CHALLENGING AGRIBUSINESS AND BUILDING ALTERNATIVES IN AND MOROCCO

Working Group on Food Sovereignty in Tunisia and ATTAC Maroc

Written by: Ghassen ben Khelifa Edited by: Hamza Hamouchene and Sam Harris Cover image: Ali Aznague

Based on a translation from Arabic by Marwa Ayadi With the support of: War on Want January 2020 TABLE OF CONTENTS

1. OVERVIEW ...... 5

2. FOOD SECURITY OR FOOD SOVEREIGNTY? ...... 9 A- Food security ...... 10 B- Food Sovereignty ...... 11

3. IMPACT OF THE CURRENT AGRICULTURAL MODEL ON EXPORTS IN TUNISIA AND MOROCCO ...... 13 A- Tunisia : Mass production for export as a priority ...... 14 B- Morocco : Prioritising exports at the expense of small farme ...... 19

4. THE RIGHT TO LAND ACCESS AND POLICIES OF LAND GRABBING ...... 25 A- Tunisia ...... 26 B- Morocco ...... 28

5. WATER RESOURCES: SMALL FARMERS FACE WATER SHORTAGES DUE TO EXPORT CAPITALIST AGRICULTURE ...... 31 A- Tunisia ...... 32 B- Morocco ...... 35

6. RESISTANCE AND ALTERNATIVES ON THE HORIZON OF ACHIEVING FOOD SOVEREIGNTY ...... 37 A- Tunisia ...... 38 B- Morocco ...... 40 1. OVERVIEW

The famine and ’bread uprisings’ that southern states to support urban have erupted in the early part of the centres in the north. last decade in many southern areas of Tunisia and Morocco revealed the New systems of dependency and extent of the failures of the global dominance are being forged. A focus food system. Large corporations have on raw materials exportation puts monopolised food production with a food sovereignty at risks in two ways: 3 focus on their own profit where mono- either through rentier regimes that cropping, export to higher paying reinforce food dependency and markets, biofuel production, basic reliance on food imports, like in foodstuff speculation and land grabbing the case of ; or through the are rife. This industrialised agricultural exploitation of land, water and other extraction is having an increasingly resources - mainly for the sake of detrimental impact on already scarce commercial, industrial and export water resources1; as mass production, farming – like in Tunisia and Morocco. mono-cropping and heavy water This development model, which most consumption within arid zones such impacts poor villagers in marginalised as deserts leads to the diminishing of regions, results in serious tensions, valuable, non-renewable groundwater. leading to resistance and protests. Meanwhile the conversion of arable Communities attempt to resist the lands from food production to use for plundering of their mineral resources, energy production (biofuels) and the the seizure of their lands, the severe growing of crops for use in European exploitation of their workforce and the cosmetics such as Jojoba (Simmondsia loss of their livelihoods. However, it is chinensis) in Tunisia can be seen as clear that this form of development virtual water exportation2. is not compatible with transitional This new form of colonialism, driven justice due to its disastrous social and 4 by corporate profit, exploits a food ecological consequences . Meanwhile, system in North Africa and the the situation has worsened in recent Maghreb which itself was the result decades in the aftermath of the neo- of 19th century colonialism when an liberal reconfiguration of the region’s extractive process of accumulation economy and the increase of cross- and seizure was instigated in border capital flows.

1 Study: Extractive pattern and fighting against it in North Africa; Hamza Hamouchene (TNI), November 2019. 2 Allan, J.A. 2003, “Virtual water - the water, food and trade nexus: useful concept or misleading metaphor?” Water International -1 28: 4-11 3 In a Rentier Regime, all or an important portion of a State’s national revenues derive from the rent of local resources to external clients. 4 Gudynas, E. 2013. “Transitions to post-extractivism: directions, options, areas of action.” In Beyond Development: Alternative – 6 Visions from Latin America, edited by M. Lang & D. Mokrani,165-188. Quito & Amsterdam: Rosa Luxemburg Foundation & Transnational Institute.

7 Studies by the Working Group for This report summarises the results, Food Sovereignty in Tunisia5 and shedding light on the struggles and ATTAC Maroc6 about the state of the concerns of small farmers, fishermen agricultural sector in each country and agricultural workers in Morocco focused on small food producers: and Tunisia from a grassroots and small farmers and agricultural social change perspective. workers. These studies confirmed that food access and food production are undeniably political issues.

5 Report: “Our Food, our Agriculture, our Sovereignty”, Working Group for Food Sovereignty, June 2019, Tunis. 6 Report : Pour la Souveraineté Alimentaire au Maroc: étude de terrain sur les politiques agricoles et le pillage des ressources, ATTAC Maroc, October 2019.

8 2. FOOD SECURITY OR FOOD SOVEREIGNTY? Food security and food sovereignty are by each term and address the question defined by multiple layers of economic, of whether small farmers, and we as social and political understanding. In people, should support food security this section we look at what we mean or food sovereignty.

A- FOOD SECURITY The concept of food security emerged and depriving people of their during the late 1960s7. It is defined by sovereignty for the purpose of the Food and Agriculture Organization subduing and controlling them. The (FAO) as follows: “Food security exists agricultural production system has when all people, at all times, have witnessed a fundamental change physical and economic access to based on the duality of productivity sufficient, safe and nutritious food and profit. This has led to the loss that meets their dietary needs and not only of livelihoods founded on food preferences for an active and subsistence agriculture, but also healthy life”8. the social and human benefits of self-sufficiency and production, in From this definition, it is clear that favour of so-called ‘agribusiness’. the core of food security is associated This new production pattern is with food provision, without dwelling nothing but a dispossession, seizure on the ways and means to provide it. and subduing mechanism. This This is where the major problem lies: philosophy has direct catastrophic the concept of food security suggests consequences on the national that it is not necessary for a country to and local structures of agricultural produce its basic food needs as long as production, especially on small and importing them from other countries medium-sized farmers, including: would ensure an adequate and secure provision of food9. • Destroying the local agriculture potential by privileging imported Importing food to meet local over locally produced food and needs could be seen as a magical weakening local competition. solution to food problems in As a result, local farmers find the world, and an example of themselves on the brink of solidarity between peoples. In bankruptcy, with some forced to reality, it entails mechanisms quit agricultural work while others aimed at impoverishing, starving attempt to adapt to the workings

7 Ajl, M.; peasantries, food sovereignty and environment; Interview of Habib Ayeb, on 4th March 2018 in Tunis; Observatory of Food Sovereignty and Environment; 2018. 8 http://www.fao.org/fileadmin/templates/faoitaly/documents/pdf/pdf_Food_Security_ Cocept_Note.pdf 9 Colin A.; Food sovereignty, agricultural collective mobilisations and multiple instrumentations of a transnational concept; Revue Tiers Monde, 2011.

10 of the challenging market. resources in order to increase the volume of exports and transactions. • Substituting the local agricultural production pattern, which is • Replacing the national stocks of based on the provision of the local seeds in favour of imported basic needs for local supply, by and genetically modified seeds. other secondary products that are more profitable. • Perpetuating the state of economic dependency, especially • Diverting national agriculture food dependency, through a focus from meeting local needs to reliance on importation and the task of draining local natural global food markets.

B- FOOD SOVEREIGNTY The concept of food sovereignty • Prioritising local farming to feed emerged in 1996, coined by the people, and making water, lands, movement of farmers’ during the Food seeds and loans accessible to landless and Agriculture Organization (FAO) farmers. This recognises the need food summit. Food sovereignty was to create pathways for agricultural defined as “the right of peoples to reform in order to combat genetically healthy and culturally appropriate food modified organisms (GMOs), to produced through sustainable methods ensure free access to seeds, and to and their right to define their own preserve water supplies as a public food and agriculture systems”10, which asset and a shared interest, ensuring encompasses the following principles: sustainable distribution.

10 https://viacampesina.org/en/international-peasants-voice/

11 • The right of farmers to produce • Recognising the rights of food, as well as the right of farmers that play a major role in consumers to choose the quality, agrarian and food production11. producer and production method of what they want to consume. It is significant to note that the concept of food sovereignty is an expression of the • The right of states to adopt challenges faced by small and medium- protective procedures against sized farmers, supporting their vision low-priced imports. of agriculture which benefits farmers and people in general. In fact, the • Associating agricultural product concept of food sovereignty is in stark prices with their production costs, so contrast with that of food security. Food that states would have the right to sovereignty recognises the necessity of impose taxes on low price imports, supporting local production. Therefore, be committed to a sustainable the concept of food security is based on agricultural product and to monitor the central role of global markets in the production within the internal market issue of providing food, whereas food in order to prevent the surplus. sovereignty promotes the nations’ rights • Involving people in the choices to involve farmers to set their agrarian and directions of future policies and food priorities. agricultural policies.

11 Maaras Kh., What is food sovereignty? Website Attac Maroc, 12th December. See also: http://www.fao.org/3/a-ax736e.pdf

12 3. IMPACT OF THE CURRENT AGRICULTURAL MODEL ON EXPORTS IN TUNISIA AND MOROCCO The theory of food security is based on infrastructure. In Tunisia and Morocco, the concept of specialised agriculture the policy of food security has encouraging patterns of agricultural encouraged the production of specific production known for their quality and agricultural products such as olives, productivity for export. Meanwhile, dates, citrus, tomatoes, and argan, the most consumed agricultural in order to benefit from their export products at the local level are revenues, at the expense of essential abandoned under the pretext of high produce such as wheat, dairy, meat costs or the incompatibility of this and vegetables. type of production with agricultural

A- TUNISIA: MASS PRODUCTION FOR EXPORT AS A PRIORITY

SPECIALISED AGRICULTURE: THE CITRUS SECTOR AS AN EXAMPLE

Water availability has been a decisive In the guise of attempting to factor in shaping the agricultural modernise agriculture and maximise map in Tunisia throughout history. profits, colonial agricultural policies The uneven distribution of water pushed this specialisation to its limit, resources has spawned a natural paving the way to mono-cropping at specialisation for each region the expense of diverse subsistence according to its climate. farming. In the north east of the

14 country, specifically in the peninsula Over the last decade, citrus production of Cap-Bon, the farming of citrus has increased by 55%, yet in 2016 the intensified under colonialism and percentage of citrus exports was low after Independence, promoted by the at less than 5% of overall production. Tunisian authorities through multiple This is despite the State’s efforts to subsequent public policies. maintain competition over the Tunisian Maltese orange in the global market. In Cap-Bon, citrus farming covers over However, at the level of the local 70% of the available land – around market the production increase has led 19,000 ha of plantations, representing to a 33% drop in the price of Maltese half of the irrigated land in the area. oranges between 2011 and 201613, Farms in Cap-Bon account for 80% of while production costs keep growing 12 Tunisia’s citrus production . Exploiting due to the rise of imported assets and the land in this way consumes huge electricity prices. Consequently, small quantities of water, which raises the and medium-sized farmers are no question of sustainability for this model. longer able to compete.

The machine used for sorting and packing at the Co-operative Company for Agricultural Services in Beni Khaled. It is now rented to a private company due to financial difficulties – .

12 A look at the global and Tunisian market of citrus; observation note of the National Observatory of Agriculture; ONAGRI; 2018. 13 IBID.

15 STATE-OWNED AGRICULTURAL LANDS: PROBLEMS OF PRIVATE OPERATION IN THE PUBLIC DOMAIN

The trend of nationalisation of of agricultural structural reforms was the agricultural lands and the re- catalyst for the Government’s withdrawal acquisition by the State began of support of the agricultural sector in the 1960s. The philosophy of in exchange for opening the path for nationalisation of agricultural lands private investments. Ever since, those was dedicated at that time to the State-owned agricultural lands have principle of national sovereignty been subject to privatisation and transfer over agricultural resources and to to the benefit of private investment the objective of achieving food self- companies in the agricultural sector. sufficiency. Today the State owns The most notable consequence has approximately 500,000 ha14 of land in been the change in function of State- Tunisia. owned agricultural lands from local food production to agricultural production However, in 1986, the implementation primarily for exportation.

THE VILLAGE EL IITIZEZ 3 AS AN EXAMPLE: DRAINING LAND AND WATER TO PRODUCE OLIVE OIL FOR EXPORT

El Iitizez 3 in the The plan reportedly15 also calls for region (within the governorate of drilling five groundwater aquifer ) is a tangible example wells16, in order to meet the vast water of agricultural investment methods needs of the new olive trees. While that are severely depleting natural Tunisian olive tree plantations are resources, particularly land and water. essentially rain-fed, the development plan calls for the planting of non- In 2017 a new investment of 18 million native cultivars from Italy, Greece and TND (approximately 5.7 million EUR) Spain which tolerate being densely in El Iitizez 3 instigated a development planted, and as a result require plan to plant 660,000 olive trees over significant additional water resources. an area of 440 ha (with an ultimate Such dense olive plantations also goal of planting a total of 1,000,000 exhaust the soil of nutrients and olive trees), together with an oil mill reduce its fertility, in exchange for and packing plant at the farm. increased productivity.

14 Ben Saad A., How to restructure State lands to serve workers in the Tunisian rural areas, Civilized Dialogue, 2nd November 2015. 15 Ben Saad A., How to restructure State lands to serve workers in the Tunisian rural areas, Civilized Dialogue, 2nd November 2015. 16 Extract from a dialogue between the Technical manager of “El Iitizez 3” farm and our researchers on 3rd December 2018.

16 While an agricultural investment an investor in similar plantations project that aims to plant geared solely towards exports. one million olive trees might immediately appear attractive, It is ironic that the Ministry of increasing production toward Agriculture, Water Resources and food self-sufficiency for Tunisians, Fishing has announced a development the reality is that the increased in olive oil exports by 150% in terms production is intended for export. of quantity and by 180% in terms of The investor in El Iitizez 3 is a revenue since the beginning of the last successful businessman and owner export season, while referring to the of the CHO Group, whose businesses inability of most Tunisians to benefit include global olive oil brands such from this basic foodstuff, considering as “TERRA DELYSSA”. He is also its high prices in the local market (10 TND per litre)17.

THE DATES SECTOR: DEGLET NOUR

During the nineteenth century, colonial the European market, especially the policy sought to encourage nomadic French one. Therefore, a Commercial tribes to form permanent settlements and Agricultural Company was created through several mechanisms, in the Tunisian south, situated over including limiting rangelands spaces 45 ha in the region of Oued El Maleh. and imposing mobility permits within Between 1926 and 1947 around 4500 and outside of the Nefzaouan territory. Deglet Nour palm trees were planted, Another was to offer land grants to making this area the foundation of a nomadic inhabitants, sometimes by ’al specialised agricultural production khammassa’ - where the tenant would pattern, namely Deglet Nour in work for the landowner, earning Nefzaoua18. one fifth of overall production. Colonial authorities also improved Following independence, the Tunisian infrastructure by digging artesian authorities continued the colonial wells, which created supply points era policy of specialised production, for drinking and irrigation water, boosting output and focusing on encouraging the nomads to settle global exports for their significant near these wells, especially in the revenues. event of droughts in the desert region. However, a major drawback of this The provision of artesian wells was agricultural pattern is the progressive also intended to produce Deglet Nour extinction of other, native, types of dates in order to fulfil the needs of dates, thanks to the dominance of

17 Website of the Ministry of Agriculture, Water Resources and Fisheries. 18 Kassah A. F., Sector of dates in Tunisia at the time of adjustments, economic and strategic agricultural policies, 1995.

17 Deglet Nour. Over 300 date cultivars biodiversity and providing food for were formerly the foundation of oases populations thanks to their Tunisian oases19, supporting a rich affordability and their nutrient value.

Impairment of the dates due to the water salinity in Lazala oasis –

These specialised production patterns the first layer, planting fruit trees such as have caused most Tunisian oases to pomegranate, olive and other types of diminish in vitality and lose biological fruits in the second layer, then planting and production diversity. An example vegetables, wheat and barley in the third is the decline of the three-layer planting layer. This planting style endowed the style, which was a fundamental feature oasis with a productive potential that of the Tunisian oases as it included three met the food needs of its populations in production levels: planting palm trees in difficult climate conditions.

OLIVES: SPECIALISATION AND IMPORTED CULTIVARS

French colonial authorities engaged After independence, the Tunisian State in land-grabbing in in Eastern continued this practise with a focus on Tunisia to create a lucrative area of olive the export market. The rapid growth plantations nearly 70 km² in size20. of olive tree plantations in Tunisia was also due to the tendency of small and The source: 189 archives of the Mix medium-sized farmers to plant olive Chamber of Trade and Agriculture of trees, while ceasing growing other the South, Sfax crops, particularly wheat and barley.

19 IBID. 20 Kachida N., Management of agriculture and modernisation of the colonised agriculture in Tunisia, 2017.

18 Olive trees now cover an estimated encouraged this specialisation and 1.7 million ha, significantly more than mono-cropping. Adding to these wheat and barley, which cover only challenges is the profit-driven decision 1.127 million ha combined21. The of many Tunisian farmers and private notable quality of Tunisian olive oil, investors to use imported olive tree and the good production potential of cultivars from Italy and Spain, instead this sector, have led to Tunisia being of using local varieties, something acknowledged as a global leader State policy has done little to address. in olive oil production and further

B- MOROCCO: PRIORITISING EXPORTS AT THE EXPENSE OF SMALL FARMERS While Morocco was a Protectorate of shifted towards citrus and vegetables, France in the first half of the Twentieth which continued after independence. Century, France determined Morocco’s agricultural priorities - largely to Following the debt crisis of the 1970s, complement French needs, such as cereal financial assistance for Morocco was production or, during the Second World conditional on the implementation of War, textile and oil raw materials. During structural reform programmes to reduce the 1950s, exports to European markets public investment and subsidies. This

21 National Institute of big plantations, 2016 statistics.

19 resulted in the privatisation of many sized farmers. The impoverishment public agricultural companies, of small farmers has intensified liberalising of basic food prices as economic liberalisation has and reducing regulation, which grown and Free Trade deals have worsened the already fragile been enforced along World Trade situation of small and medium- Organisation (WTO) rules.

A small farmer in the Tamtuch region, harvesting the yearly crop of potatoes. Image taken in Tamtuch, a mountainous region in Tinghir, southern Morocco. Photo taken by Ali Aznague.

In 2008, the Moroccan government is deemed to be unprofitable and these implemented the “Green Morocco Plan” would be imported. intended to improve the investment conditions for multinational companies The State export approach has and big local producers, in order to destroyed many local agricultural overcome the major difficulties they cultivars in Morocco due to its focus on face in the context of globalisation, exportable produce, with commercial global crisis and the intensification of agriculture relying on hybrid seeds competition within the international utilised mainly in the production of market. This plan is based on supporting grains, corn and vegetables. new and existing large-scale agricultural This agricultural exporting model, backed production intended for export, and by the Ministry of Agriculture, reflects export groups which small farmers production and consumption patterns could be associated with (subject to of capitalist markets, using hybrid and their conditions). Subsistence farming non-native seeds, large greenhouses, and of cereals, sugars and similar products

20 ultimately decimating local, traditional The State has set an integrated cultivars and farming practises. Trademarks system of financial subsidies for the for origin and quality have been established agricultural sector to encourage on agricultural products such as the argan export agriculture in irrigated tree, dates and saffron by the government, areas that only make up 17% of the forcing small farmers to grow cheaper non- total agricultural area, whilst rain- native alternatives. These alien cultivars related areas that are central to the of seeds and trees are based on soil production of primary foodstuffs, such exhausting and water-depleting methods, as cereals and corns (around 60%), an intensive use of chemical fertilisers and have been marginalised. This system toxic pesticides, and high consumption of subsidies can be considered as a of fossil fuels which, taken together, means to plunder public money by contribute to climate change and result in large commercial organisations. flooding and droughts.

The road leading to Tamtuch village, women carrying their corn harvesting. Photo taken by Ali Aznague.

The majority of agricultural areas in exchange for increasing areas of dedicated to cereals are located in soft wheat. The field research team uncultivated lands that do not benefit in Morocco has concluded that small from dams or groundwater. In most farmers have a tendency towards cases, these are located outside of the irrigation perimeters in order to irrigation perimeters that are mostly replace cereals cultivation with that of subject to government intervention. hay (alfalfa and corn), used mainly as The total area of cereal production fodder for cows that are raised for milk is declining, as is the area for barley, production22.

22 Report : Pour la Souveraineté Alimentaire au Maroc : étude de terrain sur les politiques agricoles et le pillage des ressources, ATTAC Maroc, October 2019.

21 In citrus production we found similar the farmers who produce vegetables evidence of large corporations and bananas in greenhouses. Small acquiring large arms. This has been farmers in each agricultural sector noted through field research in the are under pressure from the large regions of Guerdane in Oulad Teyma commercial agricultural producers. and Taroudant. The same applies to

EXPLOITATION OF WORKERS

Exporting is based on the exploitation Here we note some of the indications and oppression of workers, especially of injustice and exploitation inflicted women workers who constitute most on workers23: of the workforce in the vegetable production sector. Indeed, foreign • The peasant minimum wage and Moroccan agricultural export is not enough for workers to companies use two methods to fulfil their needs : the rising administer their workers : costs of living, including food, have resulted in rural villages 1. A proportion of companies employ now having comparable costs workers directly, in compliance with to urban areas. While there are the minimum requirements of the agricultural corporations and labour code which includes adhering banks that grant interest-free to a minimum wage, declaring loans to workers, this type of workers in the national social security support is very limited. As a fund, insurance for occupational result, farmers are turning to injuries, one day off per week and microcredits. annual holiday allowance. • Industrial farms no longer allow 2. Other companies use their employees to benefit from intermediaries to hire workers the production for their own at arms-length and without the consumption, a practice which protections enshrined in law. used to supplement wages. These are often workers from poor and remote areas employed on a • Workers in industrial agriculture daily basis with no guarantee of work around 8 hours a day further work. The intermediary under greenhouse covers companies have proliferated in in excessive heat and high the region and have become humidity, which causes many known for forcing down the pay diseases. More dangerous is of senior workers and breaking off the use of chemical pesticides trade union strikes. while they work inside the greenhouses, together with the

23 IBID.

22 absence of protection methods All male and female respondents for the workers who spray them. acknowledged the widespread Farm officials do not disclose existence of sexual harassment. to workers critical information Women are subject to harassment about the toxic substances in the workplace, especially by used, for example the chemical farm and packing station officials type, active substance or the who extort female workers and minimum time for not entering threaten to deprive them of work if the greenhouses after spraying. they refuse. Likewise, officials do not post information on health and Most of the big agricultural safety regulations related to companies do not have nurseries for the use of pesticides in their childcare, and women do not benefit appropriate places. from legal breaks to breastfeed their children. In addition, farm officials do • In order to maintain the not take into account the conditions condition of seedlings and of pregnant workers, such as the plants, workers are forced need to avoid heavy labour, nor to wash their hands with the danger of oxic pesticides that harmful chemicals. can lead to miscarriage. In the rare cases where consideration is given, • Doctors do regularly visit sites it is thanks to the intervention of but there are concerns these the trade union. Women often hide visits are more focused on their pregnancy because employers public image than the health of refuse to employ them when they workers with safety and hygiene are pregnant. conditions not addressed. It should be noted that the labour • Work accidents are frequent inspectorate does not have any in farms and packing stations legal authority to prevent violations. where the majority are not Its role is limited to mediation and insured. Employers cover the providing advice to employers. This cost of treatment in some simple advice is often perceived as helping cases, but they avoid liability to circumvent the law and justify in the event of temporary or violations, while demonstrating permanent disability, leaving constant disregard of the complaints workers struggling to cope. of workers. Fatal accidents are often explained as fate.

23 THE WORLD BANK’S NEOLIBERAL PERSPECTIVE ON AGRICULTURE

The WB requires the withdrawal of “liberal market” will be weakened when any policies that fall within “import melting with other markets (liberal substitution” and “export-based theories based on the law of large development”. The bank finances numbers), the tangible experience operations that foster infrastructures shows that the fluctuation of prices in related to raw materials production, the different markets is sustaining and which meet the needs of the Northern growing. FAO recorded a continuous countries markets (metals and fuels) and growing fluctuation over the prices agriculture intended for export (cotton, of essential goods during the last two peanuts, cocoa and coffee). decades. This prices fluctuation – that seems to be nowadays an everlasting Besides, banks managers and feature in the market - has not existed in some organisations such as the Bill the past. Gates Foundation encourage the investment of millions of dollars It is obvious that the elimination into the industrial farming and help of customs’ barriers in developing multinationals such as Monsanto, countries and fostering trade between Syngenta and Pioneer Cargill etc. to Europe and the United States are two register and sell patents pertaining responsible factors for the growth to plants and seeds. However, those of global prices fluctuation over are joint assets that have belonged agricultural goods. This makes the to humanity and local communities global food subject to few companies for thousands of years; they have that control prices and volatility, just added patents for genetically generating exponential profits. modified bodies, fertilisers and pesticides. The emergence of food crises is likely to take place, where some As a result, the main agricultural stock categories of wage earners and poor exchanges (such as Chicago, Kansas farmers would become unable to City and Minneapolis) are the ones buy their essential food needs, and that impose their prices over the their purchasing power would tend other markets in the whole planet. to decline. Such was the case during Hence, the local production has been the whole neoliberal capital era, completely dissociated from the reality marked by the absence of indexes of the populations’ needs, which has to master the speculative trade of affected the nutrition of millions of global financial markets pertaining human beings. to agricultural raw materials after the financial crisis burst in 2007-2008. While the liberal economic theory confirms that prices fluctuations in the

24 4. THE RIGHT TO LAND ACCESS AND POLICIES OF LAND GRABBING There are many approaches to land transferring land rights to so-called grabbing in Tunisia and Morocco, yet ‘agricultural investors’ and local and it is clear that the neoliberal approach foreign industrial agriculture companies, of dispossessing small farmers and is common to both countries.

A- TUNISIA After independence in 1956 the Tunisian production and improving productivity. State started reclaiming agricultural land previously possessed by French settlers The State’s subsequent adoption of a either through nationalisation or by liberal economic and political program compensating and buying lands from signified the failure of the co-operative settlers. State-owned agricultural land approach and systematic neglect was part of a co-operative movement paved the way for the liquidation and in the 1960s focused on diversifying cession of State-owned land.

Elloumi M.; State-owned lands in Tunisia. History of appropriation by public authorities; rural studies (192: 43-60; 201)

26 EL IITIZEZ 2: FOREIGN INVESTMENT ON STATE LAND TO PRODUCE JOJOBA

El Iitizez 2 is a 725 ha farm located Jojoba is used in medications and on good quality State land with high cosmetics, to wax fruit for export and ground water potential. The farm to make plastic products and also has was leased at the end of the 1990s a potential as a biofuel. The jojoba to a foreign investor during a period grown at El Iitizez 2 is exclusively for dominated by land privatisation. export. Tunisia is not self-sufficient in Limited data exists on this investor; terms of food production, yet El Iitizez therefore, this report focuses on the 2 is a prime example of land being narratives of El Iitizez villagers as well given up to foreign investors, who as our field visit to this area. produce products that do not benefit the country in any way.

Planting the jojoba trees in “El Iitizez 2” farm, Menzel Bouzayane (Photo taken by Ghassen Ben Khelifa)

During our visit to the El Iitizez 2 According to the locals’ testimonies, farm, we noticed the existence of this foreign investment has only drip irrigation pipelines extending exploited a portion of the land that throughout the jojoba plantations, in was leased from the State, while addition to a deep well. This supports leaving the remainder undeveloped the argument that foreign investments (220 ha undeveloped out of 750 are draining groundwater resources ha). This is a clear violation of the and is particularly damaging in an specifications of State lands lease and area such as this, which is classified as use, stating that the whole land should having limited water resources. be used according to a comprehensive

27 programme subject to the approval of should be noted that specifications the Ministry of Agriculture. generally stipulate a minimum level of workforce and that in case of The government regularly links infringement, the right of the investor private local and foreign agricultural to use the land is withdrawn. investment to creation of new jobs. However, the El Iitizez 2 example The example of El Iitizez 2 farm shows the disproves this premise as only two extent of the agricultural, environmental people are employed permanently; and social cost generated by the the farm guard and the technical systematic cession of the State-owned manager of the project - seemingly agricultural lands under the pretext of too few for the size of the farm. It profitable investments.

B- MOROCCO Morocco became increasingly also benefiting from a series of integrated with the global exemptions and subsidies. This led economy during the colonial era to the deepening impoverishment of and this continued under the post- small farmers who become forced to independence WTO Free Trade rules, rent or sell their lands. destroyed the relationship of small farmers with the land and fragmenting Collective land is land held by collective traditional social structures and the property rights granted to a group of co-ownership of agricultural lands. individuals, such as a tribe or village, by The State supported the privatisation which the land is owned by the group of the two public companies that were as a collective rather than individually managing around a third of reclaimed held portions or shares, while the colonised lands and have continued proceeds may be distributed among awarding the remaining land to private the members of the collective. The investors under the Green Moroccan total area of collective lands is around Plan. Between 2004 and 2018 a total 15 million ha, with around 10 million area of 105,699 ha was distributed24. inhabitants. The total population of Morocco is around 34 million.25 Morocco’s liberal openness, the programme of structural reform and Collective lands originated in antiquity the Green Morocco Plan all paved where security circumstances and the way for big local and foreign living conditions compelled tribes private business to dominate the to exploit their resources jointly agricultural production sector, while and collectively, and continued to

24 Reports figures about the public real estate mobilized for investment in the financial law projects for the years 2016, 2017, 2018 et 2019. Website of the Ministry of Finance. 25 « Le Matin » French newspaper, « In Morocco, there are 15 million Ha, including 182 000 Ha that are exploited outside of any legal framework”, January 13th 2019 at 5:24 p.m.

28 administer those lands according to of collective land to corporations or each tribe’s customs and traditions the State’s institutions in order to until colonial rule. Collective lands implement any number of economic were regulated by a 1919 dahir26 or projects. In the post-colonial era, the royal decree, enabling the colonial Moroccan government has sought authority to control the groups’ to expand the export potential of representatives and facilitate the modern agriculture including major exploitation of those lands by the public investments in irrigation settlers. The colonial authority infrastructure. A further dahir of introduced some adjustments to 1969 mandated the partitioning, the dahir in order to strengthen registration and privatisation of all exploitation and the dahir remains collective lands within the irrigated in force, subject to amendments perimeter, facilitating the transfer following Moroccan independence. of land to large corporations and modernising agriculture through the Each group, tribe or community massive use of fertilisers, pesticides with rights to collective lands have and selected seeds for products representatives who are responsible intended mainly for export. It granted for the daily management of the land, subsidies to purchase agricultural and their approval is necessary to equipment, facilitated funding distribute, sell or lease the land. There through the National Fund of the are 6,532 representatives for 5,043 Agricultural Loan, and enacted a dynastic groups27. Approximately low agricultural tax. Each of these 85% of collective lands are pastoral, measures has reduced subsistence used by the entitled population. The farming and weakened the local food rest of the most important areas of market, damaging the self-sufficiency around 2 million ha are dedicated to of Morocco. the agricultural and forestry activities. The collective lands are exploited This approach aims to create and according to their natural operation, encourage export agriculture to get based either on rainfalls or on hard currency in return. The State irrigation systems. justifies this approach with the argument that economic development Having obtained the approval of the relies on modernised agriculture. collective’s representative, the Ministry of Interior is able to transfer the use

26 A decree-law promulgated by the Moroccan monarch as the highest authority of the nation.13th 2019 at 5:24 p.m. 27 « Les terres appartenant aux collectivités ethniques au Maroc », Revue Marocaine de Droit, 2012.

29 REAL ESTATE CONCENTRATION IN THE LOUKKOS REGION

In the Loukkos region, where land legal action, which is slow to deal values have increased significantly, with disputes. In the flatlands of the there is conflict and tension over the Loukkos region, all traditional seeds ownership of, and rights to, collective disappeared in favour of commercial land between small farmers and large hybrid seeds distributed by private corporations. Most small farms in companies and public services. All the Loukkos region are on collective respondents declared during the field land, each occupying less than three investigation that those commercial hectares. The selling price of land has selected seeds require extra care increased significantly, reaching up to to protect them from diseases and 62,000 USD per ha, while leasing rates insects and they must be supported are up to 1,555 USD per ha per year. by fertilisers and abundant water quantities. This assumes a massive use Most of the collective lands in the of toxic pesticides of various types (to region are leased by wealthy individuals treat parasitic diseases and epidemics, and export companies, with many to kill insects on and under the soil examples of families, individuals or and to fight against weeds), and huge companies owning more than 500 ha. quantities of fertilisers of various types, Land leases generally have a five-year including chemicals, solids and liquids term, following which the rights to use that are used in all phases of the plants the land revert to the collective group. growth. Respondents also disclosed In many cases the lessee continues to that farming incomes are insufficient, occupy the land and refuses to return with farmers and families having to it to the collective owner despite supplement their income or migrate.

30 5. WATER RESOURCES: SMALL FARMERS FACE WATER SHORTAGES DUE TO EXPORT CAPITALIST AGRICULTURE A- TUNISIA

All institutional reports unanimously Much of Tunisia’s water comes from point out that the water situation in non-renewable groundwater tables Tunisia is highly concerning.28 The and renewable resources are decreasing country reached water stress (where due to climate change. There has been water resources are insufficient for a clear degradation of the water quality needs) in 1994 with available resources because of high salinity rates and of 532 m3 yearly per capita. It is expected pollution due to industrial activities that this figure will decrease to 360 and the use of chemical fertilisers and m3 by 2030 and to 150 m3 by 205029. pesticides in the agricultural sector.

CITRUS SECTOR

Citrus production is known for its at the expense of other farming needs. use of significant water resources despite its concentration in Cap- According to the Water Foodprint Bon where rainfall rates are relatively website30, producing 1 kg of oranges substantial. Nevertheless, the region requires 560 litres of water. Orange is now suffering the depletion of its production in Tunisia reached groundwater sources and the public 560,000 tonnes in 2017, therefore, it authorities have diverted water consumed at least 313.6 million cubic resources to support citrus plantations metres of water.

In the same year, the State secretariat in the last three years. The current stock charge of water resources announced of the Sidi Salem dam, the biggest that “dams stock is estimated at 944 dam in Tunisia, is around 195 million million cubic metres compared to a cubic metres and its filling ratio does rate of 1400 million cubic metres during not exceed 36%”31. A third of Sidi

28 Water problematic; National Institute of Strategic Studies, Tunis, 2017. 29 Ibid. 30 https://www.waterfootprintassessmenttool.org/assessment/ and https://waterfootprint.org/en/ 31 Declaration of Secretary of State in charge of water resources, Abdallah Rabhi, 6th June 2017.

32 Salem dam’s water is used solely for at the cost of 14,560 million m3 of ‘virtual’ citrus irrigation, yet the volume of water, which was used to grow the crop. food imports required to offset this is The real objective is the adoption of an multiplied along with the increasing import-based policy, negating the need costs to the Tunisian economy. In 2017, to achieve local market sufficiency. Tunisia exported 26,000 tonnes of citrus

DATES

Date plantations are found in areas areas contributes to the prosperity of Tunisia characterised by arid and of date plantations. As a result, dates hot climate, such as the South West became one of the main pillars of the (, and Kebili) and Gabes agricultural production in Tunisia and in the South East, where these plants a source to bring hard currency given thrive. The strategic reservoir of the importance of its export earnings. groundwater that is available in those

Dashboard of dates in Tunisia, National Observatory of Agriculture “ONAGRI”; February 2019

33 In Nefzawa, water resources come recognition. As a result, the Nefzawa from two deep groundwater tables: region saw a rapid growth in drilling the Terminal Complex aquifer and the of private wells within the area of Intercalary Continental aquifer. These uncontrolled expansions, increasing two aquifers extend over a total area from 3,733 wells in 2008, to nearly of one million square meters, with 7,900 wells in 201836. Algeria having 700,000 km², Libya 250,000 km² and Tunisia just 80,000 This proliferation of uncontrolled km²32. Water quantities included in wells has further contributed to these two aquifers constitute a globally the worsening depletion of water significant strategic reservoir. They are resources in the Nefzawa region. estimated to hold 30,000 billion m3 The groundwater aquifer resources generated over millions of years, which in the Kebili governorate total 7,236 make them non-renewable aquifers33. million m3 per year while their The water quantities exploited by current exploitation level is 407.3 Tunisia reached 540 million m3 in 2000 million m3 per year, causing real - a quarter of the overall extracted stress on resources. Over half of this quantity. This access to water explains consumption (211.86 million m3) is a the rapid expansion of palm tree result of the uncontrolled expansions 37 plantations and their spread over all and their wells . 34 parts of the Nefzawa region . The overuse of groundwater in the Since the 1980s there has been the Nefzawa region has contributed to problem of the uncontrolled expansion the decline of aquifer levels, which by farmers into what was previously has resulted in less water available for collective land. These expansions cover irrigation by users’ associations. This 72% of the overall area of oases in the decrease is part of a long-term trend, Nefzawa region, adding substantially to leading water users’ associations to consider deepening their own wells the production of Deglet Nour dates35. to improve their flow and provide the So much water is needed, and official required quantities of irrigation water systems so slow, that the proprietors at the necessary frequency to meet drill their own wells to provide water demand. In addition, the exploitation for irrigation while awaiting legal of depleted aquifers has contributed

32 “Analysis of the dates’ sector”, Agency for the Promotion of Industry and Innovation. Centre of Studies and Industrial Prospection, March 2017. 33 IBID 34 Belloumi M. and Matoussi M. S.; Salinity impacts on the technical efficiency of irrigated agriculture: application of the Nefzawa oases case in Tunisia; Cairn. Infor; 2007. 35 Royal dates, the literal meaning is: “date-palm of light”; “heavenly date”. 36 Kebili… due to water scarcity and salinity, 40 types of dates disappeared and production is in danger, Echourouk newspaper, 28 February 2019. 37 IBID

34 to the growing problem of water the future of dates’ plantations and the salinity, which presents a real threat to Nefzawa region in general.

B- MOROCCO Over the last 30 years, Morocco as the drinking water supply), public- has witnessed an unprecedented private partnerships, and specific move towards neoliberal policies in strategies in sectors such as tourism, water management and agriculture fisheries and energy38. Since the 1960s, prioritisation, which has supported the State encouraged the exporting the interests of exporters. agri-businesses at the expense of subsistence farming for local small In this context, the World Bank, the farmers. To do so, the State adopted International Monetary Fund (IMF) the policy of dams dedicated to big and the World Trade Organisation capitalist farms, supporting the idea of (WTO) intervene to impose the the superiority of the market. privatisation of public services (such

THE NEW WATER LAW

In 1995 a water law was passed which was created with the king as rescinded the previous laws of 1914, honorary president. The Council 1919 and 1925. A review in 2016 reviews and advises on the water sought to modernise the regulations, policy of the State, such as the paving the way for increased capitalist National Water Plan. The council investment and exploitation of convenes infrequently and is natural resources. The State initiated considered little more than a a strategy and National Water Plan bureaucratic body. for water management to 2030 and announced new regulations including • At the regional level: Province and a water law. Public institutions such district commissions organise a as Water Basins Agencies were also quarterly meeting chaired by the created tasked with securing water as head of the province. an indispensable asset now and in the • At the local level: Water Basins future. Agencies are public institutions The water law established an whose administrative council institutional framework at three levels: meets twice a year, chaired by the Minister responsible • At the national level: The Higher for national water and Council for Water and Climate environmental planning.

38 Omar Aziki, Water as a public stock possessed by people, and the State does not have the right to grant it to the private capitals, https://attacmaroc.org

35 Multiple agencies have an interest Moroccans and has been unable to in water: The Ministry of Energy, reduce water salinity and the pollution Minerals, Water and Environment is of drinking water. Undeterred by officially in change, along with the annual protests the exploitation of National Office of Drinking Water and water reserves to serve the massive the Regional Offices of Agricultural modern agriculture intended for Investment. In addition, the ministries export continues, disregarding local of Interior, Agriculture and Fisheries, food needs. The appropriation of Health, Economy and Finance all have water is a social discrimination issue, a stake. Despite this high-level interest where disadvantaged labour classes the Government has failed to provide struggle to access their rights to safe drinking water for thousands of water and food.

36 6. RESISTANCE AND ALTERNATIVES ON THE HORIZON OF ACHIEVING FOOD SOVEREIGNTY A- TUNISIA

REVIVING THE CO-OPERATIVE EXPERIENCE

The co-operative experience was the at the end of the 1960s. On the one backbone of the economic model hand, there was fierce resistance by big adopted in Tunisia during the 1960s. It farmers associated with some factions was based on two ideas: decolonising of President Borguibia’s regime, the national economy, and adopting opposing the policies of Ahmed Ben a planned economy approach. The Salah, the Minister responsible for the co-operative planned approach planned economy policies. On the was predominantly applied to the other hand, there was France, which agricultural sector. was not comfortable with the new sovereign policies of its former colony. After the failure of the experience of These factors contributed, alongside liberal economy during the first years bureaucratic processes, to the after independence, Tunisia moved termination of the planned economy towards adopting an economic and project in Tunisia. a social co-operative project with similarities to the planned economies Despite the official abandoning of the of China and the Soviet Union. This co-operative policy by the State, which new economic model was noted for gave up on most co-operative farms centrally driven directives proclaiming and encouraged private investment the national liberation from the in the agricultural sector, some darkness of colonialism. agricultural co-operatives still survive though they face many challenges. Nevertheless, the co-operative experience failed for various reasons

MABROUKA CO-OPERATIVE:

The Mabrouka agricultural co- benefited from 154 units of social operative was established in 1963 on housing owned by locals, as well as the 1,124 ha of State land along with 20 construction of a primary school and a ha of private property contributed pharmacy to provide the community by local co-operative farmers39. The with all necessities40. neighbouring Mabrouka Village

39 Dialog with Mr. Amara Ghabri, one of the inhabitants of the Mabrouka village and a former worker in the real estate court in Sidi Bouzid, Meknassi, August 2018 40 IBID

38 Premises of the co-operative unit of agricultural production in Mabrouka – Meknassi – Governorate of Sidi Bouzid

After the State’s abandonment of principles of food sovereignty and the cooperative model in the 1970s, their approach focuses on: much of the land at Mabrouka was left uncultivated. However, in 2011 • Right of access to natural resources a number of unemployed people by small and medium-sized from the village formed a group to farmers and unemployed people. revitalise the land. These second- and • Adoption of the co-operative third-generation descendants of the organisation model. Beyond original co-operative members have its legal aspects, it is defined a legitimate claim to the co-operative by the central principle of joint thanks to the founding agreement and non-hierarchical work and wish to do justice to the work of where social benefit prevails their parents and grandparents. They over economic interests, and also recognise the untapped potential where the economic production of the Mabrouka land to be cultivated process is serving the farmer. for the benefit of local people. They are working within the legal boundaries of • Not being limited to one crop. the original co-operative but seeking Despite the significant financial to change some of the articles of the income generated from the 4,800 framework to provide more flexibility olive trees found on Mabrouka land, and to be relevant to a modern the model should pave the way for context. The group is managing this alternative production, which will State-owned land in line with the help meet local food needs.

39 • Growing of drought-resistant in the future co-operative, local wheat and barley cultivars in agricultural production to reduce water usage. techniques and the operational procedures of the co-operative41. • Organic farming methods – eliminating the use of pesticides Given the State preference towards and chemicals to maintain the privatisation and private investment fertility of the soil and provide at the expense of small and medium- healthy food products for sized farmers, current agricultural consumers. policy in Tunisia does not naturally support the continued operation • Limiting the supply chain by of the Mabrouka co-operative and building a direct relationship those like it. However, the project between the co-operative and demonstrates an alternative way the consumer; ending the need to manage production and natural for intermediary monopolies resources while raising awareness of and ultimately making food agricultural policies and their impact, more affordable. so people can recognise and voice • Training Mabrouka locals, their concerns. who may be future workers

B- MOROCCO

TRADE UNION ORGANISATION FOR SMALL FARMERS AND FARM WORKERS

Small farmers in Oulouz dam began awareness of these issues at national, mobilising in the 1990s to defend their regional and international levels. right to compensation for land grabs and the exploitation of uncultivated In the Souss-Massa region the trade land and forests. Ultimately the first union has witnessed some significant agricultural trade union office was success on behalf of farm workers established under the umbrella of with cases increasing since 2007. The the Moroccan Workers’ Union in 2002 union has held export companies and and the union has supported many packaging stations in particular to struggles of small farmers and forestry account; securing instances of labour practitioners defending their rights law implementation, the application with respect to land, water and natural of a minimum agricultural wage, resources. The trade union uses enforcing trade union freedoms and seminars and media activity to raise allowing union activities, improving

41 IBID.

40 transport, respecting women’s rights power in many Moroccan and foreign and providing hygiene and safety agricultural big companies, the information. Despite recent attempts presence of the union is now well- by employers to counter trade union established.

ACTS OF RESISTANCE

• Resisting the sale or leasing of in the summer of 2017, which land: Many small and medium- started in the most marginalised sized farmers refuse to sell or lease neighbourhoods and spread land to Moroccan agribusinesses throughout the city. People or foreign investors as they protested the chronic lack of have seen the suffering of those water and the negative health who gave up their lands. Many impact of not addressing salinity farmers who sold or leased their levels in water supplies (which lands now work as day labourers is related to blood pressure under severe conditions, often diseases). The demonstrations on land which was previously ended in October 2017 when their own. These hardships have arbitrary detentions saw 31 alerted other farmers to the people including 8 minors importance of retaining their arrested at a huge public march. lands and farms despite their worsening economic and social • The village of Imider serves circumstances. as a model of resistance and steadfastness against the • Resisting non-native cultivars: assaults of the mineral company Many farmers in the Moulay Société métallurgique d’Imider Bousselham region refuse to (belonging to the royal group) plant red fruits in their farms, and their draining of water, sand while in the Awamra region, and mineral stocks. The local most farmers are still using their population of Imider - organised ancient cultivars for crops such as by the movement Sur la route potatoes, peanuts, and cereals. 96 - undertook many struggles, starting from the demonstrations • Resisting water appropriation: of 1986, up to a sit-in conducted Protests at water shortages in the Mount Alban that started and the appropriation of water in 2011 and that continues up resources by big businesses have to today, marking nine years of occurred in cities across Morocco protest in Mount Alban. in recent years. Among the most prominent protests was The struggles in North Africa are the ‘thirst uprising’ in Zakoura intrinsically connected to those of

41 people across Asia, Africa and Latin Therefore, it is essential for movements America who are suffering as a result to work together to tell their powerful of capitalism and globalisation, and global story. organising their own resistance.

THE EMERGENCE OF THE GLOBAL MOVEMENT OF SMALL FARMERS, FISHERFOLK AND FARM WORKERS The global movement La Via Campesina State to maintain its capacity to was established in May 1993, in produce and develop its basic food, mobilisation against nearly a decade while respecting the cultural and of customs and trade tariff negotiations, production diversity. In their definition which resulted in the establishment in food sovereignty also requires the 1995 of the WTO to lead the liberalisation protection of the national resources of trade and the globalisation of especially soil, water and seeds. agricultural policies worldwide. Furthermore, La Via Campesina stands Campaigns against the big seven against the trade liberalisation and industrial countries (G7) were organized Structural Adjustment Programmes in Paris in July 1989 on the centenary of that are advocated by multilateral the French Revolution where the “Bastille organisations such as the WTO, the Call” relating to the cancellation of third World Bank and the IMF. world debt was ratified. La Via Campesina supports an The general framework founding the agricultural reform that is led by movement endeavoured to create an social movements. Their struggle alternative globalisation and called is encapsulated in the following for frequent, large-scale campaigns statements: against the agricultural, financial, commercial, industrial and importing • Agrarian reform is not only model, against the international essential for farmers - it can institutions that oversee it and against be a social solution for the multinational corporations. It is now problems of society as a whole. formed of 182 local and national Farmers alone cannot affect organisations in 81 countries in Africa, this change, so agrarian reform Asia, Europe, North and South America, must be part of a package of encompassing around 200 million comprehensive demands with farmers, fisherfolk, men and women broad support from people of that don’t own their own land, youth many movements. in villages and rural areas, indigenous • The changes that the movement people, migrants and farm workers. suggests with respect to farming, La Via Campesina defines food land ownership and rural sovereignty as the right of every development must be part of

42 a new popular project for our far from the tradition of centralised people, driven by a new economic, organisations that are based on social and political system. hierarchical structures ruled by an executive body that monopolises • The strength of farmers and people decision-making. It is essential to in general lies in their fundamental endeavour to create alliances and capacities as well as in their coalitions in a dynamic way to ensure continuous willingness to struggle self-management and organisational for their objectives and rights, autonomy at the international, whether through direct struggle or regional and national levels. Food through mass mobilisation. sovereignty cannot be limited to providing communities with local, • It is necessary to create new forms healthy and sufficient products. It is of organisations, associations and a concept endowed with a militant, co-operatives that bring together revolutionary, comprehensive, farmers and villagers to tackle the independent, multidisciplinary, issue of the productive economic multidimensional and deeply governance and the management democratic heart that pushes of rural development in line with the towards change. Furthermore, food cultural and organisational traditions sovereignty does not only concern of people, based on cooperation and the farmers’ environment, it provides agricultural solidarity. the foundations and impetus to build The struggle for food sovereignty another community starting from food should lie on a movement based and farming issues, to introducing a on bottom-up and horizontal new work approach and a new vision organisations at a local level. This is for our joint life in society.

43