The Resurgence of Asa'ib Ahl Al-Haq
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Iraq- Baghdad Governorate, Adhamia District
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Hezbollah's Syrian Quagmire
Hezbollah’s Syrian Quagmire BY MATTHEW LEVITT ezbollah – Lebanon’s Party of God – is many things. It is one of the dominant political parties in Lebanon, as well as a social and religious movement catering first and fore- Hmost (though not exclusively) to Lebanon’s Shi’a community. Hezbollah is also Lebanon’s largest militia, the only one to maintain its weapons and rebrand its armed elements as an “Islamic resistance” in response to the terms of the Taif Accord, which ended Lebanon’s civil war and called for all militias to disarm.1 While the various wings of the group are intended to complement one another, the reality is often messier. In part, that has to do with compartmen- talization of the group’s covert activities. But it is also a factor of the group’s multiple identities – Lebanese, pan-Shi’a, pro-Iranian – and the group’s multiple and sometimes competing goals tied to these different identities. Hezbollah insists that it is Lebanese first, but in fact, it is an organization that always acts out of its self-interests above its purported Lebanese interests. According to the U.S. Treasury Department, Hezbollah also has an “expansive global network” that “is sending money and operatives to carry out terrorist attacks around the world.”2 Over the past few years, a series of events has exposed some of Hezbollah’s covert and militant enterprises in the region and around the world, challenging the group’s standing at home and abroad. Hezbollah operatives have been indicted for the murder of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri by the UN Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL) in The Hague,3 arrested on charges of plotting attacks in Nigeria,4 and convicted on similar charges in Thailand and Cyprus.5 Hezbollah’s criminal enterprises, including drug running and money laundering from South America to Africa to the Middle East, have been targeted by law enforcement and regulatory agen- cies. -
Blood and Ballots the Effect of Violence on Voting Behavior in Iraq
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Göteborgs universitets publikationer - e-publicering och e-arkiv DEPTARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE BLOOD AND BALLOTS THE EFFECT OF VIOLENCE ON VOTING BEHAVIOR IN IRAQ Amer Naji Master’s Thesis: 30 higher education credits Programme: Master’s Programme in Political Science Date: Spring 2016 Supervisor: Andreas Bågenholm Words: 14391 Abstract Iraq is a very diverse country, both ethnically and religiously, and its political system is characterized by severe polarization along ethno-sectarian loyalties. Since 2003, the country suffered from persistent indiscriminating terrorism and communal violence. Previous literature has rarely connected violence to election in Iraq. I argue that violence is responsible for the increases of within group cohesion and distrust towards people from other groups, resulting in politicization of the ethno-sectarian identities i.e. making ethno-sectarian parties more preferable than secular ones. This study is based on a unique dataset that includes civil terror casualties one year before election, the results of the four general elections of January 30th, and December 15th, 2005, March 7th, 2010 and April 30th, 2014 as well as demographic and socioeconomic indicators on the provincial level. Employing panel data analysis, the results show that Iraqi people are sensitive to violence and it has a very negative effect on vote share of secular parties. Also, terrorism has different degrees of effect on different groups. The Sunni Arabs are the most sensitive group. They change their electoral preference in response to the level of violence. 2 Acknowledgement I would first like to thank my advisor Dr. -
The Coming Turkish- Iranian Competition in Iraq
UNITeD StateS INSTITUTe of Peace www.usip.org SPeCIAL RePoRT 2301 Constitution Ave., NW • Washington, DC 20037 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPO R T Sean Kane This report reviews the growing competition between Turkey and Iran for influence in Iraq as the U.S. troop withdrawal proceeds. In doing so, it finds an alignment of interests between Baghdad, Ankara, and Washington, D.C., in a strong and stable Iraq fueled by increased hydrocarbon production. Where possible, the United States should therefore encourage The Coming Turkish- Turkish and Iraqi cooperation and economic integration as a key part of its post-2011 strategy for Iraq and the region. This analysis is based on the author’s experiences in Iraq and Iranian Competition reviews of Turkish and Iranian press and foreign policy writing. ABOUT THE AUTHO R in Iraq Sean Kane is the senior program officer for Iraq at the United States Institute of Peace (USIP). He assists in managing the Institute’s Iraq program and field mission in Iraq and serves as the Institute’s primary expert on Iraq and U.S. policy in Iraq. Summary He previously worked for the United Nations Assistance Mission • The two rising powers in the Middle East—Turkey and Iran—are neighbors to Iraq, its for Iraq from 2006 to 2009. He has published on the subjects leading trading partners, and rapidly becoming the most influential external actors inside of Iraqi politics and natural resource negotiations. The author the country as the U.S. troop withdrawal proceeds. would like to thank all of those who commented on and provided feedback on the manuscript and is especially grateful • Although there is concern in Washington about bilateral cooperation between Turkey and to Elliot Hen-Tov for generously sharing his expertise on the Iran, their differing visions for the broader Middle East region are particularly evident in topics addressed in the report. -
Dora – Baghdad – Government Employees – Forced Relocation – Kurdish Areas – Housing
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: IRQ31805 Country: Iraq Date: 22 May 2007 Keywords: Iraq – Kurds – Shia – Dora – Baghdad – Government employees – Forced relocation – Kurdish areas – Housing This response was prepared by the Country Research Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. Questions 1. Are insurgent/terrorist groups in Iraq targeting anyone who works alongside the pro- coalition forces in the rebuilding of Iraq? 2. Are they targeting Iraqi government workers who perform a co-ordinating role in this regard? 3. Do the insurgents target Shia Iraqis? 4. What is the level of instability within Dora for Kurdish Shiites? 5. Are Kurdish Shiites from Dora being forced to relocate from Dora? 6. Can Kurdish Shiites from Dora safely relocate elsewhere in Baghdad? 7. Can Kurdish Shiites safely relocate to the Kurdish areas of Iraq? 8. Are the local authorities in the Kurdish region imposing regulations to limit the influx of refugees from other parts of Iraq? 9. What has the impact of these internal refugees had on housing and rent in the Kurdish region? RESPONSE 1. Are insurgent/terrorist groups in Iraq targeting anyone who works alongside the pro-coalition forces in the rebuilding of Iraq? 2. Are they targeting Iraqi government workers who perform a co-ordinating -
The Jihadi Threat: ISIS, Al-Qaeda, and Beyond
THE JIHADI THREAT ISIS, AL QAEDA, AND BEYOND The Jihadi Threat ISIS, al- Qaeda, and Beyond Robin Wright William McCants United States Institute of Peace Brookings Institution Woodrow Wilson Center Garrett Nada J. M. Berger United States Institute of Peace International Centre for Counter- Terrorism Jacob Olidort The Hague Washington Institute for Near East Policy William Braniff Alexander Thurston START Consortium, University of Mary land Georgetown University Cole Bunzel Clinton Watts Prince ton University Foreign Policy Research Institute Daniel Byman Frederic Wehrey Brookings Institution and Georgetown University Car ne gie Endowment for International Peace Jennifer Cafarella Craig Whiteside Institute for the Study of War Naval War College Harleen Gambhir Graeme Wood Institute for the Study of War Yale University Daveed Gartenstein- Ross Aaron Y. Zelin Foundation for the Defense of Democracies Washington Institute for Near East Policy Hassan Hassan Katherine Zimmerman Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy American Enterprise Institute Charles Lister Middle East Institute Making Peace Possible December 2016/January 2017 CONTENTS Source: Image by Peter Hermes Furian, www . iStockphoto. com. The West failed to predict the emergence of al- Qaeda in new forms across the Middle East and North Africa. It was blindsided by the ISIS sweep across Syria and Iraq, which at least temporarily changed the map of the Middle East. Both movements have skillfully continued to evolve and proliferate— and surprise. What’s next? Twenty experts from think tanks and universities across the United States explore the world’s deadliest movements, their strate- gies, the future scenarios, and policy considerations. This report reflects their analy sis and diverse views. -
Iraq's Civil War, the Sadrists and the Surge
IRAQ’S CIVIL WAR, THE SADRISTS AND THE SURGE Middle East Report N°72 – 7 February 2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. BAGHDAD’S CIVIL WAR AND THE SADRISTS’ ASCENT................................. 2 A. HOW THE SADRISTS EXPANDED THEIR TERRITORY ...............................................................2 B. NEUTRALISING THE POLICE...................................................................................................4 C. DEALING IN VIOLENCE..........................................................................................................6 III. THE SADRISTS’ REVERSAL OF FORTUNE .......................................................... 8 A. AN INCREASINGLY UNDISCIPLINED MOVEMENT ...................................................................8 B. THE SADRISTS’ TERRITORIAL REDEPLOYMENT...................................................................10 C. ARE THE SADRISTS SHIFTING ALLIANCES?.............................................................................13 D. A CHANGE IN MODUS OPERANDI........................................................................................16 IV. A SUSTAINABLE CEASEFIRE? .............................................................................. 18 V. CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................ -
THE SYRIAN CIVIL WAR and ITS CONSEQUENCES for HEZBOLLAH by Benedetta Berti
DECEMBER 2015 THE SYRIAN CIVIL WAR AND ITS CONSEQUENCES FOR HEZBOLLAH By Benedetta Berti Benedetta Berti is a TED Senior Fellow, a Fellow at the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS) and an independent human security consultant. Her work focuses on human security and internal conflicts, as well as on post-conflict stabilization and peacebuilding. Dr. Berti is the author of three books, including Armed Political Organizations. From Conflict to Integration (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2013) and her work has appeared, among others, in The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, Foreign Affairs, Foreign Policy, and Al- Jazeera. In 2015 the Italian government awarded her the Order of the Star of Italy (order of Knighthood). Beginning as a largely non-violent, non-sectarian political mobilization, the Syrian revolution gradually morphed into a protracted and bloody civil war as well as into a regional proxy conflict that has directly involved both regional states and non-state actors alike. Today, the Syrian conflict remains deeply internationalized, militarized and fractionalized. The domestic battlefield is characterized by a crucible of different political and armed movements. But while the fragmentation and proliferation of armed groups within the anti-Assad camp is well known, the Syrian regime has also been relying on a number of non-state allies. These include Syrian local ‘community-defense’ groups and other pro-regime paramilitary organizations; Shiite militia groups (mostly from Iraq) and, most notably, the Lebanese Hezbollah. Indeed since the very beginning of the Syrian revolution, Hezbollah clearly sided with the Bashar-al Assad regime, shifting from offering political support and solidarity to becoming one of the warring parties. -
UN Assistance Mission for Iraq ﺑﻌﺜﺔ اﻷﻣﻢ اﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪة (UNAMI) ﻟﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ اﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﺪة
ﺑﻌﺜﺔ اﻷﻣﻢ اﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪة .UN Assistance Mission for Iraq 1 ﻟﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ اﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﺪة ﻟﻠﻌﺮاق (UNAMI) Human Rights Report 1 January – 31 March 2007 Table of Contents TABLE OF CONTENTS..............................................................................................................................1 INTRODUCTION.........................................................................................................................................2 SUMMARY ...................................................................................................................................................2 PROTECTION OF HUMAN RIGHTS.......................................................................................................4 EXTRA-JUDICIAL EXECUTIONS AND TARGETED AND INDISCRIMINATE KILLINGS .........................................4 EDUCATION SECTOR AND THE TARGETING OF ACADEMIC PROFESSIONALS ................................................8 FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION .........................................................................................................................10 MINORITIES...............................................................................................................................................13 PALESTINIAN REFUGEES ............................................................................................................................15 WOMEN.....................................................................................................................................................16 DISPLACEMENT -
1Changes in Religious Tourism in Poland at The
ISSN 0867-5856 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/0867-5856.29.2.09 e-ISSN 2080-6922 Tourism 2019, 29/2 Franciszek Mróz https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6380-387X Pedagogical University of Krakow Institute of Geography Department of Tourism and Regional Studies [email protected] CHANGES IN RELIGIOUS TOURISM IN POLAND AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 21ST CENTURY Abstract: This study presents changes in religious tourism in Poland at the beginning of the 21st century. These include the develop- ment of a network of pilgrimage centers, the renaissance of medieval pilgrim routes, the unflagging popularity of pilgrimages on foot as well as new forms using bicycles, canoes, skis, scooters, rollerblades and trailskates; along with riding, Nordic walking, running and so on. Related to pilgrimages, there is a growing interest in so-called ‘holidays’ in monasteries, hermitages and retreat homes, as well as a steady increase in weekend religious tourism. Religious tourists and pilgrims are attracted to shrines by mysteries, church fairs and religious festivals, in addition to regular religious services and ceremonies. Keywords: religious tourism, pilgrimages, shrine, pilgrim routes, Camino de Santiago (Way of St James). 1. INTRODUCTION Religious tourism is one of the most rapidly developing This article reviews the main trends and changes in types in the world. According to data from the World religious tourism and pilgrimage in Poland at the be- Tourism Organization (UNWTO) from 2004, during ginning of the 21st century. It is worth noting that in the that year approx. 330 million people took trips with analyzed period a number of events took place which a religious or religious-cognitive aim by visiting major have left a mark on the pilgrimage movement and reli- world pilgrimage centers (Tourism can protect and pro- gious tourism in Poland: the last pilgrimage of John mote religious heritage, 2014). -
Interview #25
United States Institute of Peace Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Iraq PRT Experience Project INTERVIEW #25 Interviewed by: Barbara Nielsen Initial Interview May 1, 2008 Copyright 2008 USIP & ADST Executive Summary The interviewee was the PRT team leader in Diyala province from February, 2007 until March, 2008. Diyala province is ethnically mixed, comprised of roughly 20% Shia, 40% Sunni, 9% Kurd, and the remainder other groups. Although intermarriage was frequent (e.g. the governor’s paramount wife was a Shia, but his young wife was a Sunni) and coexistence among the groups had been traditional, after the fall of Saddam Hussein, the sectarian divide was accentuated, along with the manifestation of a complex mosaic of conflicting loyalties and historical grievances. The interviewee’s principal mandate was to develop the capacity of the provincial government to function. However, with the constant combat and frequent ambushes he describes, lasting from February through the late fall of 2007, the PRT’s ability to travel was severely limited. The interviewee describes how, initially, they had to pick up the provincial governor in his own village 20 miles away and bring him to the government center so he could sit in his office. After about three months, the PRT renovated and fortified his office so that he could remain there overnight three to four nights per week. That example led to the assistant governor, deputy governor and other directors resorting to the same governing technique. The interviewee describes how Al-Qaeda was initially invited into the province to protect the Sunni inhabitants from the Shia militia operating at the behest of the Shia police chief. -
Iraq: U.S. Regime Change Efforts and Post-Saddam Governance
Order Code RL31339 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Iraq: U.S. Regime Change Efforts and Post-Saddam Governance Updated May 16, 2005 Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Iraq: U.S. Regime Change Efforts and Post-Saddam Governance Summary Operation Iraqi Freedom accomplished a long-standing U.S. objective, the overthrow of Saddam Hussein, but replacing his regime with a stable, moderate, democratic political structure has been complicated by a persistent Sunni Arab-led insurgency. The Bush Administration asserts that establishing democracy in Iraq will catalyze the promotion of democracy throughout the Middle East. The desired outcome would also likely prevent Iraq from becoming a sanctuary for terrorists, a key recommendation of the 9/11 Commission report. The Bush Administration asserts that U.S. policy in Iraq is now showing substantial success, demonstrated by January 30, 2005 elections that chose a National Assembly, and progress in building Iraq’s various security forces. The Administration says it expects that the current transition roadmap — including votes on a permanent constitution by October 31, 2005 and for a permanent government by December 15, 2005 — are being implemented. Others believe the insurgency is widespread, as shown by its recent attacks, and that the Iraqi government could not stand on its own were U.S. and allied international forces to withdraw from Iraq. Some U.S. commanders and senior intelligence officials say that some Islamic militants have entered Iraq since Saddam Hussein fell, to fight what they see as a new “jihad” (Islamic war) against the United States.