrator of Mitchell Hamline Open Access. For more information, please contact [email protected]. © Mitchell Hamline School of Law Orfield and Stancil: Why Are the Twin Cities So Segregated? WHY ARE THE TWIN CITIES SO SEGREGATED? Myron Orfield† & Will Stancil†† I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ................................................................ 1 II. WHY ARE THE TWIN CITIES SO SEGREGATED? ........................... 7 III. THE ORIGINS OF RESEGREGATION ........................................... 21 A. Housing Policy and the Rise of the Poverty Housing Industry (PHI) ................................................................ 21 B. The Creation of the Poverty Education Complex (PEC) .......... 32 IV. RESISTANCE .............................................................................. 37 V. THE PHI AND PEC TODAY ......................................................
    [Show full text]
  • 2019 Sponsorship Package
    Greek Orthodox Metropolis of Chicago Clergy-Laity Assembly September 25 – 29, 2019 Twin Cities of Minneapolis and Saint Paul, Minnesota 2019 Sponsorship Package Please Support the Metropolis of Chicago Clergy-Laity Assembly! In supporting this historic event, you will be helping ensure a bright future for the faithful Orthodox Christians in the Midwest and for all those whose lives are touched by the love of Christ through His Church. The Clergy-Laity Assembly provides the opportunity for people across the Metropolis to gather and discuss the most important issues we face today in the spirit of unity, mercy, and truth. Your generous gift will be used to help finance the Clergy-Laity Assembly and support the Metropolis’ mission. Thank you for your contribution. With paternal love in Christ, + Metropolitan Nathanael of Chicago Clergy-Laity Assembly September 25 – 29, 2019 Twin Cities of Minneapolis and Saint Paul, Minnesota WHO WE ARE The Greek Orthodox Metropolis of Chicago is the diocese of Greek Orthodox faithful in Illinois, Iowa, Minnesota, Wisconsin as well as northern Indiana and southeastern Missouri consisting of 58 parishes and two monastic communities. The Metropolis is one of nine regions in the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese of America and is presided over by His Eminence Metropolitan Nathanael. The general offices of the Metropolis are temporarily located in Elk Grove Village, Illinois. For more information, visit www.chicago.goarch.org. PURPOSE The purpose of the Clergy-Laity Assembly is to bring together, under the care of our Hierarch, Metropolitan Nathanael, all ordained and lay leaders from within the Metropolis to discuss and decide important matters affecting the life, growth and unity of the Church, its ministries, finances, and philanthropic concerns.
    [Show full text]
  • Why Are the Twin Cities So Segregated?
    Why Are the Twin Cities So Segregated? February, 2015 Executive Summary Why are the Twin Cities so segregated? The Minneapolis-Saint Paul metropolitan area is known for its progressive politics and forward-thinking approach to regional planning, but these features have not prevented the formation of the some of the nation’s widest racial disparities, and the nation’s worst segregation in a predominantly white area. On measures of educational and residential integration, the Twin Cities region has rapidly diverged from other regions with similar demographics, such as Portland or Seattle. Since the start of the twenty-first century, the number of severely segregated schools in the Twin Cities area has increased more than seven- fold; the population of segregated, high-poverty neighborhoods has tripled. The concentration of black families in low-income areas has grown for over a decade; in Portland and Seattle, it has declined. In 2010, the region had 83 schools made up of 90 percent nonwhite students. Portland had two. The following report explains this paradox. In doing so, it broadly describes the history and structure of two growing industry pressure groups within the Twin Cities political scene: the poverty housing industry (PHI) and the poverty education complex (PEC). It shows how these powerful special interests have worked with local, regional, and state government to preserve the segregated status quo, and in the process have undermined school integration and sabotaged the nation’s most effective regional housing integration program and. Finally, in what should serve as a call to action on civil rights, this report demonstrates how even moderate efforts to achieve racial integration could have dramatically reduced regional segregation and the associated racial disparities.
    [Show full text]
  • Posadas, Argentina and Encarnación, Paraguay in Socio-Urban Perspective]
    e-ISSN 2395-9134 Estudios Fronterizos, vol. 19, 2018, e020 https://doi.org/10.21670/ref.1820020 Articles Twin cities? Posadas, Argentina and Encarnación, Paraguay from a socio-urban perspective ¿Ciudades gemelas? Posadas, Argentina y Encarnación, Paraguay en perspectiva socio-urbana Walter Fernando Britesa* https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2801-5792 a Universidad Nacional de Misiones, Instituto de Estudios Sociales y Humanos; Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas, Posadas, Argentina, e-mail: [email protected] Abstract The objective of this article is to demostrate the mechanisms of complementary relationships maintained by the border cities of Posadas, Argentina and Encar- nación, Paraguay. From a descriptive and diachronic approach the study argues that these cities can be interpreted as twin cities, which share a cultural and his- torical matrix in the regional context. Both cities apart from their specificities, present similar socio-urban aspects, and in their evolution they were involved in Received on July 5, 2018. the same processes and problems: border flows, Mercosur policies, construction Accepted on November 27, 2018. of the international bridge, Border Neighborhood Traffic Agreements, even a Published on November 11, 2018. more unusual phenomenon, such as the effect that large infrastructure works have left on their territories. It is concluded that these cities, despite not having a common government, the economic, cultural, neighborhood and complemen- ORIGINAL ARTICLE LANGUAGE: tary relations, generate impacts in a city and vice versa, generating interdepen- SPANISH. dencies, mutual conditioning, and a specific form of inter-urban articulation. Keywords: conurbation, interchange, flow spaces, complementarity. *Corresponding author: Walter Fernando Brites, e-mail: briteswal- Resumen [email protected] El objetivo de este artículo es evidenciar los procesos de relacionamientos com- plementarios que mantienen las ciudades fronterizas de Posadas, Argentina y Encarnación, Paraguay.
    [Show full text]
  • Twin Cities Case Study: Central Corridor Twin Cities Regional Transit Vision
    Twin Cities Case Study: Central Corridor Twin Cities Regional Transit Vision ● By 2030, region expected to grow by nearly 1 million, with 91% to 95% of new growth forecast to be located in the urban area ● In a 2003 regional survey, metro area residents listed traffic congestion as the region’s top problem ● Combination of Light Rail, Commuter Rail, and Busways to provide a comprehensive transit network ● Encourage development and reinvestment in centers that combine transit, housing, offices, retail, services, open space and connected streets that support walking and bicycle use ● Improve access to jobs and choices in housing Ridership in Transit Zones Transit Dependent: ● 74% of households in transit zones own 0-1 cars, compared to 40% for the Region ● 32% of workers in transit zones walk, bike or take transit to work, compared to only 7% for the region ● Even before the light rail line, transit ridership, walking, and biking were substantially higher in the Hiawatha corridor than in the region Diversity of income levels ● 35% of households in transit zones earn less than $20,000 per year ● 57% earn less than $35,000 per year ● Hiawatha median income was $31,000 in 1999 as compared to regional median of $54,000 Demand for Housing Near Transit ● By 2030, between 110,000 – 124,000 Twin Cities’ households will have a potential demand for living near transit (roughly 6% of region’s households) ● Nationally, demand for housing near transit could double to over 15 million households. ● Household size is shrinking, with singles and couples without children being the new majority.
    [Show full text]
  • Population Growth in the Twin Cities Region Since 2010
    METROSTATS Exploring regional issues that matter July 2016 The Last Five Years: Population Growth in the Twin Cities region since 2010 Key findings Each year, the Research team at Metropolitan Council estimates the population and households of each city and township in the Twin Cities region. We track housing units in detail, then use data from the U.S. Census Bureau's American Community Survey to estimate both people living in housing units and people living in group quarters (such as people living in nursing homes and college dorms), arriving at an annual estimate of total population for cities and townships across the region. Our How has the Twin Cities region's Where has population growth How does our population growth focus population changed since 2010? occured in the region since 2010? compare with other metro areas? Our The Twin Cities region’s population Nearly one-third of the region’s Overall, the U.S. population as findings now exceeds 3 million. The region overall population growth between a whole increased by about 4% has added almost 156,000 people 2010 and 2015 occurred in the cit- between 2010 and 2015. Much of since 2010, a 5.5% increase. New ies of Minneapolis and Saint Paul. this growth occured in large metro- housing development has not kept politan areas. Our 16-county Twin pace with new residents, however. Suburban Edge communities such Cities metro grew more quickly The 2015 population estimates as Blaine and Woodbury also grew than New York and Chicago but confirm our region is on track for considerably since 2010, each with less quickly than peer regions like the 2020 forecast.
    [Show full text]