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Irish Political Review, January, 2011
Of Morality & Corruption Ireland & Israel Another PD Budget! Brendan Clifford Philip O'Connor Labour Comment page 16 page 23 back page IRISH POLITICAL REVIEW January 2011 Vol.26, No.1 ISSN 0790-7672 and Northern Star incorporating Workers' Weekly Vol.25 No.1 ISSN 954-5891 Economic Mindgames Irish Budget 2011 To Default or Not to Default? that is the question facing the Irish democracy at present. In normal circumstances this would be Should Ireland become the first Euro-zone country to renege on its debts? The bank debt considered an awful budget. But the cir- in question has largely been incurred by private institutions of the capitalist system, cumstances are not normal. Our current which. made plenty money for themselves when times were good—which adds a budget deficit has ballooned to 11.6% of piquancy to the choice ahead. GDP (Gross Domestic Product) excluding As Irish Congress of Trade Unions General Secretary David Begg has pointed out, the bank debt (over 30% when the once-off Banks have been reckless. The net foreign debt of the Irish banking sector was 10% of bank recapitalisation is taken into account). Gross Domestic Product in 2003. By 2008 it had risen to 60%. And he adds: "They lied Our State debt to GDP is set to increase to about their exposure" (Irish Times, 13.12.10). just over 100% in the coming years. A few When the world financial crisis sapped investor confidence, and cut off the supply of years ago our State debt was one of the funds to banks across the world, the Irish banks threatened to become insolvent as private lowest, but now it is one of the highest, institutions. -
Murphy TD Representing You in Dáil Éireann
EOGHAN MURPHY TD Representing You in Dáil Éireann NEWSLEttER 04, 2012 Investigating Public Accounts The Public Accounts Committee recently published two reports: on the Irish Red Cross, and on VAT costs on the National Aquatic Centre. These are important documents produced by the one committee in Dail Eireann that is empowered to investigate public spending and whether or not value for money is being achieved for the taxpayer. On the PAC, I have also taken the lead investigating activities in NAMA, the €3.6bn accounting error in Finance and the Poolbeg Incinerator. I am also a member of the sub- committee for the coming Banking Enquiry, which will release its first report soon. Eoghan questioning officials from NAMA at the Public Accounts Committee DublinBikes, but with Cars! Improving how we get around the city has been one of my priorities since the election. I was the first government member to introduce a private members bill: The Smarter REAREADD INSIINSIDED E ➤ ➤ ➤ ➤ ➤ ➤ ➤ Transport Bill 2011. This Bill will give power to local authorities to introduce electric cars and car sharing car Page clubs to our city streets. Car clubs are like Dublinbikes, ❶ DublinBikes, but with cars but with cars. This should make car use cheaper and ❶ Investigating Public Accounts easier for individuals, while also having a positive impact on the local environment. It is hoped the new laws will ❷ Entrepreneurs making moves in Dublin come in to effect in the first quarter of 2013. ❸ Bringing transparency to how we spend your money ❸ Smarter communications ❸ Local reports ❹ Report a Problem ❹ Raise a National Issue EOGHAN MURPHY TD - Working for you Entrepreneurs Making Moves in Dublin ● In March we saw the Irish University Entrepreneurs Forum officially launch with an event to connect business leaders and investors with entrepreneurs in third level institutions. -
Taking Ireland Forward Together CITYWEST HOTEL, DUBLIN 16Th – 17Th November 2018
79th ÁRD FHEIS Taking Ireland Forward Together CITYWEST HOTEL, DUBLIN 16th – 17th November 2018 #FGAF18 CONTENTS Information Connacht/Ulster Candidates 4 17 5 Standing Orders 20 Dublin Candidates 6 What’s Happening 22 Leinster Candidates Message from the Munster Candidates 8 General Secretary 25 General Election Candidates Message from 28 9 An Taoiseach Leo VaradkarTD 30 Accounts Executive Council 10 Nominations 2018 Motions for Debate 32 11 Presidential Candidate 43 Site Maps 12 Vice Presidential Candidates Parliamentary Party Candidates 13 Council of Local Public 16 Representatives Candidates #FGAF18 ARD FHEIS 2018 // 3 INFORMATION REGISTRATION & PRE-REGISTRATION ELECTIONS & VOTING Don’t worry if you haven’t pre-registered for Voting will take place on the Ground Floor of the Árd Fheis. You can still register, but please the Convention Centre between 1.00pm and be aware that you must do so at the Citywest 4.00pm. To vote, members must produce a valid Convention Centre. Membership Card (2018/19) and a Delegate Card and will be asked to produce photo I.D. Registration will take place from 4.00pm to The following are entitled to vote: all Public 8.00pm on Friday and 9.00am to 5.00pm on Representatives, members of Executive Council, Saturday. Constituency and District Officers and five Delegates will be required to produce their delegates per Branch. membership card and photo I.D. Travelling companions will have to be vouched for by a VOTING APPEALS member. The Ethics Committee (Gerry O’Connell, Eileen Lynch, Tom Curran (Gen. Sec), Brian Murphy, COLLECTION OF ACCREDITATION Mary Danagher, Fiona O’Connor, John Hogan) will Delegates who have registered but have not convene in the Carraig Suite between 1.00pm. -
Ireland and Nato: Challenges and Opportunities
DR. STEVEN MURPHY IRELAND AND NATO: CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES SSANSE PROJECT IRELAND AND NATO: CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES 2 Introduction Modern Irish defence and security concerns have received limited attention both domestically and internationally. Ireland’s long-held stance of military neutrality, secure geo-strategic neighoburhood, and the lack of a coherent military tradition largely explain the paucity of interest. However, Ireland’s role in the EU’s Common Defence and Security Policy (CSDP) and the country’s relationship with NATO have been the source of some domestic public controversy. Since joining NATO’s Partnership for Peace (PfP) programme in 1999, Ireland has made important contributions to peacekeeping operations through this programme. Nonetheless, Ireland’s relationship with NATO has been characterized as ‘reluctant’ and ‘cautious’.1 Neutrality, and specifically the Irish electorate’s conception of neutrality, is the primary cause of reluctance. This paper seeks to contextualize Ireland’s involvement in the PfP and to explore the challenges and likely scope of future Irish-NATO relations. How this relationship will develop is largely dependent on domestic Irish opinion, resource prioritization, and the possibility of alterations in Ireland’s geo-strategic neighbourhood. For small states, the promotion of an international rules-based order is directly in their security interests to mitigate threats to their independence from larger powers. Since independence, Irish governments have sought the protection of collective security through multinational institutions such as the League of Nations, the United Nations (UN) and the European Union (EU). As a militarily weak small state, Ireland has sought to promote and enhance the effectiveness of conflict resolution through these international institutions. -
Defence Forces Review 2020 Defence Forces Review 2020
Defence Forces Review 2020 Defence Forces Review 2020 ISSN 1649-7066 DISCLAIMER The material and views expressed in these papers are those of the authors, which have been subject to academic peer review, and do not indicate official approval of the Defence Forces or the Department of Defence. Published for the Military Authorities by the Public Relations Section at the Chief of Staff’s Branch, and printed at the Defence Forces Printing Press, Infirmary Road, Dublin 7. © Copyright in accordance with Section 56 of the Copyright Act, 1963, Section 7 of the University of Limerick Act, 1989 and Section 6 of the Dublin University Act, 1989. 1 Launch of the Defence Forces Review In conjunction with an Academic Seminar Dublin City University, 3rd December, 2020 Defence Forces Review 2020 Preface “Not all readers are leaders, but all leaders are readers.” (Harry Truman, US President 1945 – ‘53) Building on the success of last year’s Review, launch and positive reaction 2020’s Review is themed ‘The global island: Strategic implications for Irish defence planning in the evolving geopolitical landscape.’ This is a pertinent topic in light of the Defence Commission proposed in the 2020 Programme for Government, which is set to look at “the medium- and longer term defence requirements of the State…” The Defence Forces Review provides a forum in which contributors can present their research and facilitate discussion on a wide range of defence-related matters for the benefit of the wider Defence Community in Ireland and beyond. Sadly, due to Covid 19 restrictions we will be unable to have a normal launch of the Review. -
Statement by Alan Shatter, Former Minister for Justice, Equality and Defence (2011-2014) on Publication of the O'higgins Commission Report
Statement by Alan Shatter, former Minister for Justice, Equality and Defence (2011-2014) on publication of the O'Higgins Commission Report Shatter welcomes Report's findings I want to thank Mr Justice Kevin O'Higgins and his team for the manner in which the Commission's investigation was conducted, their careful and thorough approach to establish the truth and to ensure the application of fair procedures. I welcome that the O'Higgins Commission, having conducted an independent sworn statutory Commission of Investigation, has concluded that, when Minister for Justice, I took "very seriously" the complaints and allegations of 23rd January 2012, made by Sgt Maurice McCabe through the Confidential Recipient and that there were "compelling considerations" which justified my response to them. (These are detailed in Para 13.123 & 124 of the Commission's Report). Contrary to the Guerin Report's assertion that I failed "to heed the voice" of Sgt McCabe, I also welcome that the O'Higgins Commission found that I had "very substantial concerns" about Sgt McCabes' complaints and that at all times I dealt "professionally", "promptly", "reasonably" and "appropriately" with them. Moreover, contrary to the Guerin Report, the O'Higgins Commission also found that I was "intimately" aware of the relevant applicable legislation, as were officials in the Department of Justice. The O'Higgins Commission also rejects the contention of Sgt McCabe, given credence in the Guerin Report, that in my initially seeking a report from the Garda Commissioner on the serious allegations made by Sgt McCabe I was asking the Commissioner to "investigate himself". The Commission concludes that my doing so was "an obvious, prudent and sensible thing to do" and had I "acted otherwise" I would have been "open to justified criticism". -
Guide to the 30 Dáil for Anti-Poverty Groups
European Anti-Poverty Network (EAPN) Ireland Guide to the 30th Dáil for Anti-Poverty Groups ‘EAPN Ireland is a network of groups and individuals working against poverty and social exclusion. Our objective is to put the fight against poverty at the top of the European and Irish agendas’ Contents Page Acknowledgements 2 Introduction 2 The Parties 4 Dáil Session Guide 5 A Brief Guide to Legislation 7 Dáil Committees 9 The TD in the Dáil 9 Contacting a TD 12 APPENDICES 1: List of Committees and Spokespersons 2: Government Ministers and Party Spokespersons 1 Introduction This Guide has been produced by the European Anti-Poverty Network (EAPN) Ireland. It is intended as a short briefing on the functioning of the Dáil and a simple explanation of specific areas that may be of interest to people operating in the community/NGO sector in attempting to make the best use of the Dáil. This briefing document is produced as a result of the EAPN Focus on Poverty in Ireland project, which started in December 2006. This project aimed to raise awareness of poverty and put poverty reduction at the top of the political agenda, while also promoting understanding and involvement in the social inclusion process among people experiencing poverty. This Guide is intended as an accompanying document to the EAPN Guide to Understanding and Engaging with the European Union. The overall aim in producing these two guides is to inform people working in the community and voluntary sector of how to engage with the Irish Parliament and the European Union in influencing policy and voicing their concerns about poverty and social inclusion issues. -
Reforming Dáil Éireann a View from the Backbenches
Reforming Dáil Éireann A view from the backbenches Eoghan Murphy TD Dear Colleague, The following pamphlet contains suggestions for debate in the Parliamentary Party on how to reform Dáil Éireann further in order to better meet people’s expectations of the national parliament. What is proposed is a series of simple procedural measures, changes to how we do our work that should improve the Oireachtas and Dáil for ourselves and for the public; changes that do not require new legislation or constitutional reform, but simply political will on our part. It is only one view – a view from the backbenches. Its purpose is to stimulate and assist discussion within the Fine Gael Parliamentary Party on the reform agenda. This document builds upon previous work in this area by Fine Gael, as well as on this government’s determination to introduce radical reform, as outlined in Fine Gael and Labour’s Government for National Recovery 2011-2016 programme. Eoghan Murphy TD, March 2013 Reforming Dáil Éireann 2 CONTENTS Introduction Why we need to change the way we think about Dáil Éireann A list of proposed reforms Section 1 Reforming the Whip System Section 2 Reforming the Committee System Section 3 Reforming how we do business in the chamber Reforming Dáil Éireann 3 Why we need to change the way we think about Dáil Éireann “Political failure lies at the heart of Ireland’s economic collapse” (Fine Gael New Politics document, February 2011). Though it will never have popular interest, reforming Dáil Éireann is one of the most critical yet understated challenges for the future of our country. -
Representations Received by the Chairman's Office from Public
Representations received by the Chairman’s Office from Public Representatives in 2020 On behalf of a Name General Issue Grand Total person Aidan Davitt 2 4 6 Aindrias Moynihan 0 20 20 Alan Hayes 1 0 1 Alan Kelly 0 2 2 Anne Rabbitte 1 1 2 Barry Cowen 0 3 3 Bernard Durkan 0 2 2 Brendan Griffin 0 21 21 Brian Stanley 0 1 1 Cathal Crowe 1 7 8 Catherine Martin 0 1 1 Catherine Murphy 6 4 10 Charlie Flanagan 0 5 5 Charlie McConalogue 1 4 5 Christopher O’Sullivan 10 12 22 Cian O’Callaghan 1 0 1 Ciaran Cannon 0 6 6 Claire Kerrane 0 1 1 Colm Brophy 1 2 3 Colm Burke 0 1 1 Cormac Devlin 0 14 14 Dara Calleary 0 1 1 Dara Mulvey 0 1 1 Darragh O’Brien 1 15 16 David Norris 0 1 1 Denis Naughten 0 16 16 Denise Mitchell 0 1 1 Dessie Ellis 1 1 2 Eamon O Cuiv 0 3 3 Emer Higgins 1 0 1 Eoghan Murphy 0 1 1 Fergus O’Dowd 0 3 3 Finian McGrath 0 1 1 Francis Noel Duffy 0 1 1 Frank Feighan 0 12 12 Garrett Ahearn 1 1 2 Gerard Craughwell 0 1 1 Gino Kenny 0 1 1 Heather Humphreys 0 9 9 Helen McEntee 0 6 6 Hildegarde Naughten 1 3 4 Imelda Munster 0 2 2 Jack Chambers 0 2 2 1 On behalf of a Name General Issue Grand Total person Jackie Cahill 3 2 5 James Browne 0 6 6 James Lawless 1 11 12 James O’Connor 3 7 10 Jennifer Carroll MacNeill 2 0 2 Jennifer Murnane O’Connor 4 4 8 Jerry Buttimer 0 2 2 Jim Daly 1 1 2 Joe Carey 3 3 6 Joe Flaherty 0 8 8 Joe McHugh 1 4 5 Joe O’Brien 1 0 1 Joe O’Reilly 0 1 1 John Brady 0 1 1 John Brassill 0 1 1 John Cummins 1 0 1 John Lahart 2 3 5 John Lawless 0 2 2 John McGahon 1 3 4 John McGuinness 3 13 16 John Paul Phelan 1 4 5 Johnny Mythen 1 0 1 Josepha -
State Involvement in the Magdalene Laundries
This redacted version is being made available for public circulation with permission from those who submitted their testimonies State involvement in the Magdalene Laundries JFM’s principal submissions to the Inter-departmental Committee to establish the facts of State involvement with the Magdalene Laundries Compiled by1: Dr James M. Smith, Boston College & JFM Advisory Committee Member Maeve O’Rourke, JFM Advisory Committee Member 2 Raymond Hill, Barrister Claire McGettrick, JFM Co-ordinating Committee Member With Additional Input From: Dr Katherine O’Donnell, UCD & JFM Advisory Committee Member Mari Steed, JFM Co-ordinating Committee Member 16th February 2013 (originally circulated to TDs on 18th September 2012) 1. Justice for Magdalenes (JFM) is a non-profit, all-volunteer organisation which seeks to respectfully promote equality and advocate for justice and support for the women formerly incarcerated in Ireland’s Magdalene Laundries. Many of JFM’s members are women who were in Magdalene Laundries, and its core coordinating committee, which has been working on this issue in an advocacy capacity for over twelve years, includes several daughters of women who were in Magdalene Laundries, some of whom are also adoption rights activists. JFM also has a very active advisory committee, comprised of academics, legal scholars, politicians, and survivors of child abuse. 1 The named compilers assert their right to be considered authors for the purposes of the Copyright and Related Rights Act 2000. Please do not reproduce without permission from JFM (e-mail: [email protected]). 2 Of the Bar of England and Wales © JFM 2012 Acknowledgements Justice for Magdalenes (JFM) gratefully acknowledges The Ireland Fund of Great Britain for its recent grant. -
Political Developments, 2019
01 Political Developments.qxp_Admin 68-1 26/02/2020 13:07 Page 1 Administration, vol. 68, no. 1 (2020), pp. 1–13 doi: 10.2478/admin-2020-0001 Political developments, 2019 David Hugh Moore Department of Political Science, Trinity College Dublin, Ireland European Parliament election On 24 May 2019 Ireland voted in the ninth European Parliament elections. As a result of Brexit, the European Parliament was reorganised and the number of MEPs was reduced from 751 to 705. The twenty-seven remaining UK seats were reallocated to other member states. Ireland received an additional two seats, bringing the country’s total number of seats up to thirteen. The same constituencies as in 2014 were used with only minor border changes. Two constituencies received an additional MEP. Dublin moved from a three-seat to a four-seat constituency while Ireland South went from a four- to a five-seat constituency. The Midlands North-West constituency stayed the same with four seats. Given that the UK had not actually left the EU when the elections were held, the two additional MEPs were ineligible to take their seats until the UK had officially left the EU. In order to be eligible to compete in European elections, a prospective candidate must fulfil one of the following criteria: be nominated by a registered political party; have declarations from sixty people willing to support their candidacy; or pay a deposit of €1,800. These requirements are deemed relatively simple to meet and as such helped contribute towards a record number of candidates running for MEP in the state. -
Conor Casey 'Between Dominance and Subservience
BETWEEN DOMINANCE AND SUBSERVIENCE: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF EXECUTIVE POWER IN IRELAND, THE UNITED KINGDOM AND THE UNITED STATES CONOR CASEY TRINITY COLLEGE DUBLIN Thesis submitted for the deGree of PhD in law, 2021 i Declaration, online access and the General Data Protection ReGulation I declare that this thesis has not been submitted as an exercise for a degree at this or any other university and it is entirely my own work. I agree to deposit this thesis in the University’s open access institutional repository or allow the Library to do so on my behalf, subject to Irish Copyright Legislation and Trinity College Library conditions of use and acknowledgement. I consent to the examiner retaining a copy of the thesis beyond the examining period, should they so wish (EU GDPR May 2018). ii SUMMARY This thesis undertakes a comparative constitutional analysis of the position of the political executive in Ireland, United Kingdom, and the United States. I address three central questions. First, why has the executive become the most powerful and predominant branch of each state? Second, what does its predominant status tell us about the conceptual nature of the political executive in these, and similar, constitutional systems? Third, is the predominant status of the political executive a normatively positive or negative feature of these political systems? These questions are important by virtue of the fact the political executive is the centre of public power in the contemporary state, despite the fact historical and formal legal accounts of executive power are modest - a pale reflection of the executive’s current predominant status.