Burundi: Breaking the Deadlock
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Burundi: Breaking the Deadlock
BURUNDI: BREAKING THE DEADLOCK The Urgent Need For A New Negotiating Framework 14 May 2001 Africa Report No. 29 Brussels/Nairobi TABLE OF CONTENTS MAP OF BURUNDI............................................................................................................ i OVERVIEW AND RECOMMENDATIONS.................................................................ii INTRODUCTION.............................................................................................................. 1 A. A CEASE-FIRE REMAINS IMPROBABLE..................................................................... 2 B. THE FDD FROM LIBREVILLE I TO LIBREVILLE II: OUT WEST, NOTHING MUCH NEW?.............................................................................................................. 3 1. The initial shock: Laurent Kabila's legacy ..........................................................3 2. Libreville II, and afterwards? ..............................................................................4 3. Compensating for the shortcomings of being a mercenary force........................5 C. AGATHON RWASA IN POWER, UNCERTAIN CHANGE IN THE FNL........................... 7 1. The origin of the overthrow of Cossan Kabura ...................................................7 2. Interpreting the attack on Kinama .......................................................................7 3. The alliance of the ex-FAR and FDD: a poorly-calculated risk..........................9 D. THE HUMANITARIAN CATASTROPHE .................................................................... -
Burundi: the Issues at Stake
BURUNDI: THE ISSUES AT STAKE. POLITICAL PARTIES, FREEDOM OF THE PRESS AND POLITICAL PRISONERS 12 July 2000 ICG Africa Report N° 23 Nairobi/Brussels (Original Version in French) Table of Contents EXECUTIVE SUMMARY..........................................................................................i INTRODUCTION...................................................................................................1 I. POLITICAL PARTIES: PURGES, SPLITS AND CRACKDOWNS.........................1 A. Beneficiaries of democratisation turned participants in the civil war (1992-1996)3 1. Opposition groups with unclear identities ................................................. 4 2. Resorting to violence to gain or regain power........................................... 7 B. Since the putsch: dangerous games of the government................................... 9 1. Purge of opponents to the peace process (1996-1998)............................ 10 2. Harassment of militant activities ............................................................ 14 C. Institutionalisation of political opportunism................................................... 17 1. Partisan putsches and alliances of convenience....................................... 18 2. Absence of fresh political attitudes......................................................... 20 D. Conclusion ................................................................................................. 23 II WHICH FREEDOM FOR WHAT MEDIA ?...................................................... 25 A. Media -
Burundi: T Prospects for Peace • BURUNDI: PROSPECTS for PEACE an MRG INTERNATIONAL REPORT an MRG INTERNATIONAL
Minority Rights Group International R E P O R Burundi: T Prospects for Peace • BURUNDI: PROSPECTS FOR PEACE AN MRG INTERNATIONAL REPORT AN MRG INTERNATIONAL BY FILIP REYNTJENS BURUNDI: Acknowledgements PROSPECTS FOR PEACE Minority Rights Group International (MRG) gratefully acknowledges the support of Trócaire and all the orga- Internally displaced © Minority Rights Group 2000 nizations and individuals who gave financial and other people. Child looking All rights reserved assistance for this Report. after his younger Material from this publication may be reproduced for teaching or other non- sibling. commercial purposes. No part of it may be reproduced in any form for com- This Report has been commissioned and is published by GIACOMO PIROZZI/PANOS PICTURES mercial purposes without the prior express permission of the copyright holders. MRG as a contribution to public understanding of the For further information please contact MRG. issue which forms its subject. The text and views of the A CIP catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library. author do not necessarily represent, in every detail and in ISBN 1 897 693 53 2 all its aspects, the collective view of MRG. ISSN 0305 6252 Published November 2000 MRG is grateful to all the staff and independent expert Typeset by Texture readers who contributed to this Report, in particular Kat- Printed in the UK on bleach-free paper. rina Payne (Commissioning Editor) and Sophie Rich- mond (Reports Editor). THE AUTHOR Burundi: FILIP REYNTJENS teaches African Law and Politics at A specialist on the Great Lakes Region, Professor Reynt- the universities of Antwerp and Brussels. -
ECFG-Burundi-2020R.Pdf
About this Guide This guide is designed to prepare you to deploy to culturally complex environments and achieve mission objectives. The fundamental information contained within will help you understand the cultural dimension of your assigned location and gain skills necessary for success. ECFG The guide consists of 2 parts: Part 1 introduces “Culture General,” the foundational knowledge you need to operate effectively in any global environment. Burundi Part 2 presents “Culture Specific” Burundi, focusing on unique cultural features of Burundian society and is designed to complement other pre-deployment training. It applies culture- general concepts to help increase your knowledge of your assigned deployment location (Photo courtesy of IRIN News © Jane Some). For further information, visit the Air Force Culture and Language Center (AFCLC) website at www.airuniversity.af.edu/AFCLC/ or contact AFCLC’s Region Team at [email protected]. Disclaimer: All text is the property of the AFCLC and may not be modified by a change in title, content, or labeling. It may be reproduced in its current format with the expressed permission of the AFCLC. All photography is provided as a courtesy of the US government, Wikimedia, and other sources as indicated. GENERAL CULTURE CULTURE PART 1 – CULTURE GENERAL What is Culture? Fundamental to all aspects of human existence, culture shapes the way humans view life and functions as a tool we use to adapt to our social and physical environments. A culture is the sum of all of the beliefs, values, behaviors, and symbols that have meaning for a society. All human beings have culture, and individuals within a culture share a general set of beliefs and values. -
Burundi Conflict Insight | Feb 2018 | Vol
IPSS Peace & Security Report ABOUT THE REPORT The purpose of this report is to provide analysis and recommendations to assist the African Union (AU), Burundi Conflict Regional Economic Communities (RECs), Member States and Development Partners in decision making and in the implementation of peace and security- related instruments. Insight CONTRIBUTORS Dr. Mesfin Gebremichael (Editor in Chief) Mr. Alagaw Ababu Kifle Ms. Alem Kidane Mr. Hervé Wendyam Ms. Mahlet Fitiwi Ms. Zaharau S. Shariff EDITING, DESIGN & LAYOUT Michelle Mendi Muita (Editor) Situation analysis Mikias Yitbarek (Design & Layout) Since gaining independence in 1962, Burundi has experienced several violent conflicts, including a civil war that took place between 1993 and © 2018 Institute for Peace and Security Studies, 2005. The common denominator of these conflicts was the politicization of Addis Ababa University. All rights reserved. divisions between the Hutu and Tutsi ethnic groups. The civil war was triggered by the assassination of the first democratically elected president, Melchior Ndadaye, by Tutsi elements in a failed attempt to overthrow the February 2018 | Vol. 1 government. The civil war is estimated to have caused more than 300,000 deaths and over 1 million displacements. In order to bring the civil war to CONTENTS an end, three major agreements were signed with varying degrees of Situation analysis 1 success, namely, the 1994 Convention of Government, the 2000 Arusha Causes of the conflict 2 Peace and Reconciliation Agreement,i and the 2004 Burundi Power-Sharing Actors 3 Agreement. Dynamics of the conflict 5 Scenarios 6 Current response assessment 6 Strategic options 7 Timeline 9 References 11 i In an attempt to bring the civil war to an end, Julius Nyerere (former President of Tanzania) and Nelson Mandela (former President of South Africa), facilitated a lengthy negotiation between the Hutus and the Tutsis. -
List of Prime Ministers of Burundi
SNo Phase Name Took office Left office Duration Political party 1 Kingdom of Burundi (part of Ruanda-Urundi) Joseph Cimpaye 26-01 1961 28-09 1961 245 days Union of People's Parties 2 Kingdom of Burundi (part of Ruanda-Urundi) Prince Louis Rwagasore 28-09 1961 13-10 1961 15 days Union for National Progress 3 Kingdom of Burundi (part of Ruanda-Urundi) André Muhirwa 20-10 1961 01-07 1962 254 days Union for National Progress 4 Kingdom of Burundi (independent country) André Muhirwa 01-07 1962 10-06 1963 344 days Union for National Progress 5 Kingdom of Burundi (independent country) Pierre Ngendandumwe 18-06 1963 06-04 1964 293 days Union for National Progress 6 Kingdom of Burundi (independent country) Albin Nyamoya 06-04 1964 07-01 1965 276 days Union for National Progress 7 Kingdom of Burundi (independent country) Pierre Ngendandumwe 07-01 1965 15-01 1965 10 days Union for National Progress 8 Kingdom of Burundi (independent country) Pié Masumbuko 15-01 1965 26-01 1965 11 days Union for National Progress 9 Kingdom of Burundi (independent country) Joseph Bamina 26-01 1965 30-09 1965 247 days Union for National Progress 10 Kingdom of Burundi (independent country) Prince Léopold Biha 13-10 1965 08-07 1966 268 days Union for National Progress 11 Kingdom of Burundi (independent country) Michel Micombero 11-07 1966 28-11 1966 140 days Union for National Progress 12 Republic of Burundi Albin Nyamoya 15-07 1972 05-06 1973 326 days Union for National Progress 13 Republic of Burundi Édouard Nzambimana 12-11 1976 13-10 1978 1 year, 335 days Union for -
Assassinat Du Président Élu Melchior Ndadaye -Vingt Ans Après Le
Assassinat du Président élu Melchior Ndadaye 1 2 -Vingt ans après le Carnage ignoré des cadres dè la démocratie naissante - Dossier de Perpétue Nshimirimana, le 1er novembre 2013. Contribution à la Commission Vérité-Réconciliation et au Mécanisme de Justice Transitionnelle A partir d'octobre 1993, à la suite du meurtre le 21 octobre 1993 3 du premier Président démocratiquement élu de !'Histoire du Burundi, Melchior Ndadaye, des assassinats en masse ont visé avec acharnement un grand nombre de personnes d'origine Hutu, en particulier, les cadres de ce groupe. Au minimum cent quarante Hauts-cadres et cadres de la société politique, civile, économique, militaire et religieuse, ont été assassinés. Quarante et un autres ont survécu à des attentats et des dizaines4 de milliers ont dû s'exiler. Parmi les personnes assassinées, en plus des deux présidents de la République, il faut se rendre compte que : - Quinze parlementaires ont été tués et dix autres ont échappé à un ou plusieurs attentats, soit plus d'un tiers des députés du Front pour la Démocratie au Burundi (FRODEBU) et plus d'un quart des quatre-vingt-un députés du Parlement ! - Quatre ministres abattus sur les vingt-deux nommés par décret présidentiel le 12 juillet 1993. - Treize gouverneurs et conseillers de gouverneurs sur les seize provinces du Burundi, -Dix-huit administrateurs communaux, - Quarante-six autres hauts-cadres, - Sept officiers de l' Armée, - Vingt-huit étudiants tués en une seule nuit, - Vingt-deux religieux, prêtres. - Trente et une autres personnes ont réchappé, blessées ou pas, à un ou plusieurs attentats contre leur vie. Les exécutants de ces crimes sont les tristement célèbres milices Tutsi, dénommées «Sans-Echecs» 5 et «Sans-Défaites » • Leurs membres étaient de jeunes Tutsi burundais et Tutsi rwandais de tout horizon, mais aussi, des militaires et des policiers en retraite. -
Rwanda Assessment
BURUNDI COUNTRY ASSESSMENT October 2002 Country Information & Policy Unit IMMIGRATION & NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE HOME OFFICE, UNITED KINGDOM Burundi October 2002 CONTENTS 1 Scope of the document 1.1 - 1.4 2 Geography 2.1 3 Economy 3.1 - 3.3 4 History Summery of events since independence 4.1 - 4.5 Outbreak of Civil War 4.6 - 4.8 Coup of 25 July 1996 4.9 - 4.10 Peace Talks 4.11 - 4.19 Failed Coup attempts of 18 April 2001 and 22 July 2001 4.20 - 4.21 Developments prior to term of Transitional Government 4.22 - 4.25 The Transitional Government 4.26 - 4.42 5. State Structures The Constitution 5.1 - 5.3 Citizenship and Nationality 5.4 Political System 5.5 - 5.10 Judiciary 5.11 - 5.15 Legal Rights/Detention 5.16 - 5.23 Death Penalty 5.24 Internal Security 5.25 Armed Forces 5.26 - 5.30 "Gardiens de la Paix" 5.31 - 5.33 Self defence programmes 5.34 - 5.36 "Self Defence in Solidarity" 5.37 Weapons training for civilians 5.38 - 5.39 South African Protection Support Detachment 5.40 - 5.41 Prisons and prison conditions 5.42 - 5.47 Military Service 5.48 - 5.50 Conscientious Objectors and Deserters 5.51 - 5.52 Medical Services 5.53 - 5.54 HIV/AIDS 5.55 - 5.56 People with disabilities 5.57 - 5.58 Educational System 5.59 - 5.64 6 Human Rights Burundi October 2002 6.A Human Rights issues Overview 6.1 - 6.5 Torture 6.6 - 6.10 Extrajudicial Killings 6.11 - 6.16 Disappearances 6.17 Abuses by Rebel groups 6.18 - 6.23 Human Rights Organisations 6.24 Freedom of Speech and the Media 6.25 - 6.27 Media Institutions 6.28 - 6.30 Journalists 6.31 - 6.37 Freedom of -
L'origine De La Scission Au Sein U CNDD-FDD
AFRICA Briefing Nairobi/Brussels, 6 August 2002 THE BURUNDI REBELLION AND THE CEASEFIRE NEGOTIATIONS I. OVERVIEW Domitien Ndayizeye, but there is a risk this will not happen if a ceasefire is not agreed soon. This would almost certainly collapse the entire Arusha Prospects are still weak for a ceasefire agreement in framework. FRODEBU – Buyoya’s transition Burundi that includes all rebel factions. Despite the partner and the main Hutu political party – would Arusha agreement in August 2000 and installation have to concede the Hutu rebels’ chief criticism, of a transition government on 1 November 2001, the that it could not deliver on the political promises it warring parties, the Burundi army and the various made in signing Arusha. The fractious coalition factions of the Party for the Liberation of the Hutu would appear a toothless partner in a flawed People/National Liberation Forces (PALIPEHUTU- power-sharing deal with a government that had no FNL) and of the National Council for the Defense intention of reforming. All this would likely lead to of Democracy/Defense Forces of Democracy escalation rather than an end to fighting. (CNDD-FDD), are still fighting. Neither side has been able to gain a decisive military advantage, This briefing paper provides information about although the army recently claimed several and a context for understanding the rebel factions, important victories. whose history, objectives and internal politics are little known outside Burundi. It analyses their A ceasefire – the missing element in the Arusha dynamics, operational situations and negotiating framework – has been elusive despite on-going positions and is a product of extensive field activity by the South African facilitation team to research conducted in Tanzania and in Burundi, initiate joint and separate talks with the rebels. -
Freedom in the World - Burundi (2011)
http://www.freedomhouse.org/inc/content/pubs/fiw/inc_country_detail.cf... Print Freedom in the World - Burundi (2011) Capital: Bujumbura Political Rights Score: 5 * Civil Liberties Score: 5 * Population: 8,303,000 Status: Partly Free Ratings Change Burundi’s political rights rating declined from 4 to 5 due to arrests and intimidation by the government and ruling party during local, parliamentary, and presidential election campaigns. Overview Local, presidential, and parliamentary elections were held in May, June, and July 2010, respectively. Irregularities in local elections and efforts by President Pierre Nkurunziza’s National Council for the Defense of Democracy (CNDD)to close political space led opposition candidates to boycott the subsequent presidential and parliamentary elections. Sporadic political violence occurred throughout the electoral period, with the CNDD and opposition parties accusing one another of complicity in the attacks. The minority Tutsi ethnic group governed Burundi for most of the period since independence from Belgium in 1962. The military, judiciary, education system, business sector, and news media have also traditionally been dominated by the Tutsi. Violence between them and the majority Hutu has broken out repeatedly since independence. A 1992 constitution introduced multiparty politics, but the 1993 assassination of the newly elected Hutu president, Melchior Ndadaye of the Front for Democracy in Burundi (FRODEBU) party, resulted in sustained and widespread ethnic violence. Ndadaye’s successor was killed -
The CNDD-FDD in Burundi. the Path from Armed to Political Struggle
This work was carried out with the aid of a grant from the International Development Research Centre, Ottawa, Canada. The CNDD-FDD in Burundi The path from armed to political struggle Willy Nindorera Berghof Transitions Series No. 10 Berghof Transitions Series Resistance/Liberation Movements and Transition to Politics Series editors Véronique Dudouet and Hans J. Giessmann The Berghof Foundation is grateful to acknowledge the project funding generously provided by the International Development Research Center, Ottawa, Canada. About this Publication Series This case-study is one of a series produced by participants in a Berghof research programme on transitions from violence to peace (Resistance and Liberation Movements in Transition). The programme’s overall aim was to learn from the experience of those in resistance or liberation movements who have used violence in their struggle but have also engaged politically during the conflict and in any peace process. Recent experience around the world has demonstrated that reaching political settlement in protracted social conflict always eventually needs the involvement of such movements. Our aim here was to discover how, from a non- state perspective, such political development is handled, what is the relationship between political and military strategies and tactics, and to learn more about how such movements (often sweepingly and simplistically bundled under the label of non-state armed groups) contribute to the transformation of conflict and to peacemaking. We aimed then to use that experiential knowledge (1) to offer support to other movements who might be considering such a shift of strategy, and (2) to help other actors (states and international) to understand more clearly how to engage meaningfully with such movements to bring about political progress and peaceful settlement. -
Security Council Distr
UNITED NATIONS S Security Council Distr. GENERAL S/1995/157 24 February 1995 ORIGINAL: ENGLISH LETTER DATED 23 FEBRUARY 1995 FROM THE SECRETARY-GENERAL ADDRESSED TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE SECURITY COUNCIL In response to the request by the Council, I have the honour to forward herewith the report of the preparatory fact-finding mission to Burundi by Ambassador Martin Huslid (Norway) and Ambassador Simeon Aké (Côte d’Ivoire), dated 20 May 1994. (Signed) Boutros BOUTROS-GHALI 95-05359 (E) 020395 /... S/1995/157 English Page 2 Annex [Original: French] REPORT OF THE PREPARATORY FACT-FINDING MISSION TO BURUNDI TO THE SECRETARY-GENERAL CONTENTS Paragraphs Page I. INTRODUCTION ......................................... 1 - 30 4 II. THE COUP D’ETAT OF 21 OCTOBER 1993 ................... 31 - 102 10 A. Historical background to the coup d’état ......... 31 - 45 10 B. Events of the coup d’état ........................ 46 - 77 13 C. The perpetrators of the failed coup d’etat ....... 78 - 83 17 D. The management of the crisis ..................... 84 - 102 17 III. THE MASSACRES ........................................ 103 - 133 19 A. The massacres .................................... 103 - 114 19 B. The causes of the massacres ...................... 115 - 130 21 C. The role of provincial administrators and the army 131 - 133 23 IV. EVENTS AFTER THE COUP D’ETAT AND THE MASSACRES - PRESENT SITUATION .................................... 134 - 148 23 V. CHALLENGES AND STEPS TO BE TAKEN ..................... 149 - 151 25 VI. ROLE OF THE UNITED NATIONS SYSTEM AND THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY .............................. 152 - 179 27 A. Presence of United Nations bodies in Burundi ..... 152 - 154 27 B. The Special Representative of the Secretary- General for Burundi .............................. 155 - 163 28 C.