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Sonorant Extension, Transitional Vowels, and Gesture Sharing: an Acoustic Study of Russian Clusters Peter Staroverov Rutgers, T

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Sonorant Extension, Transitional Vowels, and Gesture Sharing: an Acoustic Study of Russian Clusters Peter Staroverov Rutgers, T Sonorant Extension, Transitional Vowels, and Gesture Sharing: an Acoustic Study of Russian Clusters * Peter Staroverov Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey 1. Introduction The study of cluster realizaition within the framework of articulatory phonology (Browman and Goldstein, 1986, 1988 et seq.) has uncovered a number of cases where the cluster is realized with a vocalic interval which nonetheless does not appear to be part of the phonological representation (see Bradley, 2004, 2007; Davidson, 2006, 2010; Gafos, 2002; Hall, 2003, 2006 among others). Based on acoustic data from Russian word-final clusters, this paper analyzes possible gestural configurations which may lead to appearance of these vocalic intervals. In addition, the effects of the ordering of consonants within the cluster, and of concomitant changes in sonority sequencing, are addressed. An acoustic study of the realization of Russian word-final clusters of stops and liquids is presented. A vocalic interval was found in the stop-liquid clusters (as in /tsikl/ 'cycle'). The acoustic properties of this interval indicate that it arises via extension of the liquid gesture, rather than the default voicing state of the glottis. It is argued that in the case of Russian, the perceived vocalic interval is better analyzed as part of the liquid realization, rather than a separate transitional vowel. The realization of liquid-stop clusters (as in /polk/ 'regiment') did not exhibit a vocalic interval. Thus the sonority composition of a cluster seems to play a role in how this cluster is realized. It is hypothesized that the effect of sonority has to do with the fact that the liquid is less perceptible in the final stop-liquid clusters. 1.1 Cluster Realizaton and Transitional Vowels Even when there is no vowel target between two consonants, there are a number of * I would like to thank Shigeto Kawahara, Paul de Lacy, and Bruce Tesar for their help at all stages of this project. I am also grateful to the audiences at RULING 2011, RUMMIT 2011, NYU PEP Laboratory Meeting, and NELS 2011. For their helpful comments, I am grateful to Adam Albright, Aaron Braver, Vandana Bajaj, Lisa Davidson, Edward Flemming, Gillian Gallagher, Maria Gouskova, Peter Jurgec, John Kingston, Kevin Roon, and Donca Steriade. All errors and imprecisions are my own. Peter Staroverov articulatory configurations which may lead to a percept of a vowel within a consonant cluster. In all of these cases there is a lag between the time when the constriction for the first consonant is released and the time when the second consonant reaches its target. This temporal lag is a period of relatively unobstructed vocal truct which leaves some space for an acoustic vowel to appear in. There are a number of reasons why a vocalic element may arise in a temporal lag between two consonant constrictions. First, Browman and Goldstein (1986) suggest that the default state of the glottis is one that produces voicing. Thus if the two consonant constrictions are relaxed for long enough, a period of periodicity can occur. The quality of this vocalic interval is somewhat similar to that of a schwa, although the mouth is in a more constricted position than for the articulation of a lexical schwa (Davidson, 2006, 2010). When one of the consonants in the cluster is a sonorant the realization of the consonant itself may potentially yield a vocalic interval in an open transition. In these cases the sonorant is extended to overlap the open transition between the two consonants, and thus there may be no need to postulate a separate transitional vowel. The quality of such vocalic intervals will be mostly affected by the sonorant. This paper argues that Russian word-final stop-liquid clusters involve such a configuration. Finally, Steriade (1990) proposes that some transitional vowels arise when a neighboring vowel gesture overlaps the open transition between the two consonants. Hall (2003; 2006) reports on a typological survey focused on these echo vowels. In these cases the quality of the transitional vowel is similar or identical to the quality of a neighboring vowel. The transitional echo vowels arise more often next to the consonantal gestures which more easily overlap with vowel gestures. Hall argues that obstruent consonant gestures are very rarely overlapped by neighboring vowels. The sequences to be considered in this article are of the form vowel- stop-liquid: VTL#. For an echo vowel to arise in such sequences the lexical vowel would have to completely overlap the stop gesture, and this is unlikely according to Hall's survey. The hypothesis that the vocalic interval in Russian TL# clusters arises because of gesture sharing with a neighboring vowel was considered in this study, but it was not supported by the acoustic data. Since this hypothesis is unlikely to be true given what we know from typology, it will not be discussed in what follows due to space limitations. To summarize, the vocalic intervals in consonant clusters are assumed to arise due to a relatively open transition. However, there may be different gestural sources of the vowel occuring in this transition, and the exact source of the vowel will determine its quality. Unfortunately the quality of the gestural mistiming vowels is rarely systematically studied. Davidson (2006, 2010) reports on transitional vowels in English and Catalan speakers' production of word-initial Slavic-like clusters of an obstruent + C. The vowel following the cluster was always the same in Davidson's data, so the amount of V-gesture sharing is not assessed. The transitional vowel within the cluster consistently had a schwa-like quality, although its F1 was lower than for a lexical schwa in both languages. This study identifies a vocalic interval in Russian TL# clusters. The examination of formant structure indicates that this interval is highly affected by the liquid, and thus most likely occuring due to liquid extension. Thus a close look at the vocalic quality may be needed to tell apart the transitional vowels and the extended sonorants. The Russian data An Acoustic Study of Russian Clusters also indirectly confirm that gesture sharing is unlikely across an obstruent. 1.2 Sequential Constraints on Cluster realization The relation between consonant gestures comprising the cluster affects the degree of gestural overlap which is needed to produce a transitional vowel. Gafos (2002) finds that the same degree of overlap may produce a vocalic interval in heterorganic clusters but no such interval in homorganic clusters since there is no movement from one constriction to the other in the latter case. The sonority composition of a consonant cluster may also affect its gestural realization. Gafos (2002: 4.1.2.2) mentions some preliminary evidence that the avoidance of overlap in Moroccan Arabic homorganic clusters is weakened when the two consonants are of different sonority. In addition, the liquid /l/ is known to often be realized differently depending on its syllabic position (Sproat and Fujimura, 1993; Gick et al. , 2006). The distribution of Russian liquid allophones goes beyond the syllable-initial vs. syllable-final dichotomy. Russian liquids are extended in the coda only if they follow another consonant. If the liquids occur on their own or precede a consonant, the extension is not observed. Furthermore the TL combinations do not exhibit liquid extension when they occur intervocalically 1. It is hypothesized that the perceptibility of the liquid is particularly threatened in the coda TL clusters compared to the cases when the liquid occurs prevocalically or postvocalically. Therefore the liquid gets extended just in those cases. 1.3 Russian Consonant Clusters Russian liquids contrast in palatalization: /l/ - /l I/, /r/ - /r I/. This study focuses on nonpalatalized liquids. According to native speaker intuitions, palatalized and nonpalatalized liquids behave the same way in consonant clusters. In an acoustic study of Russian rhotics Iskarous and Kavitskaya (2010) found that word-final /r/ in Russian can be realized as a full trill (more than one full closure), tap (one full closure) or approximant (one or more incomplete closure). /l/ is less variable in realization and therefore it is used in the experiment. Russian nonpalatalized /l/ is reported be relatively back (presumably due to the palatalization contrast) and to have a dorsal articulatory component (Kochetov, 2005; Proctor, 2009, 2011). The realization of Russian consonant sequences has been studied across word boundaries and word-initially (Zsiga, 2000, 2003; Davidson and Roon, 2008). Zsiga (2000, 2003) found that Russian speakers release the first stop in the consonant sequences spanning a word boundary more often than the speakers of English. Davidson and Roon (2008) find that "Russian speakers are fairly consistent in releasing stops before other consonants" (p. 150). Based on these findings, it is expected that Russian word-final clusters will be realized with an audible release. The realization of word-final clusters is conditioned by their sonority. Only the word- 1 Thus Russian TL clusters are not susceptible to vowel intrusion across the board (Flemming, 2008). I am grateful to Donca Steriade for discussing this hypothesis with me. Peter Staroverov final clusters of rising sonority (1)a intuitively seem to be pronounced with vocalization. In Standard Russian, /a/ and /o/ after non-palatalized consonants are neutralized to [ ] in the first pretonic syllable and to [ ©] in syllables which are further away from stress while /i/ and /e/ neutralize to [ H] in both of these positions (see e.g. Barnes (2006a, 2006b) and references therein). In (1) and throughout the paper stress is marked in the words which have more than one syllable. (1) Russian word-final combinations of a stop and a liquid a. T + L /bobr/ ‘beaver’; / rublI / ‘rouble’; /tIeatr/ ‘theater’; /podl / ‘mean. PRED ’ b. T + L /polk / 'regiment' /kolIt / 'colt' /dolf / 'debt, duty' /skarb/ 'stuff, goods and chattels' The presence/absence of a lexical unstressed vowel in TL-final words is only marginally contrastive.
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