DOCSLIB.ORG

Dáil Éireann

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Dáil Éireann Vol. 709 Wednesday, No. 3 19 May 2010 DÍOSPÓIREACHTAÍ PARLAIMINTE PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES DÁIL ÉIREANN TUAIRISC OIFIGIÚIL—Neamhcheartaithe (OFFICIAL REPORT—Unrevised) Wednesday, 19 May 2010. Leaders’ Questions ……………………………… 529 Ceisteanna—Questions Taoiseach ………………………………… 535 Requests to move Adjournment of Dáil under Standing Order 32 ……………… 543 Order of Business ……………………………… 544 Issue of Writ: Waterford By-election ………………………… 556 Euro Area Loan Facility Bill 2010: Second Stage (resumed)………………… 563 Message from Select Committee ………………………… 570 Ceisteanna—Questions (resumed) Minister for Tourism, Culture and Sport Priority Questions …………………………… 570 Other Questions …………………………… 580 Adjournment Debate Matters …………………………… 591 Euro Area Loan Facility Bill 2010: Second Stage (resumed) …………………………… 592 Committee and Remaining Stages ……………………… 617 Private Members’ Business Constitutional Amendment on Children: Motion (resumed) ……………… 632 Adjournment Debate Job Losses ………………………………… 654 Drug Treatment Programme ………………………… 656 Energy Resources ……………………………… 657 Schools Building Projects …………………………… 659 Questions: Written Answers …………………………… 663 DÁIL ÉIREANN ———— Dé Céadaoin, 19 Bealtaine 2010. Wednesday, 19 May 2010. ———— Chuaigh an Ceann Comhairle i gceannas ar 10.30 a.m. ———— Paidir. Prayer. ———— Leaders’ Questions. Deputy Enda Kenny: We cannot have a sound economy without small businesses. Three years ago, 800,000 people worked in the small business sector, in tourism, services and manufac- turing. That number has declined to 700,000 and on current projections is likely to further decrease to 600,000 next year. The banking strategy set out by the Government has failed in so far as small businesses are concerned. The Taoiseach said that we will write whatever cheques are necessary. Those cheques have thus far amounted to €74 billion in taxpayers’ money. When the guarantee scheme was introduced, the Minister for Finance stated that the Government is deeply embed- ded in the banking sector and, as such, would bring leverage to it. The Minister also asserted that NAMA would bring a wall of cash for credit. On 17 December 2009, the Taoiseach stated: “Passing the legislation will cleanse the balance sheets of the Irish banks and so enable them to increase the provision of credit which is their core role in the economy.” These words were not true. I reminded him on that occasion that NAMA was a secretive and politically directed work-out for banks, developers and speculators which would do nothing to address the fundamental issue of getting credit flowing. It was the most costly and riskiest solution for the Irish taxpayer and it was deeply unfair. In light of the comments made in the past few days and again this morning, does the Taoiseach accept that his Government’s banking strategy in regard to providing credit on proper terms to small businesses has failed and, as a consequence, the Irish small business sector is facing destruction? The Government can respond to this if it has the courage to do so. Deputies: Hear, hear. The Taoiseach: I do not agree with the Leader of the Opposition that we can fix the banking system without recapitalising the banks. That intervention has been found to be necessary by every government in the developed world, with the exception of Canada. Deputy Seymour Crawford: It is the way that one does it. The Taoiseach: It is important to recognise that the recapitalisation of the banks was an absolute necessity to get credit flowing and return them to their core business of lending to the real economy. This involved cleaning up their balance sheets and providing an outlet to 529 Leaders’ 19 May 2010. Questions. [The Taoiseach.] NAMA. I reject the Deputy’s suggestion on the motivation for NAMA and consider it an awful slur against the integrity of those who run the agency, including its chairman, the former chair- man of the Office of the Revenue Commissioners. The very good outline of NAMA’s progress that the chairman gave in a speech he made last week gives the lie to the sort of politically motivated attack which the Deputy repeated. He was inaccurate then and is inaccurate now. Deputy Bernard J. Durkan: The Taoiseach is the one who is making a slur. Deputy Bernard Allen: Answer the question. An Ceann Comhairle: Allow the Taoiseach to continue without interruption. The Taoiseach: To assist small businesses, or any business, we have to get banking back to its core function of providing credit to the real economy. That required recapitalisation of the banks and the provision of credit. The credit review arrangements we have put in place under Mr. Trethowen allow appeals by viable but vulnerable businesses against bank decisions which they feel are unjustified. Deputy Frank Feighan: What about the foreign banks that are sticking the boot in? Deputy Enda Kenny: I completely reject the Taoiseach’s remark that my party cast a slur on the former chairman of the Revenue Commissioners. When the Minister for Finance contacted me about that gentlemen, I described him as a person of absolute integrity and I have no difficulty with him whatsoever. The Taoiseach: Why refer to him as a political operator then? Deputy Enda Kenny: My point is that NAMA is a secretive organisation which was set up by the Taoiseach. The fees it pays to accountants and lawyers will make the tribunal fees look like chicken feed. The Taoiseach did not answer my question on whether he accepts that his banking strategy has failed in so far as small businesses are concerned. This morning I listened to the Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Innovation admit that the Fine Gael Party and others were correct to argue over the past 15 months that small businesses throughout the country are unable to get credit from banks. He is like a travelling troubadour who visits every bank to plead with them to give credit to small businesses in the name of God. This is unseemly at best. The banks are either demanding personal guarantees from small businesses or making it so difficult that they will only lend on the basis of property. They are unwilling to consider loans on the basis of cashflow or volume of turnover. Will the Taoiseach adopt the practical and sensible solution suggested on numerous occasions by Deputy Bruton and set up a national recovery bank employing no more than 50 or 60 people to drive a loan guarantee scheme? This would shift the banks from their obstinate refusal to lend to small businesses under normal conditions to a situation where credit flows again. Similar initiatives are being implemented in other countries at a relatively small cost. I understand the guarantee on bank deposits has earned between €800 million and €900 million. I am aware this money goes into a fund in the Central Bank but it could be used to fund a loan guarantee scheme. That should be done in the interest of protecting at least 100,000 jobs. It should be done in the interest of the thousands of small businesses that are struggling and listening to the Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Innovation telling them only that if their loan application is turned down, he will tell them how to appeal it. That is no consolation or comfort to small businesses 530 Leaders’ 19 May 2010. Questions. struggling to hold onto employees. Is the Taoiseach prepared to consider a loan guarantee scheme for small businesses throughout the country which would get credit flowing again, protect jobs and strengthen the Irish economy? A fundamental sector of the economy is being destroyed by a bank policy that is concerned only with protecting shareholders and building up reserves. Deputies: Hear, hear. The Taoiseach: In setting out the recapitalisation plans for the banks, the Minister for Finance gave a statement to the House indicating that he is awaiting sectoral plans from the banking system in respect of those banks that are in the process of recapitalising. Bank of Ireland is doing so currently. It is about making sure the €3 billion per year that the Minister has outlined for this year and next to be provided for lending to business will be enumerated and that it is set out to him and to the regulator how that is intended to be done by the banks. We are in the process of recapitalising the banks and in the process of obtaining those plans in coming weeks. The Government will do everything it can to ensure those targets are met by the banks. Deputy Enda Kenny: Will the Taoiseach consider a loan guarantee scheme? Deputy Eamon Gilmore: Last Thursday the Taoiseach made a long speech in which he admitted for the first time that Ireland’s economic crisis was due not just to the international recession but to failures of his Fianna Fáil Government. When one wades through the gram- matical constructs he used to distance himself from all of that, he appears to be saying that somebody somewhere should have done something earlier but that he himself was not to blame because nobody told him what was happening and what was coming down the track. He specifi- cally mentioned that independent commentators had not alerted him to the problem. I have been going back over the record and I find that in August 2003 the IMF warned that Irish house prices were overvalued and that there were risks to the financial sector from inves- tor-owned housing and the commercial property market. In September 2004 the IMF again warned of the potential for what it called a “disorderly correction”. Many of us probably did not know at the time what that was but we certainly do now. The IMF spelled out that 50% of the banks’ loan portfolio was concentrated in property, that the correction would lead to a protracted period of slow private consumption and investment, that the construction sector would suffer sizeable output and employment losses and that there would be a protracted slowdown in consumption growth.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Annual Review 2015.Pdf
    ANNUAL REVIEW 2015 Uniting Voices For Children Who We Are The Children’s Rights Alliance unites over 100 members working together to make Ireland one of the best places in the world to be a child. What We Do We change the lives of all children in Ireland by making sure that their rights are respected and protected in our laws, policies and services. We identify problems for children. We develop solutions. We educate and provide information on children’s rights. We unite our members and put pressure on government to put children first. Our Record of Success Our work has had a real impact for children in Ireland. This includes: > A referendum to strengthen children’s rights in the Constitution > The most significant law reform for children and their families in a generation under the Children and Family Relationships Act 2015 > The establishment of Ireland’s first Ombudsman for Children and an extension of the Office’s remit to include asylum-seeking children > An end to smacking children in the home > A new practice of placing separated refugee children in safer care settings > An end to the detention of young boys in adult prisons > A legal prohibition on the practice of female genital mutilation in Ireland > Ratification of a mechanism to allow children and their families to complain directly to the UN if they feel their rights are not being vindicated at home > The first increase in sixteen years to the weekly payment to asylum-seeking children living in Direct Provision accommodation. Get involved Follow us on Twitter @ChildRightsIRL Like us on Facebook www.facebook.com/childrensrightsalliance Watch us on YouTube www.youtube.com/user/cradub Children’s Rights Alliance 7 Red Cow Lane, Smithfield, Dublin 7, Ireland Ph: +353 1 662 9400 Email: [email protected] www.childrensrights.ie © 2016 Children’s Rights Alliance – Republic of Ireland Limited The Children’s Rights Alliance is a registered charity – CHY No.
    [Show full text]
  • Drumcree 4 Standoff: Nationalists Will
    UIMH 135 JULY — IUIL 1998 50p (USA $1) Drumcree 4 standoff: Nationalists will AS we went to press the Drumcree standoff was climbdown by the British in its fifth day and the Orange Order and loyalists government. were steadily increasing their campaign of The co-ordinated and intimidation and pressure against the nationalist synchronised attack on ten Catholic churches on the night residents in Portadown and throughout the Six of July 1-2 shows that there is Counties. a guiding hand behind the For the fourth year the brought to a standstill in four loyalist protests. Mo Mowlam British government looks set to days and the Major government is fooling nobody when she acts back down in the face of Orange caved in. the innocent and seeks threats as the Tories did in 1995, The ease with which "evidence" of any loyalist death 1996 and Tony Blair and Mo Orangemen are allowed travel squad involvement. Mowlam did (even quicker) in into Drurncree from all over the Six Counties shows the The role of the 1997. constitutional nationalist complicity of the British army Once again the parties sitting in Stormont is consequences of British and RUC in the standoff. worth examining. The SDLP capitulation to Orange thuggery Similarly the Orangemen sought to convince the will have to be paid by the can man roadblocks, intimidate Garvaghy residents to allow a nationalist communities. They motorists and prevent 'token' march through their will be beaten up by British nationalists going to work or to area. This was the 1995 Crown Forces outside their the shops without interference "compromise" which resulted own homes if they protest from British policemen for in Ian Paisley and David against the forcing of Orange several hours.
    [Show full text]
  • Sunday Independent
    gjj Dan O'Brien The Irish are becoming EXCLUSIVE ‘I was hoping he’d die,’ Jill / ungovernable. This Section, Page 18Meagher’s husband on her murderer. Page 20 9 6 2 ,0 0 0 READERS Vol. 109 No. 17 CITY FINAL April 27,2014 €2.90 (£1.50 in Northern Ireland) lMELDA¥ 1 1 P 1 g§%g k ■MAY ■ H l f PRINCE PHILIP WAS CHECKING OUT MY ASS LIFE MAGAZINE ALL IS CHANGING, CHANGING UTTERLY. GRAINNE'SJOY ■ Voters w a n t a n ew political p arty Poll: FG gets MICHAEL McDOWELL, Page 24 ■ Public demands more powers for PAC SHANE ROSS, Page 24 it in the neck; ■ Ireland wants Universal Health Insurance -but doesn'tbelieve the Governmentcan deliver BRENDAN O'CONNOR, Page 25 ■ We are deeply suspicious SF rampant; of thecharity sector MAEVE SHEEHAN, Page 25 ■ Royal family are welcome to 1916 celebrations EILISH O'HANLON, Page 25 new partycall LOVE IS IN THE AIR: TV presenter Grainne Seoige and former ■ ie s s a Childers is rugbycoach turned businessman Leon Jordaan celebrating iittn of the capital their engagement yesterday. Grainne's dress is from Havana EOGHAN HARRIS, Page 19 in Donnybrookr Dublin 4. Photo: Gerry Mooney. Hayesfaces defeat in Dublin; Nessa to top Full Story, Page 5 & Living, Page 2 poll; SF set to take seat in each constituency da n ie l Mc Connell former minister Eamon Ryan and JOHN DRENNAN (11 per cent). MillwardBrown Our poll also asked for peo­ FINE Gael Junior Minister ple’s second preference in Brian Hayes is facing a humil­ FULL POLL DETAILS AND ANALYSIS: ‘ terms of candidate.
    [Show full text]
  • Irish Political Review, January, 2011
    Of Morality & Corruption Ireland & Israel Another PD Budget! Brendan Clifford Philip O'Connor Labour Comment page 16 page 23 back page IRISH POLITICAL REVIEW January 2011 Vol.26, No.1 ISSN 0790-7672 and Northern Star incorporating Workers' Weekly Vol.25 No.1 ISSN 954-5891 Economic Mindgames Irish Budget 2011 To Default or Not to Default? that is the question facing the Irish democracy at present. In normal circumstances this would be Should Ireland become the first Euro-zone country to renege on its debts? The bank debt considered an awful budget. But the cir- in question has largely been incurred by private institutions of the capitalist system, cumstances are not normal. Our current which. made plenty money for themselves when times were good—which adds a budget deficit has ballooned to 11.6% of piquancy to the choice ahead. GDP (Gross Domestic Product) excluding As Irish Congress of Trade Unions General Secretary David Begg has pointed out, the bank debt (over 30% when the once-off Banks have been reckless. The net foreign debt of the Irish banking sector was 10% of bank recapitalisation is taken into account). Gross Domestic Product in 2003. By 2008 it had risen to 60%. And he adds: "They lied Our State debt to GDP is set to increase to about their exposure" (Irish Times, 13.12.10). just over 100% in the coming years. A few When the world financial crisis sapped investor confidence, and cut off the supply of years ago our State debt was one of the funds to banks across the world, the Irish banks threatened to become insolvent as private lowest, but now it is one of the highest, institutions.
    [Show full text]
  • Reconciling Ireland's Bail Laws with Traditional Irish Constitutional Values
    Reconciling Ireland's Bail Laws with Traditional Irish Constitutional Values Kate Doran Thesis Offered for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of Law Faculty of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences University of Limerick Supervisor: Prof. Paul McCutcheon Submitted to the University of Limerick, November 2014 Abstract Title: Reconciling Ireland’s Bail Laws with Traditional Irish Constitutional Values Author: Kate Doran Bail is a device which provides for the pre-trial release of a criminal defendant after security has been taken for the defendant’s future appearance at trial. Ireland has traditionally adopted a liberal approach to bail. For example, in The People (Attorney General) v O’Callaghan (1966), the Supreme Court declared that the sole purpose of bail was to secure the attendance of the accused at trial and that the refusal of bail on preventative detention grounds amounted to a denial of the presumption of innocence. Accordingly, it would be unconstitutional to deny bail to an accused person as a means of preventing him from committing further offences while awaiting trial. This purist approach to the right to bail came under severe pressure in the mid-1990s from police, prosecutorial and political forces which, in turn, was a response to a media generated panic over the perceived increase over the threat posed by organised crime and an associated growth in ‘bail banditry’. A constitutional amendment effectively neutralising the effects of the O'Callaghan jurisprudence was adopted in 1996. This was swiftly followed by the Bail Act 1997 which introduced the concept of preventative detention (in the bail context) into Irish law.
    [Show full text]
  • ECON Thesaurus on Brexit
    STUDY Requested by the ECON Committee ECON Thesaurus on Brexit Fourth edition Policy Department for Economic, Scientific and Quality of Life Policies Authors: Stephanie Honnefelder, Doris Kolassa, Sophia Gernert, Roberto Silvestri Directorate General for Internal Policies of the Union July 2017 EN DIRECTORATE GENERAL FOR INTERNAL POLICIES POLICY DEPARTMENT A: ECONOMIC AND SCIENTIFIC POLICY ECON Thesaurus on Brexit Fourth edition Abstract This thesaurus is a collection of ECON related articles, papers and studies on the possible withdrawal of the UK from the EU. Recent literature from various sources is categorised, chronologically listed – while keeping the content of previous editions - and briefly summarised. To facilitate the use of this tool and to allow an easy access, certain documents may appear in more than one category. The thesaurus is non-exhaustive and may be updated. This document was provided by Policy Department A at the request of the ECON Committee. IP/A/ECON/2017-15 July 2017 PE 607.326 EN This document was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs. AUTHORS Stephanie HONNEFELDER Doris KOLASSA Sophia GERNERT, trainee Roberto SILVESTRI, trainee RESPONSIBLE ADMINISTRATOR Stephanie HONNEFELDER Policy Department A: Economic and Scientific Policy European Parliament B-1047 Brussels E-mail: [email protected] LINGUISTIC VERSIONS Original: EN ABOUT THE EDITOR Policy departments provide in-house and external expertise to support EP committees and other parliamentary bodies
    [Show full text]
  • Aguisíní Appendices Aguisín 1: Comóradh Céad Bliain Ollscoil Na Héireann Appendix 1: Centenary of the National University of Ireland
    Aguisíní Appendices Aguisín 1: Comóradh Céad Bliain Ollscoil na hÉireann Appendix 1: Centenary of the National University of Ireland Píosa reachtaíochta stairiúil ab ea Acht Ollscoileanna na hÉireann, 1908, a chuir deireadh go foirmeálta le tréimhse shuaite in oideachas tríú leibhéal na hEireann agus a d’oscail caibidil nua agus nuálaíoch: a bhunaigh dhá ollscoil ar leith – ceann amháin díobh i mBéal Feirste, in ionad sean-Choláiste na Ríona den Ollscoil Ríoga, agus an ceann eile lárnaithe i mBaile Átha Cliath, ollscoil fheidearálach ina raibh coláistí na hOllscoile Ríoga de Bhaile Átha Cliath, Corcaigh agus Gaillimh, athchumtha mar Chomh-Choláistí d’Ollscoil nua na hÉirean,. Sa bhliain 2008, rinne OÉ ceiliúradh ar chéad bliain ar an saol. Is iomaí athrú suntasach a a tharla thar na mblianta, go háiriithe nuair a ritheadh Acht na nOllscoileanna i 1997, a rinneadh na Comh-Choláistí i mBaile Átha Cliath, Corcaigh agus Gaillimh a athbhunú mar Chomh-Ollscoileanna, agus a rinneadh an Coláiste Aitheanta (Coláiste Phádraig, Má Nuad) a athstruchtúrú mar Ollscoil na hÉireann, Má Nuad – Comh-Ollscoil nua. Cuireadh tús le comóradh an chéid ar an 3 Nollaig 2007 agus chríochnaigh an ceiliúradh le mórchomhdháil agus bronnadh céime speisialta ar an 3 Nollaig 2008. Comóradh céad bliain ón gcéad chruinniú de Sheanad OÉ ar an lá céanna a nochtaíodh protráid den Seansailéirm, an Dr. Garret FitzGerald. Tá liosta de na hócáidí ar fad thíos. The Irish Universities Act 1908 was a historic piece of legislation, formally closing a turbulent chapter in Irish third level education and opening a new and innovational chapter: establishing two separate universities, one in Belfast, replacing the old Queen’s College of the Royal University, the other with its seat in Dublin, a federal university comprising the Royal University colleges of Dublin, Cork and Galway, re-structured as Constituent Colleges of the new National University of Ireland.
    [Show full text]
  • Report on Annual Report 2015
    TITHE AN OIREACHTAIS AN COMHCHOISTE UM FHORFHEIDHMIÚ CHOMHAONTÚ AOINE AN CHÉASTA TUARASCÁIL BHLIANTÚIL 2015 _______________ HOUSES OF THE OIREACHTAS JOINT COMMITTEE ON THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE GOOD FRIDAY AGREEMENT ANNUAL REPORT 2015 PR Number: Committee unique identifier no. Table of Contents 1 Content and Format of Report 2. Establishment and Functions 3. Meetings, Attendance and Recording 4. Number and Duration of Meetings 5. Witnesses attending before the Committee 6. Committee Reports Published 7. Travel 8. Report on Functions and Powers APPENDIX 1 Orders of Reference APPENDIX 2: List of Members APPENDIX 3: Meetings of the Joint Committee APPENDIX 4: Minutes of Proceedings of the Joint Committee 1. Content and Format of Report This report has been prepared pursuant to Standing Order 86 (3), (4), (5) and (6) (Dáil Éireann) and Standing Order 75 (3), (4), (5) and (6) (Seanad Éireann) which provide for the Joint Committee to- undertake a review of its procedure and its role generally; prepare an annual work programme; lay minutes of its proceedings before both Houses; make an annual report to both Houses. At its meeting on the 21 January 2016, the Joint Committee agreed that all these items should be included in this report covering the period from 1st January 2015 to 31st December 2015. 2. Establishment of Joint Committee. The Dáil Select Committee, established by Order of Dáil Éireann on the 8 June 2011 was enjoined with a Select Committee of Seanad Éireann, established by Order of Seanad Éireann on the 16 June 2011, to form the Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement.
    [Show full text]
  • Contents the Irish State 7 the Economy
    CONTENTS This booklet provides a general overview of Ireland’s political, economic and cultural life.While it is not possible to include every aspect of life in Ireland in this short publication we hope that you will discover a little about Ireland and its people. THE IRISH STATE 7 Name of State . 7 Island of Ireland . 7 Language . 7 Flag . 7 Emblem . 7 Anthem . 7 The National Day . 8 Government . 8 Political Parties . 10 Local Government . , , , . 12 The Courts . , , , , . 13 Police and Defence Forces . , , , , . 14 HISTORY 17 Gaelic Ireland . 18 Eighteenth Century . 19 Towards Independence . 21 ENVIRONMENT 25 Climate . 26 Flora and Fauna . 26 Population . 29 THE ECONOMY 31 Public Finances . 32 National Development Plan . 32 Population, Labour Force and Employment . 33 EU Membership . 33 Ireland and the Euro . 33 Monetary Policy . 33 THE ECONOMY 31 Inward Investment . 34 Outward Investment . 34 Education and Training . 34 Innovation and R&D . 35 Corporation Tax . 35 E-Commerce and the New Economy . 35 State-sponsored Bodies . 36 Exports . 36 Imports . 36 General Government Balance. 37 Industry . 37 Foreign Direct Investment . 39 Irish Enterprise Sector . 39 Finance . 40 Services . 40 Industrial Relations . 41 Agriculture . 41 Fishing . 42 Tourism . 44 Transport . 45 Energy . 46 Mining/Quarrying . 48 Telecommunications . 48 Newspapers . 50 Radio and Television . 51 SOCIAL SERVICES 53 Education . 53 First-level (Primary) Education . 53 Ssecond-level (Post Primary) Education . 53 Third-level Education . 54 Fourth-level Education . 55 Health Services . 57 Social Welfare . 59 NORTHERN IRELAND 61 Historical Background . 61 The search for a political settlement: 1980s and 1990s . 62 Multi-Party Talks 1996 .
    [Show full text]
  • Summary of the 27Th Plenary Session, October 2003
    BRITISH-IRISH INTER- PARLIAMENTARY BODY COMHLACHT IDIR- PHARLAIMINTEACH NA BREATAINE AGUS NA hÉIREANN _________________________ TWENTY-SEVENTH PLENARY CONFERENCE 20 and 21 OCTOBER 2003 Hanbury Manor Hotel & Country Club, Ware, Hertfordshire _______________________ OFFICIAL REPORT (Final Revised Edition) (Produced by the British-Irish Parliamentary Reporting Association) Any queries should be sent to: The Editor The British-Irish Parliamentary Reporting Association Room 248 Parliament Buildings Stormont Belfast BT4 3XX Tel: 028 90521135 e-mail [email protected] IN ATTENDANCE Co-Chairmen Mr Brendan Smith TD Mr David Winnick MP Members and Associate Members Mr Harry Barnes MP Mr Séamus Kirk TD Senator Paul Bradford Senator Terry Le Sueur Mr Johnny Brady TD Dr Dai Lloyd AM Rt Hon the Lord Brooke Rt Hon Andrew Mackay MP of Sutton Mandeville CH Mr Andrew Mackinlay MP Mr Alistair Carmichael MP Dr John Marek AM Senator Paul Coughlan Mr Michael Mates MP Dr Jerry Cowley TD Rt Hon Sir Brian Mawhinney MP Mr Seymour Crawford TD Mr Kevin McNamara MP Dr Jimmy Devins TD Mr David Melding AM The Lord Dubs Senator Paschal Mooney Ms Helen Eadie MSP Mr Arthur Morgan TD Mr John Ellis TD Mr Alasdair Morrison MSP Mr Jeff Ennis MP Senator Francie O’Brien Ms Margaret Ewing MSP Mr William O’Brien MP Mr Paul Flynn MP Mr Donald J Gelling CBE MLC Ms Liz O’Donnell TD Mr Mike German AM Mr Ned O’Keeffe TD Mr Jim Glennon TD Mr Jim O’Keeffe TD The Lord Glentoran CBE DL Senator Ann Ormonde Mr Dominic Grieve MP Mr Séamus Pattison TD Mr John Griffiths AM Senator
    [Show full text]
  • 249 Nathalie Rougier and Iseult Honohan CHAPTER 10. Ireland
    CHAPTER 10. IRELAND Nathalie Rougier and Iseult Honohan School of Politics and International Relations, University College Dublin Introduction Ireland’s peripheral position has historically often delayed the arrival of waves of social and cultural change in other parts of Europe. Part of its self-identity has derived from the narrative of its having been as a refuge for civilisation and Christianity during the invasions of what were once known as the ‘dark ages’, when it was described as ‘the island of saints and scholars’. Another part derives from its history of invasion, settlement and colonisation and, more specifically from its intimate relationship with Great Britain. The Republic of Ireland now occupies approximately five-sixths of the island of Ireland but from the Act of Union in 1800 until 1922, all of the island of Ireland was effectively part of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ire- land. The war of Independence ended with the 1921 Anglo-Irish Treaty, and on 6 December 1922 the entire island of Ireland became a self-governing British dominion called the Irish Free State (Saorstát Éireann). Northern Ire- land chose to opt out of the new dominion and rejoined the United King- dom on 8 December 1922. In 1937, a new constitution, the Constitution of Ireland (Bunreacht na hÉireann), replaced the Constitution of the Irish Free State in the twenty-six county state, and called the state Ireland, or Éire in Irish. However, it was not until 1949, after the passage of the Republic of Ireland Act 1948, that the state was declared, officially, to be the Republic of Ireland (Garvin, 2005).
    [Show full text]
  • Annual Review 2008-2009
    final cover to print:Layout 1 12/05/2010 15:26 Page 1 ANNUAL REVIEW 08–09 •• ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY ROYAL U VIE N AL E W N R A Y M E 08D A N C N A A E R I H É S H ACADAMH RÍOGA NA I A IR N A L G YA ÍO RO R MH DA 09ACA H RIA ÉIREANN RIA RIA final cover to print:Layout 1 12/05/2010 15:23 Page 2 RIA © 2009 ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY 19 Dawson Street Key Achievements 2008–09........................................................................................2 Dublin 2 President’s Report.......................................................................................4 T: +353 1 676 2570 F: +353 1 676 2346 The quest for safe, secure and sustainable energy—whither Ireland?............................7 www.ria.ie Evaluating humanities research.........................................................10 Senior Vice-President’s Report....................................................12 New Members—Sciences..................................................14 New Members—Humanities and Social Sciences.....................16 New Members—Honorary........................................19 Tribute to Howard Clarke......................................21 Appreciation for Aidan Duggan..............................22 Distinctions conferred on Members.......................23 Bereavements............................................24 Academy Committees and International Relations Report.....................................25 s Policy Report.......................................29 t A Year in View.....................................31 Research Projects n
    [Show full text]