THE REIGN of OMURTAG and the TRANSFORMATION of EARLY MEDIEVAL BULGARIA 8.1 Reconstructing Omurtag's Power the Reign of Omurtag

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

THE REIGN of OMURTAG and the TRANSFORMATION of EARLY MEDIEVAL BULGARIA 8.1 Reconstructing Omurtag's Power the Reign of Omurtag CHAPTER EIGHT THE REIGN OF OMURTAG AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF EARLY MEDIEVAL BULGARIA 8.1 Reconstructing Omurtag’s Power The reign of Omurtag (ca. 815–831) is commonly viewed as a period of con- siderable growth and prosperity for the Bulgar polity. It was characterized primarily by the strengthening of royal power, political stabilization and the rapid expansion arising from the conquest of territories formerly controlled by the Avars in the western Balkans and the Carpathian basin. Omurtag himself, as ruler, was the central figure of his realm. Although the strong, divinely-sanctioned leadership was already part of the Bulgar political tra- dition, he introduced new ways of expressing monarchical power which not only sharpened distinctions between Bulgaria and Byzantium, but also enhanced the ideological basis of his kingship and transformed relations between himself and the nobility. The evidence of his activities, unlike that of his predecessors, is visible throughout the core lands of the khanate and gives us precious insight into the political and social world of ninth-century Bulgaria. As we have seen in chapter 7, the exact circumstances surrounding Omurtag’s rise to power remain shadowy. It is safe to infer that the sudden death of Krum, as well as the defeat at the hands of Leo V at Mesembria, had created a serious political and military crisis that Omurtag was able to overcome only with great difficulty. The ambiguity of the system of succes- sion in the Bulgar polity undoubtedly exacerbated these problems. Succes- sion could be formally defined as either linear or lateral, but, in effect, any of the sons or brothers of the deceased khan had a legitimate right to succeed him as long as they had enough support among the nobility, especially the leading clan.1 The available evidence seems to suggest that a leadership strug- gle between rival groups—each representing a different member of Krum’s family—was raging in the khanate between 814 and 815. Whereas Dukum, Krum’s brother and immediate successor, evidently enjoyed the support of 1 See Di Cosmo 2002a, 184–185, for the ambiguities of the system of imperial succession in Inner Asian polities, and above 4.2 for Bulgaria. 288 chapter eight his nobles, Dičevg, who took over immediately after Dukum’s premature death, was unable to entrench himself in power to the complete satisfaction of important political and military circles. Opposition to him is likely to have been motivated by the unfavourable outcome of military developments on the Thracian frontier. The defeat at Mesembria in autumn or winter of 814—the first after more than three years of domination in the war against Byzantium—came as a profound shock to the Bulgars, and as a result, the apparently powerful militant wing of the ruling stratum may have challenged Dičevg’s authority. The khan responded by ordering the execution of the archbishop of Adrianople, Manuel, held in captivity since Krum’s Thracian campaign in 813, but this did little to appease his enemies who quickly ral- lied to Omurtag’s side. Dičevg’s deteriorating health was a further cause of concern, and that may have been enough to convince the remaining mem- bers of the military aristocracy to switch their political allegiance to Krum’s son.2 There can be no doubt that the decision-making council (theκόμβεντον of the Greek sources), which must have still yielded considerable power dur- ing times of political crisis, elevated Omurtag to the position of supreme ruler not simply because of his royal line of descent, but because he was regarded as better suited to defend the interests of the Bulgar polity at that particular moment. Once he had obtained power, Omurtag made two important political deci- sions: to continue the war against Byzantium, and to undertake a violent persecution of Christians living in Bulgaria. These measures were arguably essential in allowing the new khan to consolidate his position. His political survival clearly depended on the militant warlike aristocracy; therefore he had little choice but to associate himself with the interests of his supporters. Nevertheless, the nobility was not capable of restraining Omurtag’s powers for long. It is clear that his reign was marked by episodes of despotic behav- iour.3 The construction of palaces and temples, the building of earthworks, the production of stone inscriptions, and, perhaps more characteristically, the orchestration of elaborate public rituals and ceremonies, are all inter- preted as explicit statements of power. It is hardly surprising that no khan is known to have been murdered in pre-Christian Bulgaria after 815. Evi- dently Omurtag was able not only to subordinate the nobility to the central authorities, but also to establish an exclusive right to royal power—a strict 2 See the discussion at 7.1 above. 3 Curta 2006b, 23..
Recommended publications
  • Byzantine Missionaries, Foreign Rulers, and Christian Narratives (Ca
    Conversion and Empire: Byzantine Missionaries, Foreign Rulers, and Christian Narratives (ca. 300-900) by Alexander Borislavov Angelov A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) in The University of Michigan 2011 Doctoral Committee: Professor John V.A. Fine, Jr., Chair Professor Emeritus H. Don Cameron Professor Paul Christopher Johnson Professor Raymond H. Van Dam Associate Professor Diane Owen Hughes © Alexander Borislavov Angelov 2011 To my mother Irina with all my love and gratitude ii Acknowledgements To put in words deepest feelings of gratitude to so many people and for so many things is to reflect on various encounters and influences. In a sense, it is to sketch out a singular narrative but of many personal “conversions.” So now, being here, I am looking back, and it all seems so clear and obvious. But, it is the historian in me that realizes best the numerous situations, emotions, and dilemmas that brought me where I am. I feel so profoundly thankful for a journey that even I, obsessed with planning, could not have fully anticipated. In a final analysis, as my dissertation grew so did I, but neither could have become better without the presence of the people or the institutions that I feel so fortunate to be able to acknowledge here. At the University of Michigan, I first thank my mentor John Fine for his tremendous academic support over the years, for his friendship always present when most needed, and for best illustrating to me how true knowledge does in fact produce better humanity.
    [Show full text]
  • The Responses of Pope Nicholas I to the Questions of the Bulgars AD
    The Responses of Pope Nicholas I to the Questions of the Bulgars A.D. 866 (Letter 99) Translated by W. L. North from the edition of Ernest Perels, in MGH Epistolae VI, Berlin, 1925, pp.568-600. Introduction Since the sixth century, the Bulgars had known intermittent contact with the Christians of the surrounding nations, whether as merchants or prisoners-of-war or through diplomatic relations. During the later eighth and early ninth century, the Christian population in Bulgar lands increased so much that Christians were rumored to have influence at the court of Khan Krum (802-814); they were also persecuted under Khan Omortag (814-31). The Bulgars continued to remain "officially" pagan until the reign of Khan Boris, who came to power around 852. Several factors may have led Khan Boris to assume a more favorable attitude towards Christianity. First, Christianity offered a belief-system that transcended — at least potentially — cultural or ethnic boundaries and thereby offered a means not only to unify Bulgaria's disparate populations but also to secure legitimacy and respect with Byzantium and the West. The ideology of Christian rulership also enhanced the position of the prince vis-à-vis his subjects including the often contentious boyars. Furthermore, Boris' sister had converted to Christianity while a hostage in Constantinople and may have influenced her brother. Finally, Boris himself seems to have been attracted to Christian beliefs and practices, as evidenced by the seriousness with which he pursued the conversion of his people. Boris' move towards Christianity seems to have begun in earnest with the opening of negotiations in 862 between himself and Louis the German for an alliance against Ratislav of Moravia.
    [Show full text]
  • Notes and Documents
    276 April Notes and Documents The Bulgarian Treaty of A.D. 814, and the Great Fence Downloaded from of Thrace. MONG the official Greek inscriptions of Omurtag and Malomir A which have been discovered and published in recent years, the inscription of Suleiman-Keui, containing the provisions of a treaty http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ between the Bulgarians and the Eastern Empire, is evidently one of the most important, but it has not been satisfactorily explained. Suleiman-Keui is three hours to the east of Pliska (Aboba), the residence of the early Bulgarian Khans, and there can be no doubt that the column or its fragment was conveyed from the ruins of the palace to Suleiman-Keui. The remains of the inscription do not contain the name either of the khan or of the emperor who were parties to the treaty, but the mention of ' thirty years ' shows that at Dalhousie University on June 23, 2015 the document, which on palaeographical grounds belongs to the earlier part of the ninth century, is connected with the Thirty Years' treaty which was concluded in A.D. 814. Th. Uspenski, the last editor,1 to whose labours in co-operation with the Bulgarian archaeologist, K. Skorpil, Bulgarian history owes such a deep debt, thinks that it probably represents the result of negotiations between Omurtag and Michael II in 821, or else between a later khan and Michael III (and Theodora) in 842-8. This conclusion is, I think, untenable; but before criticising his grounds, it will be convenient to state briefly what is known, from literary sources, concerning the Thirty Years' treaty.
    [Show full text]
  • Nominalia of the Bulgarian Rulers an Essay by Ilia Curto Pelle
    Nominalia of the Bulgarian rulers An essay by Ilia Curto Pelle Bulgaria is a country with a rich history, spanning over a millennium and a half. However, most Bulgarians are unaware of their origins. To be honest, the quantity of information involved can be overwhelming, but once someone becomes invested in it, he or she can witness a tale of the rise and fall, steppe khans and Christian emperors, saints and murderers of the three Bulgarian Empires. As delving deep in the history of Bulgaria would take volumes upon volumes of work, in this essay I have tried simply to create a list of all Bulgarian rulers we know about by using different sources. So, let’s get to it. Despite there being many theories for the origin of the Bulgars, the only one that can show a historical document supporting it is the Hunnic one. This document is the Nominalia of the Bulgarian khans, dating back to the 8th or 9th century, which mentions Avitohol/Attila the Hun as the first Bulgarian khan. However, it is not clear when the Bulgars first joined the Hunnic Empire. It is for this reason that all the Hunnic rulers we know about will also be included in this list as khans of the Bulgars. The rulers of the Bulgars and Bulgaria carry the titles of khan, knyaz, emir, elteber, president, and tsar. This list recognizes as rulers those people, who were either crowned as any of the above, were declared as such by the people, despite not having an official coronation, or had any possession of historical Bulgarian lands (in modern day Bulgaria, southern Romania, Serbia, Albania, Macedonia, and northern Greece), while being of royal descent or a part of the royal family.
    [Show full text]
  • Byzantium and Bulgaria, 775-831
    Byzantium and Bulgaria, 775–831 East Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 450–1450 General Editor Florin Curta VOLUME 16 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.nl/ecee Byzantium and Bulgaria, 775–831 By Panos Sophoulis LEIDEN • BOSTON 2012 Cover illustration: Scylitzes Matritensis fol. 11r. With kind permission of the Bulgarian Historical Heritage Foundation, Plovdiv, Bulgaria. Brill has made all reasonable efforts to trace all rights holders to any copyrighted material used in this work. In cases where these efforts have not been successful the publisher welcomes communications from copyright holders, so that the appropriate acknowledgements can be made in future editions, and to settle other permission matters. This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Sophoulis, Pananos, 1974– Byzantium and Bulgaria, 775–831 / by Panos Sophoulis. p. cm. — (East Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 450–1450, ISSN 1872-8103 ; v. 16.) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-20695-3 (hardback : alk. paper) 1. Byzantine Empire—Relations—Bulgaria. 2. Bulgaria—Relations—Byzantine Empire. 3. Byzantine Empire—Foreign relations—527–1081. 4. Bulgaria—History—To 1393. I. Title. DF547.B9S67 2011 327.495049909’021—dc23 2011029157 ISSN 1872-8103 ISBN 978 90 04 20695 3 Copyright 2012 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Global Oriental, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher.
    [Show full text]
  • Borna's Polity Attested by Frankish Sources in the Territory of the Former
    International Symposium The Treaty of Aachen, AD 812: The Origins and Impact on the Region between the Adriatic, Central, and Southeastern Europe Abstracts University of Zadar Zadar, September 27–29, 2012 Abstracts of the International Symposium The Treaty of Aachen, AD 812: The Origins and Impact on the Region between the Adriatic, Central, and Southeastern Europe Zadar, September 27–29, 2012 University of Zadar Department of History 2012 Frankish ducatus or Slavic Chiefdom? The Character of Borna’s Polity in Early-Ninth-Century Dalmatia Denis Alimov Borna’s polity, attested by Frankish sources on the territory of the former Roman province of Dalmatia in the first quarter of the 9th century, is traditionally considered to be the cradle of early medieval Croatian state. Meanwhile, the exact character of this polity and the way it was linked with the Croats as an early medieval gens remain obscure in many respects. I argue that Borna’s ducatus consisted of two political entities, the Croat polity proper, with its heartland in the region of Knin, and a small chiefdom of the Guduscani in the region of Gacka. Borna was the chief of the Croats, a group of people that gradually developed into an ethnic unit under the leadership of a Christianized military elite.. For all that, the process of the stabilization of the Croats’ group identity originally connected with the social structures of Pax Avarica and its transformation into what can be called gentile identity was very durable, the rate of the process being considerably slower than the formation of supralocal political organization in Dalmatia.
    [Show full text]
  • BYZANTINE ROYAL ANCESTRY Emperors, 578-1453
    GRANHOLM GENEALOGY BYZANTINE ROYAL ANCESTRY Emperors, 578-1453 1 INTRODUCTION During the first half of the first century Byzantium and specifically Constantinople was the most influentional and riches capital in the world. Great buildings, such as Hagia Sophia were built during these times. Despite the distances, contacts with the Scandinavians took place, in some cases cooperation against common enemies. Vikings traded with them and served in the Emperors’ Court. Sweden’s King Karl XII took refuge there for four years after the defeat in the war against Peter the Great of Russia in Poltava. Our 6th great grandfather, “ Cornelius von Loos” was with him and made drawings of many of the famous buildings in that region. The Byzantine lineages to us are shown starting fr o m different ancestors. There are many royals to whom we have a direct ancestral relationship and others who are distant cousins. These give an interesting picture of the history from those times. Wars took place among others with the Persians, which are also described in the book about our Persian Royal Ancestry. Additional text for many persons is highlighted in the following lists. This story begins with Emperor Tiberius II, (47th great grandfather) born in 520 and ends with the death of Emperor Constantine XI (15th cousin, 17 times removed) in battle in 1453. His death marked the final end of the Roman Empire, which had continued in the East for just under one thousand years after the fall of the Western Roman Empire. No relations to us, the initial Emperor of the Byzantine was Justin I , born a peasant and a swineherd by initial occupation, reigned 518 to 527.
    [Show full text]
  • THE EARLY MEDIEVAL BALKANS a Critical Survey from the Sixth to the Late Tvvelfth Century
    THE EARLY MEDIEVAL BALKANS A Critical Survey from the Sixth to the Late Tvvelfth Century JOHN V. A. FINE, Jr. THE EARLY MEDlEYAL BALKANS The Early Medieval Balkans A Critical Survey from the Sixth to the Late Twelfth Century JOHN V. A. FINE, JR. Ann Arbor The University of Michigan Press First paperback edition 1991 Copyright© by the University of Michigan 1983 All rights reserved Published in the United States of America by The University of Michigan Press Manufactured in the United States of America 2000 1999 11 10 9 No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, or otherwise, without the written permission of the publisher. A CJP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Fine, John Van Antwerp. The early medieval Balklands. Bibliography: p. Includes index. I. Balkan Peninsula-History. I. Title. DR39.F56 1983 949.6 82-8452 ISBN 0-472-08149-7 (pbk.) AACR2 To Gena, Sasha, and Paul Preface This book is a general survey of early medieval Balkan history. Geo­ graphically it covers the region that now is included in the states of Yugoslavia (Croatia, Bosnia, Serbia, Montenegro, and Macedonia), Bulgaria, Greece, and Albania. What are now Slovenia and Rumania are treated only peripherally. The book covers the period from the arrival of the Slavs in the second half of the sixth and early seventh centuries up to the 1180s. A second volume will continue the story from this point to the Turkish conquest, a process carried out over the late fourteenth and through much of the fifteenth centuries.
    [Show full text]
  • Chronological Overview
    Chronological Overview 284-305 Diocletian and the tetrarchy 565-591 Wars with Persia 306-337 Constantine I (sole ruler from 324) 566 + Slavs begin to infiltrate across Danube frontier; pressure 311 Edict of toleration issued by Galerius on frontier fortresses from Avars 312 Constantine's victory at the Milvian bridge 568+ Lombards driven westward from Danube, invade Italy 313 Edict of toleration issued by Constantine and Licinius 572 Lombards besiege Ravenna 325 Council of Nicaea and condemnation of Arianism (first 577 Major invasion of Balkans led by Avars ecumenical council) 584, 586 Avaro-Slav attacks on Thessalonica 330 Consecration of Constantinople 591-602 Gradual success in pushing Avars back across Danube 337 Baptism and death of Constantine I 602 Maurice overthrown, Phokas proclaimed emperor 361-363 Julian the Apostate leads pagan reaction and attempts to 603 War with Persia; situation in Balkans deteriorates limit the influence of Christianity 610 Phokas overthrown by Heraclius, son of exarch of Africa 364 Jovian dies: empire divided between Valentinian 1 (West) at Carthage and Valens (East) 611-620s Central and northern Balkans lost 378 Defeat and death of Valens at hands of Visigoths at battle 614-619 Persians occupy Syria, Palestine and Egypt of Adrianople 622 Mohammed leaves Mecca for Medina (the 'Hijra') 381 First Council of Constantinople (second ecumenical 622-627 Heraclius campaigns in east against Persians council): reaffirms rejection of Arianism; asserts right of 626 Combined Avaro-Slav and Persian siege of Constantinople
    [Show full text]
  • The Byzantines in the Service of the Bulgarian Rulers in the First Half of the Th9 Century
    Retrieved from https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/pnh [01.10.2021] REVIEW OF HISTORICAL SCIENCES 2017, VOL. XVI, NO. 3 http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1644-857X.16.03.09 Mirosław J. Leszka * University of Lodz The Byzantines in the service of the Bulgarian rulers in the first half of the th9 century he Byzantines who lived in Bulgaria in the first half of the T9th century can be roughly divided into the ones who arrived due to the mass forced displacement and those who came as a result of their own, personal decisions1. The first group includes prisoners of war who came under Bulgarian control during armed operations and the people deported to Bulgaria from the seized Byz- antine territories. Such situations were recorded during the wars that Khan Krum fought against Nicephorus I and later against his successors: Michael I and Leo V. It is known that a large number of Byzantines found themselves in the hands of Bulgarians in con- sequence of events suchPNH as the conquest of Serdica in 809, the massacre of the Nicephorus I’s army in July 811 or the conquest of Byzantine fortresses: Develtos, Mesembria and Adrianople in the years 812–8132. Some of them returned to Byzantium relatively fast * The Faculty of Philosophy and History, The Institute of History, The Depart- ment of Byzantine History / Wydział Filozoficzno-Historyczny, Instytut Historii, Katedra Historii Bizancjum, e-mail: [email protected]. 1 On the subject of the Byzantines in Bulgaria during the period of interest see R. Browning, Byzantines in Bulgaria – Late 8th–Early 9th Centuries, [in:] Studia Slavico-Byzantina et Medievalia.
    [Show full text]
  • Gunnar Heinsohn (25 March 2015) BULGARIA's EARLY MEDIEVAL
    1 Gunnar Heinsohn (25 March 2015) BULGARIA'S EARLY MEDIEVAL CAPITALS OF PLISKA AND PRESLAV: WERE THEY REALLY BUILT TO RESEMBLE 700 YEAR OLDER ROMAN CITIES? “The first inhabitants of the khan’s residence who lived in lightly-built wooden buildings and yurts, did not need any water installations. With the onset of the stone construction [in the 9th c.; GH] such need became apparent. Free-flowing water was brought by the way of an water-conduit from 7 km away, from the springs at the foot of the plateau at the village of Isbul. The water-catching there was pronounced to date to antique times [1st-3rd. c. CE; GH] on the basis of the antique building materials used in its construction. Such materials had also been (re-)used in the building of Pliska itself but this does not mean that Pliska is antique in age [because it was unquestionably built in the Middle Ages of the 9th c. CE; GH]“ (Rashev/Dimitrov 1999, ch. 4). 1 I Pliska p. 2 II Preslav p. 19 III Summary p. 27 Bibliography / Address p. 32 1 Thanks for editorial help go to Clark Whelton (New York). 2 I PLISKA European cities that were newly built during the early Middle Ages (8th-10th c. CE) are believed to have been very rare. Viking towns such as Kaupang (Norway), Birka (Sweden), Haithabu (Germany), or Truso (Poland) with 1,000 to 2,000 inhabitants present rather modest examples, though they are quite rich with Roman artifacts – millefiori glass, locks and keys, coins, square sails, ports, Bulgaria during its golden, which was suddenly and violently interrupted at the end of the Early Middle Ages.
    [Show full text]
  • History of the Proto-Bulgarians North and West of the Black Sea. the Proto-Bulgarians in the East-European Steppes Prior to VII C
    History of the Proto-Bulgarians north and west of the Black Sea. The Proto-Bulgarians in the East-European steppes prior to VII c. AD D. Dimitrov. The Proto-Bulgarians north and west of the Black Sea. Varna. 1987. Addopted from Vassil Karloukovski's Page http://groznijat.tripod.com/index.htm Documentary evidence about the Proto-Bulgarians and other akin to them tribes: o Bulgars, Unogundurs, Onogurs, Utigurs, Kutrigurs o Sabirs, Barsils, Belendzheris, Khazars Archaeological evidence about the Proto-Bulgarians from: - North-Eastern Fore-Caucasus and Northern Dagestan: o Pit graves, artificial skull deformation, Sarmatians, Northern Bactria o Huns, Alans, Proto-Bulgarians, Dagestan, Belendzer - East of the Sea of Azov (VI-VII century AD): o Unogundurs, Kuban, kureni, auli, Great Bulgaria, Phanagoria - North of the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov (VI-VII century AD): o Kutrigurs, Severski Doneck, Zlivka necropolis, Sarkel "Old Great Bulgaria": o Khan Kubrat, Theophanes, Nicephorus, Malaja Preschepina, Voznesenka The Pereschepina treasure of Khan Kubrat, VIIth c. (Hermitage Museum Collection) The Saltovo-Majack culture The Proto-Bulgarians in the VIII-IX cc. AD: East of the Sea of Azov North of the Sea of Azov In the Crimea The migration of the Unogundur-Bulgars of Asparukh to the Lower Danube Fortresses Necropolises Bulgars, Unogundurs, Onogurs, Utigurs, Kutrigurs It is commonly accepted that the documentary evidence contain only data about the European period of the history of Proto-Bulgarians. Recently, although, B.Simeonov advanced the hypothesis that their ethnicon had been known much earlier to the Chinese, but in a rather altered form because of the peculiarities of the transcription of foreign names in Chinese.
    [Show full text]