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Kyrgyzstan by Erica Marat Kyrgyzstan by Erica Marat Capital: Bishkek Population: 5.7 million GNI/capita, PPP: US$3,080 Source: The data above are drawn from the World Bank’s World Development Indicators 2015. Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 Electoral Process 5.75 5.75 6.00 6.00 6.25 6.00 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.50 Civil Society 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.75 5.00 4.75 4.75 4.75 4.50 4.75 Independent Media 5.75 5.75 6.00 6.25 6.50 6.50 6.25 6.25 6.00 6.00 National Democratic Governance 6.00 6.00 6.25 6.50 6.75 6.50 6.50 6.50 6.50 6.50 Local Democratic Governance 6.25 6.25 6.50 6.50 6.50 6.50 6.50 6.25 6.25 6.25 Judicial Framework and Independence 5.50 5.50 6.00 6.00 6.00 6.25 6.25 6.25 6.25 6.25 Corruption 6.00 6.00 6.25 6.25 6.50 6.25 6.25 6.25 6.25 6.25 Democracy Score 5.68 5.68 5.93 6.04 6.21 6.11 6.00 5.96 5.89 5.99 NOTE: The ratings reflect the consensus of Freedom House, its academic advisers, and the author(s) of this report. The opinions expressed in this report are those of the author(s). The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 7 the lowest. The Democracy Score is an average of ratings for the categories tracked in a given year. 342 Nations in Transit 2015 Executive Summary n the four years since the April 2010 ousting of President Kurmanbek Bakiyev, Kyrgyzstan has developed the most dynamic political system in post-Soviet ICentral Asia. In 2014, government leadership promised to uphold the schedule for parliamentary and presidential elections in 2015 and 2017, which would mean breaking a decade-long pattern of early elections that typically served to strengthen the incumbent. Political parties appear to be diversifying, and some regional political parties that won local elections in 2012 are preparing nationwide campaigns. There are also parties striving to represent the interests of specific social groups, such as migrants and entrepreneurs, rather than self-interested political cliques. In 2013 and 2014, a number of draft laws and an increase in intolerant groups advocating an ultraconservative Kyrgyz identity threatened the overall health of civil society. Some of the proposals were stalled or defeated by significant pressure from nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and watchdogs. In May, however, the president signed a bill that de facto recriminalized libel. Later in the year, the parliament discussed labeling organizations and individuals obtaining foreign grants as “foreign agents,” as well as banning the “propaganda of nontraditional sexual relations.” Both bills were inspired by similar laws in Russia, and remained on the parliament’s agenda at year’s end. Additionally, several members of parliament (MPs) as well as President Almazbek Atambayev called for amendments to the constitution. Some criticized these calls, emphasizing that the document serves as a guarantee of Kyrgyzstan’s current political structure. Several MPs put forward proposals to revise the current electoral code, but these suggestions also met with criticism from civil society members and parliamentarians. Despite some progress toward political pluralization under the 2010 constitution, endemic institutional weaknesses of national and local government agencies, a lack of reform in the judicial sector, and intermittent rule of law continue to hamper Kyrgyzstan’s democratic gains. Frequent changes in the composition of the ruling coalition between 2010 and 2014 undermined the continuity of government policies. The most recent governmental reorganization occurred in March 2014, when the Ata-Meken party left the ruling coalition following a disagreement with then-prime minister Jantoro Satybaldiyev’s government. Political parties remain too weak to perform as coherent units, and the parliament is composed primarily of political forces acting to protect their individual business interests. Corruption and nepotism continue to plague government agencies. Kyrgyzstan’s parliament still lacks specialized committees designed to address issues related to gender and ethnic minorities. Four years after their introduction, quotas for female, youth, and ethnic minority representation in parliament have not Kyrgyzstan 343 been filled—instead, the number of non-Kyrgyz and female deputies has continued to fall. Perpetrators of the June 2010 ethnic violence in southern Kyrgyzstan, which took the lives of nearly 470 people, predominantly ethnic Uzbeks, still have not been brought to justice. Russian influence significantly increased in 2014. The U.S. military transit center in Bishkek shut down in June, while in December Kyrgyzstan signed an accession agreement with the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) and is on track to becoming a full member in 2015. National Democratic Governance. After two years of institutional stability, Kyrgyzstan’s prime minister resigned in March, resulting in a government reshuffle. The parliament discussed a range of legislation that could restrict civil liberties, and the president and MPs considered amending the constitution. The government’s inability to reform the energy sector and electricity and gas shortages in the south prompted fears of mass riots. With the accession to the EEU, Kyrgyzstan became more dependent on Russia. Kyrgyzstan’s rating for national democratic governance remains unchanged at 6.50. Electoral Process. Across Kyrgyzstan, political parties were gearing up for the 2015 parliamentary elections. Many MPs left their parties to join other groups or political blocks, and several new parties have emerged. A number of MPs put forward revisions to the current electoral code to mitigate some of the shortcomings of previous elections. A controversial government initiative to collect biometric data ahead of next year’s elections was met with criticism but its implementation nevertheless started in August. Kyrgyzstan’s rating for electoral process remains unchanged at 5.50. Civil Society. Several negative developments narrowed the space for civic activism in 2014. Among them was the rise of nationalist movements such as Kalys and Kyrk Choro that seek to defend an ultraconservative concept of Kyrgyz values. Two controversial laws, the “foreign agents” law and the “gay propaganda” law, were making their way through parliament and remained under discussion at year’s end. Additionally, there was an increase in the detention of peaceful protesters and opposition leaders, and civil society activists complained about government surveillance. Due to the deteriorating climate for NGOs and the shrinking space for civic activism, Kyrgyzstan’s rating for civil society declines from 4.50 to 4.75. Independent Media. Kyrgyzstan effectively recriminalized libel through an ambiguous amendment to the criminal code in May. The new law is designed to protect individuals from false criminal accusations but received significant international criticism for violating freedom of speech. Independent journalism is in short supply in Kyrgyzstan, and the ombudsman’s office criticized biased reporting in April. In December, authorities banned access to the news portal kloop.kg for failing to remove a video containing extremist content. The digital switchover was 344 Nations in Transit 2015 underway and two-thirds of the population had access to digital television at year’s end. Kyrgyzstan’s rating for independent media remains unchanged at 6.00. Local Democratic Governance. The degree of autonomy among local government structures varies across the country. Like national political parties, local parties are often formed around prominent individuals, as opposed to political ideologies. Controversial former Osh mayor Melis Myrzakmatov was replaced by a propresidential candidate in January. A number of local governments remain independent from the central government through informal means. Kyrgyzstan’s rating for local democratic governance remains unchanged at 6.25. Judicial Framework and Independence. Attempts at judicial reform continued but no progress was made during the year. Political parties, the president, and individual MPs stalled the reform process to ensure that their own interests were protected. The year saw a rise in charges and accusations related to religious extremism, which often serve as a way to extort bribes and signal politically motivated prosecutions. As a positive development, the government adopted an action plan on the prevention of torture in October. Kyrgyzstan’s rating for judicial framework and independence remains unchanged at 6.25. Corruption. President Atambayev’s fight against corruption has touched members of almost every political party except his own. In August, courts failed to convict Isa Omurkulov, the former mayor of Bishkek and a member of the Social Democratic Party of Kyrgyzstan (SDPK), on corruption charges. Atambayev, however, insists that his anticorruption campaign has been successful and accuses journalists of falsely portraying Kyrgyzstan as a corrupt country. Kyrgyzstan’s rating for corruption remains unchanged at 6.25. Outlook for 2015. In 2015, Kyrgyzstan will hold pivotal parliamentary elections. The course of the vote will demonstrate whether the country’s constitution, which grants greater powers to the parliament than the president, can survive another election cycle without amendments and amid increasing competition between the two branches of government. In the most likely scenario, President Atambayev’s SDPK will play up its connections to gain a parliamentary majority. There are signs that Atambayev is seeking to ensure that his influence expands alongside a growing SDPK presence in the parliament. And even if the elections proceed without major violations, SDPK will enjoy greater access to the media than other parties, additional publicity from the president and government, and fewer challenges from law-enforcement agencies. Already, in the past two years, SDPK party members have been unscathed by Atambayev’s anticorruption campaign.
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