The Five-Colored Clouds of Mount Wutai: Poems from Dunhuang Sinica Leidensia

Edited by Barend J. ter Haar Maghiel van Crevel

In co-operation with P.K. Bol, D.R. Knechtges, E.S. Rawski, W.L. Idema, H.T. Zurndorfer

VOLUME 109

The titles published in this series are listed at www.brill.com/sinl The Five-Colored Clouds of Mount Wutai: Poems from Dunhuang

By Mary Anne Cartelli

LEIDEN • BOSTON 2013 Cover illustration: Śākyamuni Buddha flanked by the bodhisattvas Mañjuśrī and Samanta bhadra at the foot of the Central Terrace, Mount Wutai. Dunhuang Cave 61. Photograph: Dunhuang Research Academy.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Cartelli, Mary Anne. The five-colored clouds of Mount Wutai : poems from Dunhuang / by Mary Anne Cartelli. p. cm. -- (Sinica Leidensia ; v. 109) Chinese poems in English translation about Mount Wutai, found among the Dunhuang manuscripts and dating to the Tang and Five Dynasties periods, with a comprehensive analysis of their context and significance. Includes bibliographical references and index. English and Chinese. ISBN 978-90-04-18481-7 (hardback : alk. paper) -- ISBN 978-90-04-24176-3 (e-book : alk. paper) 1. Chinese poetry--Tang dynasty, 618-907--Translations into English. 2. Chinese poetry--Five dynasties and the Ten kingdoms, 907-979--Translations into English. 3. Wutai Mountains (China)--Poetry. 4. Manjuśrī (Buddhist deity)--Poetry. 5. Buddhism--Poetry. 6. Buddhism in literature. 7. Chinese poetry--Tang dynasty, 618-907--History and criticism. 8. Chinese poetry--Five dynasties and the Ten kingdoms, 907-979--History and criticism. 9. Dunhuang manuscripts. 10. Dunhuang Caves (China)- -Antiquities. I. Title. PL2658.E5C37 2013 895.1’1308035851152--dc23 2012035187

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This book is printed on acid-free paper. table of contents v

Table of contents

Acknowledgments...... vii Abbreviations...... ix List of Illustrations...... xi

1. Ascending and Wandering: Introduction...... 1 Sacred Mountains in Ancient China...... 3 Dunhuang and the Dunhuang Caves...... 8 Dunhuang Literature...... 10 Dunhuang and Mount Wutai ...... 12 Mountains in Early Chinese Poetry...... 14 About the Book...... 22

2. The Clear and the Cold: Mount Wutai...... 27 Early Literature on Mount Wutai ...... 27 Early Legends about Mount Wutai ...... 29 Chinese Emperors and Mount Wutai...... 31 Mañjuśrī and the Chinese Buddhist Scriptures...... 37 The Mañjuśrī-parinirvāṇa sūtra...... 41 Mount Wutai as a Manifestation of the Buddhist Doctrine. . . . .46 Early Chinese Poetry on Mount Wutai...... 49 The Mount Wutai Poetry of the Dunhuang Manuscripts ...... 53

3. The Hall of the Great Sage: The Songs of Mount Wutai...... 57 The Hall of the Great Sage...... 59 I Ascend the Eastern Terrace...... 66 I Ascend the Northern Terrace...... 71 I Ascend the Central Terrace...... 74 I Ascend the Western Terrace...... 78 I Ascend the Southern Terrace...... 82

4. The Land of Vaiḍūrya: Eulogy on Mount Wutai...... 87 Eulogy on Mount Wutai...... 90

5. Inconceivable Light: Eulogy on Mount Wutai...... 121 The Pure Land School...... 122 vi table of contents

The Pure Land Monk Fazhao...... 124 Eulogy on Mount Wutai...... 129

6. The Gold-Colored World: Eulogy on the Holy Regions of Mount Wutai ...... 147 Eulogy on the True Countenance of the Great Sage...... 149 Eulogy on Samantabhadra...... 153 The Eastern Terrace...... 155 The Northern Terrace ...... 158 The Central Terrace...... 159 The Western Terrace...... 161 The Southern Terrace ...... 163 The Holy Region of the Vajra Grotto...... 165 The Auspicious Stūpa of King Aśoka...... 167 Eulogy on the Physical Body of Rāhula...... 169 A Vision of Sūtra Recitation by the Vajra Grotto...... 170

7. Word and Image: The Mount Wutai Wall Painting at Dunhuang.175 Map or Painting?...... 176 Iconography and Imagery in Cave 61...... 180 Mountain as Icon...... 192

8. Poetry as a Buddhist Matter: Conclusion...... 195 Transmission of the Vision...... 199 Literati Poets and Mount Wutai...... 202 For the Purpose of Salvation...... 204

Bibliography...... 207 Index ...... 219 table of contents vii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

All scholarly work builds upon the knowledge, effort, and counsel of others. I wish to thank my professors, editors, and colleagues, who taught, inspired, and advised me through years of research and writing: Hans Bielenstein, Irene Bloom, William Theodore de Bary, C.T. Hsia, Robert Hymes, Jon Kowallis, Paul Kroll, Victor Mair, Paul Rouzer, Murray Rubinstein, Marsha L. Wagner, Ding Xiang Warner, Pei-Yi Wu, Philip B. Yampolsky, and Pauline Yu. My special gratitude goes to James Hargett, who meticulously read this manuscript and provided invaluable advice. David Der-wei Wang was of great assistance in the initial stages of my research. Professor Bai Huawen of Beijing University supplied indispens- able research materials and practical suggestions. Sarah E. Fraser of the Mellon International Dunhuang Archive and Fan Jinshi of the Dunhuang Research Academy were helpful during a visit to Dunhuang. I deeply appreciate the constructive remarks from the members of the Traditional China Seminar of Columbia University and the New York Conference of the Association of Asian Studies, where some of this research was presented, and the useful comments of the anonymous readers at the Journal of the American Oriental Society and T’ang Studies who published earlier versions of some material included here. I am grateful to the staff of the Hunter College Library, ArtStor, the C.V. Starr East Asian Library at Colum- bia University, the Beijing National Library, the Beijing University Library, the Chinese University of Hong Kong Library, and the University of Hong Kong Library. My research at Mount Wutai and Dunhuang was conducted with grants from Fulbright IIE, the American Council of Learned Societies, and the Research Foundation of the City University of New York. Several Presi- dent’s Fellowships from Columbia University supported my graduate studies which led to this book. No words can express my appreciation to my adventurous parents for giving me the opportunity to have an extraordinary childhood in Asia. Finally, I am incredibly fortunate to have the steadfast love of my husband, Jon. This book is dedicated to him.

Mary Anne Cartelli Year of the Water Dragon New York, New York viii table of contents table of contents ix

ABBREVIATIONS

Beijing Chinese MSS. from Dunhuang, Beijing National Library. DHGCZB Ren Bantang, Dunhuang geci zongbian. GuQLZ Huixiang, Gu Qingliang zhuan. T. 51.2098. GuangQLZ Yanyi, Guang Qingliang zhuan. T. 51.2099. HJAS Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies. JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society. L. Chinese MSS. from Dunhuang, Leningrad Collection. NGJG Ennin, Nittō guhō junrei gyōki. P. Chinese MSS. from Dunhuang, Pelliot Collection of the Bib- liothèque Nationale, Paris. QLSZ Zhencheng, Qingliang shan zhi. S. Chinese MSS. from Dunhuang, Stein Collection of the British Library. T. Taishō shinshu daizōkyo. XuQLZ Zhang Shangying, Xu Qingliang zhuan. T. 51.2100. x table of contents

Contents ACKNOWLEDGMENTS vii ABBREVIATIONS ix LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xi CHAPTER ONE 1 ASCENDING AND WANDERING: INTRODUCTION 1 Sacred Mountains in Ancient China 3 Dunhuang and the Dunhuang Caves 8 Dunhuang Literature 10 Dunhuang and Mount Wutai 12 Mountains in Early Chinese Poetry 14 About the Book 22 CHAPTER TWO 27 THE CLEAR AND COLD: MOUNT WUTAI 27 Early Literature on Mount Wutai 27 Early Legends about Mount Wutai 29 Chinese Emperors and Mount Wutai 31 Mañjuśrī and the Chinese Buddhist Scriptures 37 The Mañjuśrī-parinirvāṇa sūtra 41 Mount Wutai as a Manifestation of the Buddhist Doctrine 46 Early Chinese Poetry on Mount Wutai 49 The Mount Wutai Poetry of the Dunhuang Manuscripts 53 CHAPTER THREE 57 THE HALL OF THE GREAT SAGE: SONGS OF MOUNT WUTAI 57 The Hall of the Great Sage 59 I Ascend the Eastern Terrace 66 I Ascend the Northern Terrace 71 I Ascend the Central Terrace 74 I Ascend the Western Terrace 78 I Ascend the Southern Terrace 82 CHAPTER FOUR 87 THE LAND OF VAIḌŪRYA: EULOGY ON MOUNT WUTAI 87 Eulogy on Mount Wutai 90 CHAPTER FIVE 121 INCONCEIVABLE LIGHT: EULOGY ON MOUNT WUTAI 121 The Pure Land School 122 The Pure Land Monk Fazhao 124 Eulogy on Mount Wutai 129 CHAPTER SIX 147 THE GOLD-COLORED WORLD: EULOGY ON THE HOLY REGIONS OF MOUNT WUTAI 147 Eulogy on the True Countenance of the Great Sage 149 Eulogy on Samantabhadra 153 The Eastern Terrace 155 The Northern Terrace 158 The Central Terrace 159 The Western Terrace 161 The Southern Terrace 163 The Holy Region of the Vajra Grotto 165 The Auspicious Stūpa of King Aśoka 167 Eulogy on the Physical Body of Rāhula 169 A Vision of Sūtra Recitation by the Vajra Grotto 170 CHAPTER SEVEN 175 WORD AND IMAGE: The Mount Wutai WALL-PAINTING at Dunhuang 175 Map or Painting? 176 Iconography and Imagery in Cave 61 180 Mountain as Icon 192 CHAPTER EIGHT 195 POETRY AS A BUDDHIST MATTER: CONCLUSION 195 Transmission of the Vision 199 Literati Poets and Mount Wutai 202 For the Purpose of Salvation 204 BIBLIOGRAPHY 207 INDEX 219 table of contents xi

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure 1. The Eastern Terrace. Mount Wutai. Dunhuang Cave 61. . . . .xii

Figure 2. The Northern Terrace. Mount Wutai. Dunhuang Cave 61 . . . 26

Figure 3. The Central Terrace. Mount Wutai. Dunhuang Cave 61. . . . .56

Figure 4. The Western Terrace. Mount Wutai. Dunhuang Cave 61. . . . 86

Figure 5. The Southern Terrace. Mount Wutai. Dunhuang Cave 61. . . 120

Figure 6. Buddhapāli Meets Mañjuśrī. Mount Wutai. Dunhuang Cave 61...... 146

Figure 7. The Realm of Blue Vaiḍūrya. Mount Wutai. Dunhuang Cave 61...... 174

Figure 8. Buddha Radiance Temple. Mount Wutai. Dunhuang Cave 61...... 194 xii table of contents

Figure 1. The Eastern Terrace. Mount Wutai. Dunhuang Cave 61. Photograph: Dunhuang Research Academy. ascending and wandering 1

CHAPTER ONE

ASCENDING AND WANDERING: INTRODUCTION

This book presents for the first time a unique corpus of Chinese poems in English translation about Mount Wutai (五臺山), found among the Dun- huang 敦煌 manuscripts and dating to the Tang and Five Dynasties periods, with a comprehensive analysis of their context and significance. It explores a specific time and place of miracles that occurred centuries ago, and it portrays a long-lost world through the eyes of the anonymous poets and pilgrims who visited Mount Wutai, the abode of the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī (Wenshu shili 文殊師利 or Wenshu 文殊) and the most important Buddhist mountain in China throughout the imperial period. In 2009, Mount Wutai was designated a UNESCO World Heritage Site, further rec- ognizing its special contribution not only to Chinese civilization but also to the spiritual history of mankind. The Mount Wutai poems reflect the transformation of the mountain into a Buddhist paradise by the Tang. Thus they are important literary evidence for the study of the transformation of Chinese culture by Buddhism. In the same poems with Daoist transcendents, cranes, and the ninefold heavens are Indian buddhas, bodhisattvas, and five-colored clouds.1 There- fore the poems also provide significant evidence for Buddhist influence on Chinese poetry. They expand our knowledge of medieval Chinese literature and thought in all its profundity and beauty. The Mount Wutai poems also help us understand how the mountain was created as a sacred Buddhist space, as their literary motifs and themes reflect the religious cosmology which was associated with the mountain by the late Tang. Furthermore, the Mount Wutai poems vividly portray the experience of the Tang dynasty pilgrim as he travels through a divinely empowered landscape. The universe of the poetry of Mount Wutai reflects the magic and mystery of medieval Chinese Buddhism, with auspicious birds and roaring li- ons, holy lamps that fly through the air, and divine bells that sound without being struck. Strange old men and young children engage the pilgrims in

1 I have translated the word xian 仙 as “transcendent,” rather than the more commonly used “immortal,” as the fully realized Daoist only achieves a relative degree of immortality. See Robert Ford Campany, To Live As Long As Heaven and Earth: A Transla- tion and Study of Ge Hong’s Traditions of Divine Transcendents, 4-5. 2 chapter one elevated conversations, and buddhas and bodhisattvas suddenly appear to preach the Dharma and just as soon vanish. Mount Wutai is also a realm of great natural beauty, both serene and terrifying. It holds fragrant plants, jeweled cliffs, colored mists, gloomy dragon caves, and storms of rain, hail, ice, and snow. This is poetry of devotion and faith: a heartfelt devotion to the pursuit of complete enlightenment and an utter conviction not only in Mañjuśrī’s ability to rescue all sentient beings, but in his eternal residence on Mount Wutai. The Mount Wutai poems take as their theme the Buddhist concept of nirmāṇakāya (bianhua shen 變化身): the idea that buddhas and bodhisatt vas can transform themselves and vary their manifestations at will according to the needs of individual beings. These transformations and manifestations take place on Chinese soil and, even more importantly, in the Chinese imagination. However, in the Mount Wutai poems, a unique Buddhist imagination also emerges: A five-colored cloud appears in the sky as the manifestation of the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī. The five-colored cloud is one of many numinous traces (lingji 靈跡), or holy traces (shengji 聖跡), of Mañjuśrī and other extraordinary beings that appear repeatedly in the Mount Wutai poems. Buddhas, bodhisattvas, arhats, and other divine beings change into forms both understandable and suitable to the person experiencing the manifestation. Although the goal of these transformations and manifestations is to save the recipient, they are colorful, entertaining, and far more comprehensible than abstract or esoteric Bud- dhist doctrines. The pilgrims themselves are transformed by their otherworldly experiences, changed forever by the sights and sounds of the mountain. As they ascend its cold, rugged peaks, they step closer to the divine and nearer to their goal of enlightenment. The theory of the three periods of the Buddha’s teachings, particularly the belief that the period of the Final Dharma had begun, lent a special urgency to the medieval Chinese pilgrims’ wish to experience the transformation and manifestation of the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī on Mount Wutai. Even if Buddhist teachings could not be easily obtained or understood, the pilgrim could still be rescued from the cycle of birth and death by a visit to the bodhisattva’s gold-colored world, or pure land. Therefore it is not sur- prising that the Buddhist concept of the pure lands or buddha lands occurs as a theme in the Mount Wutai poems. These pure lands, which manifest themselves for the benefit of sentient beings, contain each other, as they are essentially empty and exist outside the conventional boundaries of time and space. Although Mount Wutai was considered the pure land of ascending and wandering 3

Mañjuśrī and the center of the Avataṃsaka (Huayan 華嚴, or Flower Orna- ment) school, it also attracted the monks and pilgrims of Amitābha’s Pure Land sect, along with those of the Tiantai, Chan and Tantric schools. In their blending of the ideas and motifs of these various schools, the Mount Wutai poems reflect the complex nature of Tang Buddhism. The poetry of Mount Wutai is more closely associated with pilgrimage and sūtra literature than with secular literature. It relentlessly urges meditation and enlightenment. Its stage is the Buddhist practice hall. Yet it also shares some basic themes of earlier Chinese poetry, particularly Daoist verse. Despite their Buddhist motifs, there are familiar elements in the Mount Wutai poems. One reason is obvious: The authors of these poems were Chinese. Another reason is that the writers aimed to make the Bud- dhist doctrine attractive to the ordinary person in familiar terms.

Sacred Mountains in Ancient China

Chinese mountains have layers of myths, legends, and history dating back to the first Chinese written records found on the oracle bones of the Shang dynasty (c. 1766-1123 BCE), which mention sacrifices and prayers to mountains and rivers.2 In China’s first dictionary, the Shuowen jiezi 說文解字 of the Han dynasty, mountains were seen as divine creators who dispensed the vital cosmic force which forms all living things: “As for mountains, they exhale. This means they are able to exhale and disperse qi and give birth to the ten thousand things.” 山宣也。謂能宣散氣，生萬物也。3 Mountains, because of their immense heights, were the gateways to Heav- en. Rivers, because of their great currents, united the land, so it is not sur- prising that the ancient Chinese asked for their help in governing the empire and were always conscious of their influence and power. Vertigi- nous and dark, shrouded in clouds, mountains were the homes of the spirits whose protection was ardently sought. The traditional Chinese tendency to organize all “under Heaven” (tian xia 天下) is evidenced in the Classic of History (Shujing 書經), where the legendary rulers utilized ritual to place man, and by extension his government, in harmony with Heaven and Earth. According to the “Canon of Shun” (“Shundian” 舜典), Emperor Shun toured the four sacred peaks to make offerings, then ordered the land into twelve provinces and performed

2 Sarah Allen, The Shape of the Turtle: Myth, Art and Cosmos in Early China, 99-100. 3 Shuowen jiezi, comp. Xu Shen 許慎, 190a. 4 chapter one the feng 封 sacrifice upon each of their twelve mountains.4 These four peaks were believed to mark the boundaries of the empire, and refer to four of the later Five Marchmonts (wuyue 五嶽), or Five Sacred Peaks, which came to be correlated with such traditional metaphysical configura- tions as the five directions, elements, and planets. Shun sacrificed in the east to Mount Tai 泰山, in the south to Mount Heng 衡山, in the west to Mount Hua 華山, and in the north to Mount Heng 恆山. Missing was the Central Peak, Mount Song 嵩山, which was added by the Han dynasty.5 The Han historian Sima Qian 司馬遷 remarks in the Records of the Grand Historian (Shiji 史記), in his chapter “Treatise on the Feng and Shan Sac- rifices” (“Fengshan shu” 封禪書): The Son of Heaven sacrifices to all the famous mountains and great rivers of the empire. He regards the Five Peaks as his high ministers and the four great watercourses as his feudal lords. The feudal lords sacrifice only to the famous mountains and great rivers that are within their respective domains.6 Sima Qian claimed that both feng, a ritual to Heaven, and shan, a ritual to Earth, had been carried out since earliest times, but there is no evidence of this in the Classic of History. The ancient rulers not only desired Heaven’s Mandate (tianming 天命); they also needed the alliance of Earth for the human realm to prosper and live in peace. By nature of its position in the East, the auspicious direction of the rising sun, Mount Tai becomes the most important of the Five Marchmonts. Sima Qian noted that the ancient kings and emperors all made the feng sacrifice there. From earliest times, mountains in China have been associated with moral superiority and spiritual purity, as well as with extraordinary events and beings. The divination text, the Classic of Changes (Yijing 易經), takes the mountain as one of the eight trigrams (bagua 八卦), the cosmic force gen 艮, representing stillness and tranquility. Confucius 孔子 (551-479 BCE) correlated mountains with humaneness or benevolence (ren 仁), his most valued human quality, as well as with longevity:

4 Shangshu zhengyi 尚書正義, Shisan jing zhushu 十三經注疏 ed., 50-84. 5 James Robson, Power of Place: The Religious Landscape of the Southern Sacred Peak (Nanyue) in Medieval China, 25-42, contains a detailed discussion of how the four peak system might have evolved into a five peak configuration by Sima Qian’s time; it may be tied to the theory of correlates based on the Five Agent system of Han cosmology. 6 Sima Qian, Records of the Grand Historian. Han Dynasty II, revised ed., trans. Burton Watson, 6. Sima Qian, Shiji, vol. 4, 1357. The four rivers are the Yangzi, Yellow, Huai 淮, and the Ji 濟. ascending and wandering 5

The wise take joy in water; the humane take joy in mountains. The wise are active; the humane are tranquil. The wise enjoy; the humane endure.7 The Daoist philosopher Zhuangzi 莊子 describes a transcendent in his chapter “Free and Easy Wandering” (“Xiaoyao you” 逍遙游): There is a holy man living on distant Gushe Mountain. His skin is like ice or snow, and he is gentle and shy like a young girl. He doesn’t eat the five grains, but inhales the wind and drinks the dew. He rides the clouds and mist, driving a flying dragon, and wanders beyond the four seas. By concentrating his spirit, he can protect creatures from sickness and plague and make the harvest plentiful.8 Zhuangzi’s passage portrays an early example of what a Daoist mountain might contain: an extraordinary being of unearthly appearance living close to nature and hidden far from society. He subsists on the natural elements and can fly in the heavens on clouds or dragons. Through mental concentration, he has supernatural powers. The fourth century BCE poetry anthology, the Verses of Chu (Chuci 楚辭), contains many references to spiritual beings dwelling on the mountains, most notably in “The Mountain Spirit” (“Shan gui” 山鬼), which depicts a mountain goddess bringing the clouds and rain, and “Encountering Sorrow” (“Li sao” 離騷) which portrays the mythical Mount Kunlun 崑崙山 as the earthly home of the gods and the door to Heaven. The Han dynasty Classic of Mountains and Seas (Shanhai jing 山海經) describes actual and mythical mountains and their healing powers and otherworldly inhabitants, both benign and horrifying.9 With the development of the Dark Learning (xuanxue 玄學) at the end of the Han dynasty, China begins to have an extensive Daoist literature about transcendents (xianren 仙人), realized men (zhenren 真人), and perfected men (daren 大人) dwelling in the mountains, all of whom are viewed as the embodiment of the Dao. Indeed, the word for transcendent is represented by the characters for man and mountain. These beings are able to wander or roam the cosmos spontaneously and freely: you 游, a term first seen in the writings of Zhuangzi. Another poem in the Verses of Chu, “Far-off Journey” (“Yuanyou” 遠游), portrays a cosmic journey, bor-

7 William Theodore de Bary, ed., Sources of Chinese Tradition, second ed., vol. 1, 50. Lunyu zhushu 論語注疏, Shisan jing zhushu ed., 79. 8 Adapted from Burton Watson, The Complete Works of Chuang Tzu, 33. Zhuangzi, Zhuangzi jishi 莊子集釋, ed. Guo Ningfan 郭寧蕃, vol. 1, 28. 9 The Classic of Mountains and Seas, trans. Anne Birrell. Shanhai jing jiaozhu 山海經校注, ed. Yuan Ke 元珂. 6 chapter one rowing heavily from “Encountering Sorrow” without any of its political allegory.10 As Daoism developed into a formal religion, it adopted the Five March- monts and integrated other mountains into its religious hierarchy. An early example is seen in The Master Who Embraces Simplicity (Baopuzi 抱朴子) of Ge Hong 葛洪 (283-343), which not only discusses the spiritual powers of the Five Marchmonts but also names twenty-seven mountains as alchemical sources for immortality potions.11 Daoism therefore constructed a divine geography that not only transformed the Five March- monts but incorporated numerous other mountains as well. Local mountain spirits were also integrated into the Daoist religious pantheon. The Five Marchmonts, which had previously been granted imperial legitimacy as marking the borders of the ancient empire, were transformed into Daoist sacred sites by the Tang dynasty. As James Robson remarks, the Daoist transformation of China’s mountains, was, in effect, the model for their later Buddhist transformation.12 Erik Zürcher notes Buddhist masters were dwelling in the mountains by the middle of the third century, influenced by the Daoist Dark Learning masters. Notable was Huiyuan 慧遠 (334-416), the founder of the Pure Land school, who settled at Mount Lu 廬山 about 380. The mountain was already associated with the appearance of transcendents as evident in the early fifth century “Preface and Poem on a Journey to Stone Gate” (“You shimen shi bing xu” 游石門詩並序), by a disciple of Huiyuan, which describes a Buddhist master traveling through its extraordinary landscape: As the sky opened and closed, it seemed to reveal a numinous spirit beyond human comprehension. As he ascended the heights, soaring birds beat their wings, and cries of gibbons echoed sharply. When returning clouds trans- ported him back to the mountain, we imagined the arrival of a Transcen- dent. Entrancing sounds harmonized with each other like the transmission of mystical tones.

10 For a detailed analysis of this poem, see Paul W. Kroll, “On ‘Far Roaming’,” JAOS 116.4 (Oct.-Dec. 1996): 653-669. 11 Ge Hong, Baopuzi neipian jiaoshi 抱朴子內篇校釋, ed. Wang Ming 王明, 17.299. 12 See James Robson, Power of Place: The Religious Landscape of the Southern Sacred Peak (Nanyue) in Medieval China, 46-52, for a detailed discussion of the transformation of the Five Marchmonts into Daoist mountains. For further examples of what constitutes a Daoist mountain in later eras, see Terry Kleeman, “Mountain Deities in China: The Domes- tication of the Mountain God and the Subjugation of the Margins,” JAOS 114.2 (April-June 1994): 226-238, and Thomas H. Hahn, “The Standard Taoist Mountain and Related Fea- tures of Religious Geography,” Cahiers d’Extrême-Asie 4 (1988): 145-156. ascending and wandering 7

開闔之際，狀有靈焉，而不可測也。乃其將登，則翔禽拂翮，鳴猿厲響。歸雲回駕，想羽人之來儀；哀聲相和，若玄音之有寄。13 Eventually, a Buddhist version of the Five Marchmonts was created, perhaps in an attempt to reorganize the Chinese landscape to both recognize the newest spiritual tradition and receive its endorsement. The four major bodhisattvas in the Mahāyāna pantheon were associated with important mountains in China. Mañjuśrī was placed in the north at Mount Wutai in Shanxi; Guanyin 觀音 (Skt. Avalokiteśvara) was located in the east at Mount Putuo 普陀山 in Zhejiang;14 Puxian 普賢 (Skt. Samantabhadra) was established in the west at Mount Emei 峨嵋山 in Sichuan, and Dizang 地藏 (Skt. Kṣitigarbha) was situated in the south at Mount Jiuhua 九華山 in Anhui.15 These mountains were not uninhabited. As we shall see in the case of Mount Wutai, it had first been a Daoist mountain under a different name.16 Reverence for mountains was not restricted to state cults and religious groups. Ordinary Chinese also paid their respects to the mountains by climbing to their summits. Indeed, the Chinese term for going on pilgrimage is chaoshan jinxiang 朝山進香: literally, to pay one’s respects to the mountain and offer incense.17

13 See Erik Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China: The Spread and Adaptation of Buddhism in Early Medieval China, third ed., 207-231, for a discussion of Huiyuan and other early Buddhist masters dwelling in the mountains. Richard E. Strassberg, Inscribed Land- scapes: Travel Writing from Imperial China, 70. Gushi xuan 古詩選, ed. Wang Shizhen 王士楨, Sibu Beiyao 四部備要 ed., 5:6a-7a. 14 In actuality, Mount Putuo is not a mountain, but an island off the coast of Zhejiang which has a number of hills. 15 For an overview of China’s sacred mountains, see Susan Naquin and Chün-fang Yü, eds., Pilgrims and Sacred Sites in China. This volume also includes Chün-fang Yü, “P’u-t’o Shan: Pilgrimage and the Creation of the Chinese Potalaka,” 190-245. For book-length studies of individual mountains, see James Hargett, Stairway to Heaven: A Journey to the Sum- mit of Mount Emei; James Robson, Power of Place: The Religious Landscape of the Southern Sacred Peak (Nanyue) in Medieval China; Édouard Chavannes, Le T’ai chan: essai de mono graphie d’un culte chinois; Brian R. Dott, Identity Reflections: Pilgrimages to Mount Tai in Late Imperial China. 16 The earliest reference to the “four famous mountains” (sida mingshan 四大名山) appears in the 1687 text, the Emei shan zhi 峨嵋山志 (Mount Emei Gazetteer), but Mount Emei became associated with Samantabhadra much earlier. See James Hargett, Stairway to Heaven: A Journey to the Summit of Mount Emei, 158. 17 Susan Naquin and Chün-fang Yü, Pilgrims and Sacred Sites in China, 11-12. 8 chapter one

Dunhuang and the Dunhuang Caves

Dunhuang, where the Mount Wutai manuscripts were discovered, is generally credited as the point of entry for Buddhism into China due to its sin- gular location. The city of Dunhuang is in western Gansu province in Chinese Central Asia at the western end of the Hexi Corridor, which lies south of the Gobi Desert and north of the Qilian mountain range. Dun- huang prefecture was established during the reign of Emperor Wu of the Western Han, when the dynasty was expanding its control over the areas to the northwest and establishing a trade route now known as the Silk Road. This road divided into two branches which ran around the Tarim Basin. One branch, the northern route, went to Turkestan. The southern route led to India. As the final oasis along the Hexi Corridor before the Taklamakan Desert begins, Dunhuang became a major stop on the Silk Road and the point at which the northern and southern trade routes con- verged. The city attracted not only merchants but also Buddhist monks traveling to and from Central Asia and India. According to Kenneth Ch’en, the monks dug caves in the hillsides for their accommodations. Other scholars believe the caves were constructed solely for religious purposes. The earliest caves date to the fourth century, but by the end of the third century Dunhuang already had a monastic community, which included the Indo-Scythian Dharmarakṣa (c. 230-c. 308), known in China as Zhu Fahu 竺法護, one of the most important early translators of the Buddhist scriptures into Chi- nese.18 Born in the region, he was known as the Dunhuang Bodhisattva. Famous Chinese pilgrims like Faxian 法顯 (fl. 399-414) and Xuanzang 玄奘 (c. 596-664) stopped in Dunhuang on their journeys to or from India to fetch the scriptures. Faxian wrote in his travel account, A Record of Buddhist Kingdoms (Foguo ji 佛國記), that his party of monks spent more than a month in the city.19 The most famous set of caves at Dunhuang are the Mogao Grottos 莫高窟, or the Caves of the Thousand Buddhas. Numbering about five hundred, they are located approximately twelve miles southwest of the city on a cliff side in a river valley. Legends say the cave temples were built when a monk had a vision of the Buddha instructing him to build a shrine at this site. By the Tang dynasty, Dunhuang had hundreds of cave temples elaborately

18 Kenneth Ch’en, Buddhism in China: A Historical Survey, 89. 19 James Legge, trans., A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms: Being an Account by the Chi- nese Monk Fa-hien of His Travels in India and Ceylon (A.D. 399-414) in Search of the Buddhist Books of Discipline, 11-12. ascending and wandering 9 decorated with Buddhist frescos and sculptures, many of which record the names of the donors who hoped to gain merit through their sponsorship.20 The caves were sealed during the late tenth or early eleventh century to protect them from Tangut invaders. They were accidentally discovered about 1900 by Wang Yuanlu 王圓籙, a Daoist priest who was a self-appointed caretaker of the site. Inside one of the caves, cave 17, thousands of scrolls, banners, textiles and other cultural treasures were found, written in Chi- nese, Sanskrit, Tibetan, Uighur, Sogdian, Khotanese, and many other languages. The earliest manuscript, S. 0797, is dated CE 406; the latest manuscript, S. 4172, is dated CE 995.21 The very broad range of this material demonstrates that Dunhuang was a major conduit not only for the trading of goods, but for cultural exchange with Central and South Asia as well. Local interest in the find was nil, and the Qing rulers were too preoc- cupied with political survival to care. But foreign interest was intense. By 1907 Aurel Stein had made his expedition, carrying off thousands of manuscripts and art objects.22 Paul Pelliot came a year later. Kōzui Ōtani sent three expeditions to the region between 1902 and 1910, and Sergei Olden- burg arrived in 1909. Even Germans and Americans made off with paintings and sculpture.23 The small American collection is housed at the Fogg Museum in Cambridge. News of the finds had reached Beijing in 1908 and 1909, when Pelliot brought some manuscripts to the attention of such Chi- nese scholars as Wang Guowei 王國維 (1877-1927), Wang Renjun 王仁俊 (1866-1913), and Luo Zhenyu 羅振玉 (1866-1940).24 The Chinese government instructed the Dunhuang authorities to stop the ransacking of the

20 In recent years the wall-paintings of the caves have been annotated and catalogued by the Dunhuang Institute for Culture Relics (Dunhuang wenwu yanjiu suo 敦煌文物研究所) and published in five volumes as Dunhuang mogao ku 敦煌莫高窟. See also Rod- erick Whitfield et al., Cave Temples of Mogao: Art and History on the Silk Road. 21 Arthur Waley, Ballads and Stories from Tun-huang, 250-251. According to Fujieda Akira, the latest manuscript is in the Oldenburg collection, dating to 1002. See Fujieda Akira, “The Tun-huang Manuscripts,” in Essays on the Sources for Chinese History, ed. Don- ald D Leslie, Colin Mackerras and Wang Gungwu, 121. See also Xinjiang Rong and Valerie Hansen, “The Nature of the Dunhuang Library Cave and the Reasons for Its Sealing,” Cahiers d’Extrême-Asie 11 (1999): 247-275. 22 See M. Aurel Stein, Ruins of Desert Cathay: Personal Narrative of Explorations in Cen- tral Asia and Westernmost China. 23 See Peter Hopkirk, Foreign Devils on the Silk Road: The Search for the Lost Cities and Treasures of Chinese Central Asia. 24 The first Chinese studies of the manuscripts date to 1909, such as Wang Renjun, Dunhuang shishi zhenji lu 敦煌石室真跡錄, and Luo Zhenyu, Dunhuang shishi yishu 敦煌石室遺書. 10 chapter one caves and ordered all Chinese manuscripts to be brought to the Beijing National Library, but treasures continued to be removed until the 1920’s. Only about 8,000 manuscripts eventually made their way into the Beijing collection. The Dunhuang manuscripts are today divided among five major collections: (1) the Stein collection at the British Museum, London; (2) the Pelliot collection at the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris; (3) the Oldenburg collection at the Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg; (4) the Ōtani collection at the Museum of Calligraphy in Tokyo; and (5) the Beijing collection at the Beijing National Library. It is believed that the Pelliot collection has the superior selection of scrolls. Although catalogues have been issued for these collections, most are incomplete.

Dunhuang Literature

With an estimated 25,000 to 40,000 manuscripts spread over more than five countries, the Dunhuang finds have been difficult to catalogue and analyze. The non-Buddhist manuscripts include Daoist, Confucian, Zoro- astrian and Nestorian texts and local government documents, which together make up only a small percentage of the whole. Buddhist documents constitute the great majority of the manuscripts, including texts of the Buddhist scriptures. According to Fujieda Akira, there are almost two thousand copies of the Vajracchedikā-prajñāpāramitā sūtra (Diamond sūtra) and more than one thousand copies of the Saddharma-puṇḍarīka sūtra (Lotus sūtra) in the various collections.25 Other Buddhist manuscripts are sūtra commentaries, apocrypha, essays, monastic records, and exercise books for monks and nuns. But most interesting to scholars of Chinese literature are the stories and poems on Buddhist themes written for laymen. Early on this vernacular literature, which varies greatly in literary style and genre, was lumped together under the name bianwen 變文. In recent years, scholars have attempted to reclassify this literature and arrive at a narrower definition of bianwen. In his 1938 work Zhongguo suwenxue shi 中國俗文學史 (A History of Chinese Popular Literature), Zheng Zhenduo 鄭振鐸 (1898-1958) criticized other scholars who considered bianwen to include Foqu 佛曲 (Buddhist cantos), changwen 唱文 (sung texts), jiangjingwen 講經文 (sūtra lecture

25 Fujieda Akira, “The Tun-huang Manuscripts,” 123. See also Neil Schmid, “Tun-huang Literature,” in The Columbia History of Chinese Literature, ed. Victor Mair, 964-988. ascending and wandering 11 texts), yazuowen 押座文 (seat-settling texts), and yuanqi 緣起 (tales of conditional origins).26 Zheng recognized the importance of bianwen to the Chinese literary tradition, noting: “If we do not comprehend bianwen, this lost literary genre, then I have the distinct feeling that there is no way to deal with later vernacular literature.”27 Furthermore, he states that bianwen is the forerunner of the xiaoshuo 小說 (novel). But Zheng erroneously defined bianwen as a popularization of a classical tale. The debate over what constitutes a bianwen does not concern us here. Victor Mair has summarized the history of this controversy in T’ang Trans- formation Texts.28 He also has arrived at a realistic definition of bianwen as having “a unique verse-introductory (or pre-verse formula), an episodic narrative progression, homogeneity of language, an implicit or explicit relationship to illustrations, and prosimetric structure.”29 Based on this definition, the texts of my present study are not bianwen. What is relevant to this study is Mair’s definition of bianwen as a “transformation text.” Here he follows several Chinese scholars, from Liu Ts’un-yan 柳存仁 to Zhou Shaoliang 周紹良, who have taken bian of bianwen to mean shenbian 神變 (miraculous transformation). Thus, bianwen are texts which deal with miraculous transformations as described in the Buddhist scriptures.30 By purely thematic definition, the poems of my present study would be bianwen, but they lack the literary characteristics of bianwen as defined by Mair: They have no narrative form or prosimetric structure. All of them, also unlike Mair’s bianwen, include the words quzi 曲子 (song) or zan 讚 (eulogy) in their titles, suggesting they were recognized as distinct genres. Thus the poems discussed in this study are not bianwen, but they do share the theme of transformation and manifestation. They are significant both to the investigation of Dunhuang literature and to the study of medieval Chinese Buddhism, as well as to Buddhist and nature poetry. The Dunhuang manuscripts include many literary genres familiar to students of Chinese poetry, such as the fu 賦 (rhapsody), ci 詞 (lyric), and shi 詩 (verse). The less familiar genres include the abovementioned quzi, zan, and Foqu, as well as the ji 偈 (hymn, or gāthā) and song 頌 (hymn of praise, or śloka). According to Sun Qifang 孫其芳, the Dunhuang quzi are folk songs with a great variety of themes, including Mount Wutai. The au-

26 Zheng Zhenduo, Zhongguo suwenxue shi, vol. 1, 180-269. 27 Ibid., 181. 28 Victor Mair, T’ang Transformation Texts: A Study of the Buddhist Contribution to the Rise of Vernacular Fiction and Drama in China, 9-32. 29 Ibid., 15. 30 Ibid., 48-49. 12 chapter one thors are anonymous, ranging from entertainers to Buddhist monks. These quzi are written in a straightforward style and casual manner, and not strict about rhyme and metrical patterns.31 A great many zan appear in the Dun- huang manuscripts; in some cases the term refers more to the poem’s content than to the poetic style. Despite their stylistic differences, the Mount Wutai poems share a great deal of imagery and deserve to be treated as a corpus. Ren Bantang’s 任半塘 three-volume anthology, Dunhuang geci zongbian 敦煌歌辭總編, is the largest collection of poetry from Dunhuang, containing over 1600 secular and religious poems from the manuscripts. In 1991, Du Doucheng 杜斗城 published Dunhuang Wutai shan wenxian jiaolu yanjiu 敦煌五臺山文獻校錄研究, which includes many of the Mount Wutai poems.

Dunhuang and Mount Wutai

Like Dunhuang, Mount Wutai was an important Buddhist center. It is located in the northeastern portion of Shanxi province, and its first shrines and monasteries were built in the fifth century. As we shall see in chapter two, by the Tang dynasty it was the center of a cult of the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī and a major pilgrimage site. There must have been considerable communication between Dun- huang and Mount Wutai in the Tang and Five Dynasties era, judging from the Mount Wutai materials found in Dunhuang. Beginning in the Tang, many Indian, Central Asian, and Chinese pilgrims who visited the mountain may have passed through Dunhuang. Dunhuang cave 61 contains a panoramic wall-painting of Mount Wutai dating from the Five Dynasties era. Covering most of the western wall, it portrays the major temples of the five terraces, along with divine sites where manifestations and transformations occurred. Many of these sites are also depicted in the poems about Mount Wutai found among the Dunhuang manuscripts. Although these poems do not appear in the cave, some of the writing and much of the imagery in the painting is also present in the poems. Intriguing as the shared imagery is, we know of no causal relationship between the painting and the poems.

31 Sun Qifang, “Ci fu Foqu,” in Dunhuang wenxue 敦煌文學, ed. Zhou Shaoliang, 196- 216. ascending and wandering 13

The wall-painting depicts Mount Wutai as a Buddhist paradise, similar to the Mount Wutai poems. For the most part, Mount Wutai is the gold- colored world, or pure land, of the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī. Sometimes Mount Wutai is Mount Sumeru, the mountain of Indian mythology that represents the axis of the world. Other times it is Vulture Peak, the site of many sermons of Śākyamuni Buddha, or it is Amitābha Buddha’s pure land. For those with faith in the teachings of the Buddha, the mountain exists outside conventional time and space as an eternal paradise. Why use poetry to preach the Buddhist doctrine? The idea of poetry as moral instruction dates back to the Classic of Poetry. It also was entirely compatible with the Buddhist concept of upāya (Ch. fangbian 方便) or expedient means: using a method appropriate to the needs of the individual in order to ensure his salvation. Even a poem could be used to convert a layman, or at least to encourage someone to listen to a Buddhist sermon. Perhaps these poems were used to attract pilgrims into the lecture halls, or served to warm up the audience before the preaching began. One of the Dunhuang manuscripts, P. 3849, describes a program at a monastic assembly: To conduct a popularization [俗講], first one recited the Sanskrit; when that had been done, one invoked the Bodhisattva twice; and then one chanted the prologue [押座]. That done, one was asked to sing the wen-shih [溫室] sutra. The Master of the Law [法師] sang the title of the sutra and explained it; that done, one invoked the presence of the Buddha. That done, one thereupon began the singing of the sutra. That done, one then spoke the elaboration [莊嚴]. That done, one invokes the Buddha once. Then, word by word, the title of the sutra is explicated. Then, the content of the sutra itself is explained. Then, the ten pāramitā [十波羅蜜多] are explained. Then the hymns in praise of the Buddha are chanted [念]. Then one says a prayer [發願]. Then, one invokes the Buddha again. Then, one makes one’s prayers to bestow merit on others. At this point, the assembly disperses.32 It is not known if any of the Mount Wutai poems were included in such a gathering. Of the four sets of poems in this study, the eulogy commemorating the visit to Mount Wutai of the Pure Land monk Fazhao 法照 (d. c. 820) found in chapter five of this study would be the most appropriate for inclusion, since it repeatedly exhorts the listener to chant the name of Amitābha Buddha.

32 Eugene Chen Eoyang, “Word of Mouth: Oral Storytelling in the Pien-wen,” 26. 14 chapter one

Mountains in Early Chinese Poetry

Reflecting their important role in Chinese legends and history, mountains were portrayed in the earliest Chinese poems as loci of political and spiritual power.33 In the Classic of Poetry, there are several references in the hymns (song 頌), which allude to the powerful influence mountains have over human society. Mountains provide cosmic endorsement of the ruler, as in “Joy” (“Ban” 般), a hymn associated with the touring and sacrifices to the Four Peaks by the Zhou rulers: Exalted is the Zhou, We ascend the high mountains, The narrow ridges and tall peaks, The rivers follow them into the Yellow River. Everywhere under Heaven, All gather to accompany them, This is the Mandate of the Zhou. 於皇時周，陟其高山。嶞山喬嶽，允猶翕河。敷天之下，裒時之對，時周之命。34 Mount Tai, the Eastern Marchmont, appears in the “Closed Temple” (“Bi gong” 閟宮), one of the hymns from the state of Lu. This long poem praises the current ruler of Lu for paying homage to his virtuous ancestors upon the consecration of a new temple, and links the accomplishments of the state to Mount Tai: Lofty, lofty is Mount Tai. The state of Lu looks up to it. We grandly possess the mountains of Gui and Meng, And then the land to the east up to the sea. 泰山巖巖，魯邦所瞻。奄有龜蒙，遂荒大東，至于海邦。35

33 The following works aided this discussion: Paul Demiéville, “Langue et littérature chinoises. Résumé des cours de 1961-1962. I. Tch’an et poésie,” Annuaire du Collège de France 62e année, Paris 1962, 329 and 336; “La montagne dans l’art littéraire chinois,” France-Asie 183 (1965): 7-32; both reprinted in Choix d’études sinologiques (1921-1970), 322- 329 and 364-389; Paul W. Kroll, “Verses from on High: The Ascent of T’ai Shan,” T’oung Pao 69 (1983): 223-260; “Lexical Landscapes and Textual Mountains in the High T’ang,” T’oung Pao 84 (1998): 62-101. 34 Jiang Jianyuan 蔣見元 and Cheng Junying 程俊英, eds., Shijing zhuxi 詩經注析, vol. 2, 995-996. My translation is adapted from Bernhard Karlgren, The Book of Odes, 253. 35 Jiang Jianyuan and Cheng Junying, Shijing zhuxi, vol. 2, 1010-1022. My translation is adapted from Bernhard Karlgren, The Book of Odes, 257-261. ascending and wandering 15

Both poems emphasize the mountain’s political role in Chinese culture. However, early on in Chinese verse, mountains, both imaginary and real, were also vehicles for renewal, immortality, and self-realization. The mythical Mount Kunlun appears by name in five poems in the Verses of Chu. Here, in “Encountering Sorrow,” Qu Yuan 屈原 (340-278 BCE), the poet and minister banished by the King of Chu, decides to leave the world of men when he cannot find a worthy king to serve: How can I live with men whose hearts are strangers to me? I am going on a far journey to be away from them. I took the way that led towards the Kun-lun mountain: A long, long road with many a turning in it. 何離心之可同兮，吾將遠逝以自疏。邅吾道夫崑崙兮，路脩遠以周流。36 In “Crossing the River” (“She jiang” 涉江), the poet has Qu Yuan declare: But the world was muddy-witted and could not understand me, And so I rode high and would not look back on it. With a team of azure dragons, white serpents in the traces, I rode with Chong Hua in the Garden of Jasper,37 Climbed up Kun-lun and ate of the flower of jade, And won long life, lasting as heaven and earth; And the sun and moon were not more bright than I. 世溷濁而莫余知兮，吾方高馳而不顧。駕青虯兮驂白螭，吾與重華遊兮瑤之圃。登崑崙兮食玉英，與天地兮同壽，與日月兮同光。38 The image of the poet flying in the heavens with a team of dragons is reminiscent of the passage in Zhuangzi quoted earlier, describing the holy man of Gushe Mountain. In these early poems, the writer ascends to a great height, leaving behind the corrupt world of men to achieve perfection on the pure mountain and to become a transcendent, dwelling among the spiritual beings. Donald Holzman notes that the landscape is merely a symbol or backdrop for the poet’s thoughts in the Classic of Poetry, while in the Han Dy- nasty rhapsody it is generally of aesthetic interest. In poems of the Later

36 Qu Yuan, The Songs of the South: An Ancient Chinese Anthology of Poems by Qu Yuan and Other Poets, trans. David Hawkes, 77. Qu Yuan, Qu Yuan ji jiaozhu 屈原集校注, annot. Jin Kaicheng 金開誠, 159. 37 Chong Hua is the name of Shun, said to be buried in Chu, Qu Yuan’s state. 38 Qu Yuan, Songs of the South: An Ancient Chinese Anthology of Poems by Qu Yuan and Other Poets, trans. David Hawkes, 160. Qu Yuan, Qu Yuan ji jiaozhu, 467. 16 chapter one

Han, the theme of returning to nature represents the Confucian rejection of an official career under an unworthy ruler.39 Viewing the landscape does not serve as a means to transcendence until the Six Dynasties era when we see Dark Learning influence Chinese poetry. J.D. Frodsham’s seminal essay, “The Origins of Chinese Nature Poetry,” details the development of shan shui shi 山水詩, or “the poetry of the mountains and waters,” and refutes the traditional Chinese view that it did not begin until Guo Pu 郭璞 (276- 324), who is also credited as the originator of Dark Learning verse (xuanyan shi 玄言詩). Instead, Frodsham dates its origins to the era of the Zhulin 竹林 poets, the most famous of whom are Ruan Ji 院籍 (210-263) and Xi Kang 嵇康 (223-262). He defines nature poetry as “verse inspired by a mystic philosophy which sees all natural phenomena as symbols charged with a mysterious and cathartic power.”40 Certainly we can see the power of the mountain in this purely descriptive passage from Xi Kang’s “Rhap- sody of the Lute” (“Qin fu” 琴賦): Mountain crest rises above mountain crest. They seem to be pressed down by the clouds. Lofty and verdurous summits far off show their massive shapes; here and there a solitary peak rising in impressive splendor draws the eye. The spiritual haze that hovers over these mountains mingles with the clouds, and from their mysterious founts streams burst forth. 若乃重巘增起，偃蹇雲覆，邈隆崇以極壯，崛巍巍而特秀。蒸靈液以播雲，據神淵而吐溜。41 The rhapsody’s emphasis on ornate language lent itself to elaborate descriptions of nature. However, it is in Guo Pu’s “Poems of the Wandering Transcendents” (“You xian shi” 游仙詩) that we see the theme of a mountain retreat as the ideal solution to the ills of society. Here, in the first of his fourteen poems, he advocates retiring to the mountains to escape the im- purities of the human world: The imperial capital is a grotto for wandering knights, The mountain forest is a habitat for recluses. The vermilion gates, what splendor do they have Compared to the dwellings on Penglai?

39 A thorough discussion appears in chapter three of Donald Holzman, Appreciation in Ancient and Medieval China: the birth of landscape poetry; six lectures given at National Tsing Hua University, February-March 1995, 55-84. 40 J.D. Frodsham, “The Origins of Chinese Nature Poetry,” Asia Major 8.1 (1960): 72. 41 A longer passage is quoted in J.D. Frodsham, “The Origins of Chinese Nature Poetry,” 77. The translation appears in Robert Van Gulik, Hsi K’ang’s Poetical Essay on the Lute, Monumenta Nipponica Monographs, no. 4: 53. Xiao Tong 蕭統, ed., Wen xuan 文選, vol. 2, 837. The qin is actually a zither, and not a lute. ascending and wandering 17

He descends the spring to drink the pure waves, He ascends the ridge to pick the purple fungus. In seclusion he can linger by the holy stream, Why would he care to climb the ladder to the clouds? The Lacquer Garden had an arrogant official,42 Master Lai had a reclusive wife.43 Promotion guarantees you’ll see the dragon, Retirement means you’re a goat butting a hedge. I will flee beyond the wind and dust, Bow low and take leave of Yi and Qi.44 京華遊俠窟，山林隱遯棲。朱門何足榮，未若托蓬萊。臨源挹清波，陵崗掇丹荑。靈溪可潛盤，安事登雲梯。漆園有傲吏，萊氏有逸妻。進則保龍見，退為觸藩羝。高蹈風塵外，長揖謝夷齊。45 Guo Pu longs to leave behind the official life, symbolized by the wind and dust, and retreat to the mountain forests, which he idealizes as Penglai, the mythical island off the China coast which is home to the transcendents. The healing properties of the mountain are emphasized by the purple fungus, the gandoderma, a magic mushroom of immortality, and also by the waters of the holy spring. One travels to the mountain to become transformed by it, not only to leave the mundane world behind. The mountain offers magic food and drink to the visitor, as it is a paradise beyond the world of men. An early nature poem which presents Mount Tiantai 天臺山 as the embodiment of the mysteries of the Dao was written by another master of the Dark Learning school of poetry, Sun Chuo 孫綽 (320-377), the “Rhap- sody on Wandering on Mount Tiantai” (“You Tiantai fu” 游天台賦). By Sun Chuo’s time, during the Eastern Jin (317-420), Buddhism had begun to spread among the literati, and influence the themes of Chinese poetry. Monks congregated in the mountains in Jiangsu and Zhejiang. The mountain later became a famous Buddhist center in the sixth century as the

42 Zhuangzi was formerly official in the Lacquer Garden, according to his biography in Records of the Grand Historian. 43 The wife of the hermit Lao Laizi convinced him not to become an official in Chu. 44 The two worthies Bo Yi 伯夷 and Shu Qi 叔齊 starved to death on Shouyang mountain at the end of the Shang dynasty rather than serve King Wu, as they thought he was unfilial. 45 Xiao Tong ed., Wen xuan, vol. 3, 1018-1019. My translation is adapted from J.D. Frod- sham and Ch’eng Hsi, ed., An Anthology of Chinese Verse: Han Wei Chin and the Northern and Southern Dynasties, 92-93. 18 chapter one center of the Tiantai school of Zhiyi 智顗 (538-597), who arrived there in 575. The poet imagines himself climbing Mount Tiantai; by the time he reaches the summit he has completely transcended ordinary thought and achieved union with the mountain which is the Way itself. Here is the opening passage: Mount Tiantai is the divine blossom of the mountain peaks. Crossing the ocean, there are Fangzhang and Penglai; climbing the continent there are Siming and Tiantai. These are places where the mysterious sages wander in transformation, and the holy transcendents dwell in grottoes. The shape of its high peaks and the beauty of its wonders have exhausted the marvels and wealth of the mountains and oceans, and have depleted the grandeur and beauty of human emotion. It does not rank among the Five March- monts because there is no record of it in the Classics. Is this not because it is remote and mysterious, its roads hidden and distant? Sometimes it top- ples its shadow into the depths; sometimes it conceals its summit among a thousand ridges. First one passes through paths of demons and monsters, finally walking through a region without men. In the entire world few can climb it, and no kings have offered sacrifices from its mound. Therefore, its affairs are missing from ordinary books, and its name is only noted in records of the marvelous. 天台山者，蓋山岳之神秀者也。涉海則有方丈，蓬萊，登陸則有四明，天台。皆玄聖之所游化，靈仙之所窟宅。夫其峻極之狀，嘉祥之美，窮山海之瑰富，盡人情之壯麗矣。所以不列於五岳，闕載於常典者，豈不以所立冥奧，其路幽迥。或倒景於溟，或匿峰於干千嶺，始經魑魅之涂，卒踐無人之境，舉世罕能登陟，王者莫由堙祀，故事絕於常篇，名標於奇紀。46 Sun Chuo employs both Daoist and Buddhist concepts to convey that the infinite and mysterious nature of the mountain allows one to achieve enlightenment. His poem ends with the lines: “I will merge with the universe through unfathomable contemplation, /and unknowingly merge my body with Nature.” 渾萬象以冥觀，兀同體於自然。47 The poet has become one with the mountain which is not only nature itself, but the Dao. In this case, the mountain is used as a meditative tool, as the poet is not actually on Mount Tiantai. This mimics the spirit journeys found in the Verses of Chu.

46 Xiao Tong, ed., Wen xuan, vol. 2, 493-501. My translation is adapted from Burton Watson, Chinese Rhyme-Prose, 80-81, and Richard Mather, “The Mystical Ascent of the T’ient’ai Mountains: Sun Ch’o’s Yu-T’ien-t’ai-shan Fu,” Monumenta Serica, 20:1961: 226-245. 47 Wanxiang 萬象, literally “ten thousand images,” refers to the universe. ascending and wandering 19

The greatest poet of the “mountains and rivers” poetry during the Six Dynasties era was Xie Lingyun 謝靈運 (385-433). He was brought up as a Daoist but later studied Buddhism on Mount Lu under the Pure Land master Huiyuan. Xie is known not only for his poetry, but for his travel record, Travels to Famous Mountains (Youming shan zhi 遊名山志). His Daoist- Buddhist sensibility and his sensitivity to nature created poems which are detailed and refined observations of the landscape, often paired with a self-realization, as in the last lines of “Following the Jinzhu Torrent, I Cross the Peak and Walk along the Stream” (“Cong Jinzhu jian yue ling xi xing” 從斤竹澗越嶺溪行): To appreciate [nature] with a sensitive heart is pleasure, But the hidden truth,—who can ever discern it? Looking at this scenery I cast off my concern with things, Once enlightened, I let everything go its own way. 情用賞為美，事昧竟誰辨。觀此遺物慮，一悟得所遣。48 Xie also wrote a long rhapsody about his experiences as a Buddhist layper- son visiting a monastery in the mountains, called “Rhapsody of Dwelling in the Mountains” (“Jushan fu” 居山賦). Here he describes listening to a sermon with a multitude of monks, who then disappear into nature to complete their self-realization: The mountains are clear and solitary, The crowd disperses and loses itself. All around little is to be heard, Obtaining principle, all are joyful. The cold wind scratches and chafes, But facing the sun it is always warm. Its burning light blazes down. But towards the shade there is frost and snow. Resting in tiered towers we climb to the roots of the clouds, Sitting below a stream, we pass beyond the wind caves. Here on this fortress I harmoniously enjoy The indestructible transmission from antiquity till now. 山中兮清寂，群紛兮自絕。周聽兮匪多，得理兮俱悅。寒風兮搔屑，面陽兮常熱。炎光兮隆熾，對陰兮霜雪。愒曾台兮陟雲根，坐澗下兮越風穴。在茲城而諧賞，傳古今之不滅。49

48 Xiao Tong, ed., Wen xuan, vol. 3, 1048-1049. The translation is by Kang-I Sun Chang, Six Dynasties Poetry, 74. 49 My translation is adapted from Francis A. Westbrook, “Landscape Description in the Lyric Poetry and ‘Fuh on Dwelling in the Mountains’ of Shieh Ling-yun,” 312-313. The entire work is found in Shen Yue 沈約, Song shu 宋書, vol. 6, 1769. 20 chapter one

Xie’s painterly aesthetic is also seen in the Buddhist poems of the Tang poet Wang Wei 王維 (699-759), a Chan practitioner whose work eschews almost all mention of the Buddhist doctrine and uses a constantly transforming landscape to symbolize the Buddhist concept that “form is emptiness and emptiness is form,” as in his famous quatrain “Deer Park” (“Lu zhai” 鹿柴): I see no one in the empty mountains, I only hear the echoes of people’s voices. The returning light enters the deep forest, Shining again on the green moss. 空山不見人，但聞人語響。返景入深林，復照青苔上。50 The Tang dynasty poet Li Bai 李白, who spent many years wandering in the mountains studying with Daoist masters, wrote many poems on seeking enlightenment on Mount Lu, Mount Tai, Mount Tiantai, and Mount Tianmu, among others. In the opening lines of “A Song of Lu Mountain for Censor Lu Xuzhou” (“Lu shan yao ji Lu shi yu Xuzhou” 廬山謠寄盧侍御虛舟) Li Bai writes: I am the madman of Chu, Who sang a phoenix song ridiculing Confucius. Holding in my hand a staff of green jade, At morning I left Yellow Crane Terrace. Searching for transcendents on the Five Marchmonts Without considering the distance, In this life I just like to wander through famous mountains. 我本楚狂人，鳳歌笑孔丘。手持綠玉杖，朝別黃鶴樓。五嶽尋仙不辭遠，一生好入名山游。51 He then describes the natural beauty of the mountain as he climbs to the top, and notices that the green moss has buried Duke Xie’s footprints. This is, of course, the poet Xie Lingyun. After a dazzling description of the unearthly beauty of Mount Lu, he reaches the summit and views the transcendents floating in the heavens: In the distance I see the transcendents on the colored clouds, In their hands they hold hibiscus to greet the Jade Emperor. First I must wander in the ninefold Heaven,

50 Wang Wei, Wang Wei ji jiaozhu 王維集校注, ed. Chen Tiemin 陳鐵民, vol. 2, 417- 418. 51 Li Bai, Li Taibo quanji 李太白全集, ed. Wang Qi 王琦, vol. 2, 477-480. ascending and wandering 21

Then I want to roam with Lu Ao in the Great Purity.52 遙見仙人彩雲裡，手把芙蓉朝玉京。先期汗漫九垓上，願接盧敖游太清。 Li Bai also acknowledges Xie Lingyun in “A Dream Visit to Tianmu” (“Meng you Tianmu yin liubie” 夢游天姥吟留別), where he wears Xie’s hiking boots to climb the mountain which is peopled with Daoist transcendents. Xie Lingyun had invented a hiking shoe with studs on the soles to use when he climbed the mountains. These are just a few examples of the innumerable poems about the spiritual power of the mountains, written from earliest times to the Tang dynasty. We cannot always make a clear distinction between secular and religious verse or categorize every poet in our discussion as either Buddhist or Daoist. The above brief survey does not include poems by Buddhist masters and monks who also wrote a great variety of verse, such as the Buddhist monk Zhi Daolin 支道林 (314-366), also known as Zhidun 支遁, who counted among his followers the poet Sun Chuo. One of the most famous intellectuals of the Eastern Jin dynasty, he was equally conversant in the Dark Learning school and the dominant form of Buddhism in the fourth century, the Prajñā school.53 Zhidun wrote many poems in the zan style, such as his “Eulogy on an Image of the Buddha Śākyamuni” (“Shijia wen Foxiang zan” 釋迦文佛像讚).54 Along with his more religious works, he wrote poems extolling the virtues of living in the mountains, as in this excerpt from “Song of My Moun- tain Dwelling” (“Yong shan ju” 詠山居): The Five Marchmonts are great works raised by the spirits, The Four Rivers have vast and surging floods. I went there to seek of myself a true wisdom, In its silence I guarded the heights of tranquility and benevolence. If I do not feel happy out of my seclusion, It is because I have found a constant pleasure there. Those who seek heaven will live forever, In the grottos I think of those who have left the world of men. 五嶽盤神基，四瀆涌蕩津。動求目方智，默守標靜仁。

52 A man who roams the cosmos in search of transcendents, Lu Ao appears in the twelfth chapter of the Huainanzi. See Liu An, Huainanzi 淮南子, ed. Gu Qian 顧遷, 191- 200. 53 His biography appears in Huijiao 慧皎, Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳, T. 50.2059.348b-349c. 54 Daoxuan 道宣, Guang hongming ji 廣弘明集, T. 52.2103.195c. The preface of this poem is translated in Erik Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China: The Spread and Adap- tation of Buddhism in Early Medieval China, third ed., 177-179. 22 chapter one

苟不宴出處，託好有常因。尋元存終古，洞往想逸民。55 Probably the most famous of the Tang dynasty monk poets was Jiaoran 皎然 (730-799), who was a descendant of Xie Lingyun and close to many of the famous poets of that time, including Lu Yu 陸羽 (733-804). Jiaoran astutely observed that for the Chinese Buddhist, the Chinese mountains were just as powerful as those of India, in “Written in the Thatched Hut Hall on the Lake” (“Ti hushang caotang” 題湖上草堂): One need not seek reclusion in the mountains of India, Above the lake there are thousands of peaks for one’s leisure. Fragrant plants and white clouds keep me living here, Men of the world, to what affairs are you connected? 山居不買剡中山，湖上千峰處處閑。芳草白雲留我住，世人何事得相關。56 Notable as well among the Tang dynasty vernacular Buddhist poets are Hanshan 寒山 (Cold Mountain), and Wang Fanzhi 王梵志 (the Brahmacārin Wang).57 About 400 of Wang’s poems were found in the Dun- huang manuscripts.58 There is an especially important role for poetry within the Chan tradition. Like Daoism, it views nature as a manifestation of the Way, and monks and laypersons alike wrote landscape poetry. Po- etry, with its emphasis on imagery over narrative and its heightened sensitivity to the sacred power of words, lent itself to a spiritual path that preferred realization over explanation. Indeed, legend dictates that the Sixth Patriarch of the Chan school was chosen because of a gāthā he composed.

About the Book

Chapter two introduces some of the early sources of information about Mount Wutai, and discusses the legends and history surrounding the mountain. It also explains how Mount Wutai came to be associated with the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī, and introduces the early records and diaries

55 My translation is adapted from J.D. Frodsham, “The Origins of Chinese Nature Poetry,” 100. Daoxuan, Guang hongming ji, T. 52.2103.351b. 56 Quan Tang shi 全唐詩 815:37, vol. 23, 9179. 57 See Red Pine, The Collected Songs of Cold Mountain, and Burton Watson, Cold Moun- tain: 100 Poems by the T’ang Poet Han-Shan. 58 See Paul Demiéville, L'Oeuvre de Wang le Zélateur (Wang Fan-tche), suivie des Instructions domestiques de l'Aïeul (T'ai-kong kia-kiao): Poèmes populaires des T'ang (VIIIe- Xe siècles, édités, traduits et commentés après des manuscrits de Touen-houang). ascending and wandering 23 about Mount Wutai, as well as Buddhist sūtras and other religious literature which will be used to explicate the poems. Also included are two early poems from the Chinese Tripiṭaka about the bodhisattva and the mountain that were written by Buddhist monks. Chapter three presents the “Wutai shan quzi” 五臺山曲子 (“Songs of Mount Wutai”). These six songs, written in a lyric style with an irregular number of characters per line, begin with a song which introduces the mountain. The poet then proceeds to a circumambulation of the individual terraces, describing both the natural and numinous sites. Chapter four analyzes the “Wutai shan zan” 五臺山讚 (“Eulogy on Mount Wutai”). This eulogy, written in eighteen linked seven-syllable quatrains, is unique for its great variety of motifs and its depiction of many legendary and historical figures associated with the mountain. The focus of the work shifts from the individual terraces to specific events and manifestations. Chapter five discusses the “Wutai shan zanwen” 五臺山讚文 (“Eulogy on Mount Wutai”), which echoes the title of the previous set, but is entirely different in content. It consists of twenty-eight seven-syllable linked quatrains. This eulogy celebrates the pilgrimage of the Pure Land Buddhist monk Fazhao to Mount Wutai in 770, and has more emphasis on the monastic community on the mountain. Chapter six features the “Wutai shan shengjing zan” 五臺山聖境讚 (“Eulogy on the Holy Regions of Mount Wutai”), attributed to an unknown monk, Xuanben of the Golden Terrace 金臺玄本. This is a set of eleven poems. Seven poems, in seven-syllable regulated verse, consist of a poem on the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī, a poem on the bodhisattva Samantabhadra, and poems on each of the five terraces, along with poems on the Vajra Grotto, King Aśoka, and Rāhula, the son of Śākyamuni Buddha. The set concludes with a seven-syllable quatrain of a sūtra recitation. Chapter seven compares and contrasts the imagery and themes of the Mount Wutai poems with those of the wall-painting of Mount Wutai in cave 61 at Dunhuang, and engages in a discussion about Buddhist cosmology and geography, as well as the formation of Mount Wutai as a sacred space. Chapter eight concludes this examination of the Mount Wutai poems. It discusses the place of these poems in the Chinese literary tradition and appraises their significance for the study of Chinese Buddhist literature and the development of Buddhism on Mount Wutai. 24 chapter one

This study of the themes and imagery of the Mount Wutai poems is essentially a discussion of the Buddhist poetics of the Dunhuang manuscripts. My ultimate goal is to understand how Chinese poetry was enriched by the introduction of Buddhism into China, and to illuminate a relatively neglected corpus of Chinese poetry. Unless otherwise noted, all translations in this study are my own. ascending and wandering 25 26 chapter one

Figure 2. The Northern Terrace. Mount Wutai. Dunhuang Cave 61. Photograph: Dunhuang Research Academy. the clear and cold 27

CHAPTER TWO

THE CLEAR AND COLD: MOUNT WUTAI

Mount Wutai, considered the most sacred mountain in Chinese Buddhism, is located in northeastern China in Shanxi province, approximately one hundred fifty miles from the provincial capital of Taiyuan. This cluster of five flat-topped peaks encompasses about one hundred square miles, and the highest terrace rises ten thousand feet above sea level.

Early Literature on Mount Wutai

Like many Chinese mountains, Mount Wutai has had a long and complex spiritual history which is reflected in the historical records and poems that both describe and celebrate this site. There are several major sources of information about the history and legends surrounding this mountain.1 The oldest is by the Tang dynasty monk Huixiang 慧祥, the Gu Qingliang zhuan 古清涼傳 (Ancient Record of Clear and Cold).2 Huixiang visited Mount Wutai in 667. Yanyi 延一, a monk of the Northern Song dynasty, wrote a more complete work called the Guang Qingliang zhuan 廣清涼傳 (Expanded Record of Clear and Cold), which dates to approximately 1060.3 Another Song dynasty work was written by the lay Buddhist Zhang Shang ying 張商英 (1043-1122), the Xu Qingliang zhuan 續清涼傳 (Further Re- cord of Clear and Cold) around the time of his visit to Mount Wutai in 1088.4 Appended to this record is the Taishan ruiying ji 臺山瑞應記 (Record of Signs and Wonders of Mount Wutai) by Zhu Bian 朱弁 (d. 1144), a brief account of visions of Mañjuśrī witnessed by Jin dynasty officials.5 Zhang Shangying’s work is essentially a diary of his spiritual experiences on the

1 For a more complete list of early Chinese works on Mount Wutai, see Ono Katsutoshi 小野勝年 and Hibino Takeo日比野丈夫, Godaisan 五臺山, 342-368. 2 Huixiang, Gu Qingliang zhuan (hereafter GuQLZ), T. 51.2098. 3 Yanyi, Guang Qingliang zhuan (hereafter GuangQLZ), T. 51.2099. 4 Zhang Shangying, Xu Qingliang zhuan (hereafter XuQLZ), T. 51.2100. Robert M. Gim- ello has translated a portion of this work in “Chang Shang-ying on Wu-t’ai Shan,” in Pil- grims and Sacred Sites in China, ed. Susan Naquin and Chün-fang Yü, 89-149. 5 Robert M. Gimello has translated the record in “Wu-t’ai Shan during the Early Chin Dynasty: The Testimony of Chu Pien,” Chung-Hwa Buddhist Journal 7 (July 1994): 501-612. 28 chapter two mountain; the records of Huixiang and Yanyi contain much more historical information. Yet another significant source of material about Mount Wutai is Nittō guhō junrei gyōki 入唐求法巡禮行記 (Record of a Pilgrimage to China in Search of the Law), the diary of the Japanese Tiantai (Jpn. Tendai) monk Ennin 圓仁 (793-864), who visited the mountain during his trip to China from 838 to 847.6 Another Japanese Tiantai monk, Jōjin 成尋 (1011-1081), visited both Mount Tiantai and Mount Wutai from 1072 to 1073 and left a record called San Tendai Godaisan ki 參天臺五臺山記 (Record of a Visit to Tiantai and Wutai Mountains). His religious experiences on the mountain were similar to Ennin’s.7 The Dunhuang manuscripts contain several brief accounts of visits to Mount Wutai by Indian and Chinese Buddhist monks. Manuscript P. 3931 is the diary of the Indian monk Rama Śrīnivāsa, known by his Chinese name, Puhua 普化. This text dates from the late ninth or early tenth century, and shares many numinous sites with the Mount Wutai poems.8 Manuscript S. 0397, written in the Tang or Five Dynasties era, is especially valuable for its description of the Buddha Radiance Temple (Foguang si 佛光寺).9 Manuscript S. 4648 dates from the eighth century and is significant for its mention of a picture of Mount Wutai.10 Manuscript P. 3973, entitled Wang Wutai shan xing ji 往五臺山行記 (Record of a Trip to Mount Wutai), was written in the Late Tang or Five Dynasties era. This work consists only of a fragment of 100 characters. Other Tang records by Buddhist monks that mention Mount Wutai include two works by the Vinaya Master Daoxuan (596-667), Ji Shenzhou sanbao gantong lu 集神州三寶感通錄 and Daoxuan lüshi gantong lu 道

6 Ennin, Nittō guhō junrei gyōki (hereafter NGJG), in Nittō guhō junrei gyōki no kenkyū 入唐求法巡禮行記の研究, ed. Ono Katsutoshi. The work has been published in English as Ennin’s Diary: The Record of a Pilgrimage to China in Search of the Law, trans. Edwin O. Reischauer. 7 See Cheng Xun (Jōjin), Can Tiantai Wutai shan ji, ed. Bai Huawen 白化文 and Li Dingxia 李鼎霞. 8 See Richard Schneider, “Un Moine Indien au Wou-t’ai chan: Relation d’un Pèleri- nage,” Cahiers d’Extrême-Asie 3 (1987): 27-40, for a complete French translation and expli- cation of this work. Du Doucheng, Dunhuang Wutai shan wenxian jiaolu yanjiu, 221-222, contains the Chinese text. 9 See Marylin M. Rhie, The Fo-kuang ssu: Literary Evidences and Buddhist Images, 47-64, for a translation and study of this work. 10 See Hibino Takeo, “Tonkō no Godaisan junreiki” 敦煌の五臺山巡禮記, in Ono Katsutoshi hakushi shōju ki’nen. Tōhōgaku ronshū 小野勝年博士頌壽記念. 東方學論集, for further discussion of S. 0397 and P. 4648. the clear and cold 29

宣律師感通錄,11 the Huayan jing zhuanji 華嚴經傳記 by Fazang 法藏 (643-712), Third Patriarch of the Avataṃsaka sect,12 and the Dafangguang Fo huayan jing shu 大方廣佛華嚴經疏, a commentary on the Avataṃsaka sūtra by Chengguan 澄觀 (737-838), Fourth Patriarch of the Avataṃsaka sect.13 There is also a Ming dynasty record by Zhencheng 鎮澄 (1546-1617), Qingliang shan zhi 清涼山志 (Record of Clear and Cold Mountain),14 which quotes from the earlier records of Huixiang, Yanyi, Zhang Shangying and others but also contains some new material, along with a wealth of poems about the mountain. Numerous biographies of prominent monks who lived on or visited Mount Wutai are also found in the Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳 (Record of Em- inent Monks),15 Xu gaoseng zhuan 續高僧傳 (Extended Record of Eminent Monks),16 and the Song gaoseng zhuan 宋高僧傳 (Record of Eminent Monks of the Song).17 Some of these are repeated almost verbatim in Yanyi’s work.

Early Legends about Mount Wutai

According to the Gu Qingliang zhuan, until the fourth century CE, Mount Wutai was called Zifu shan 紫府山 (Purple Palace Mountain). “Purple Palace” refers to the dwelling place of the Daoist transcendents. This record describes some of the early stories about Mount Wutai, and includes quo- tations from older texts: The Shui jing 水經 (Waterways Classic) of Li Yuan18 says this mountain of five lofty peaks emerges above a group of mountains; therefore it is called Five Peak Mountain. In the third year of the Yongjia era of the Jin dynasty (309 CE), more than one hundred families from Suoren county19 of Yanmen commandery fled the disorders and entered this mountain. When they saw the mountain, the people rushed to it and did not return home. Thus they dwelled peacefully in the cliffs and the wilds. Gentlemen who came to

11 Daoxuan, Ji Shenzhou sanbao gantong lu, T. 52.2106, and Daoxuan lüshi gantong lu, T. 52.2107. 12 Fazang, Huayan jing zhuanji, T. 51.2073. 13 Chengguan, Dafangguang Fo huayan jing shu, T. 35.1735. 14 Zhencheng, Qingliang shan zhi (hereafter QLSZ). 15 Huijiao 慧皎, Gaoseng zhuan, T. 50.2059. 16 Daoxuan, Xu gaoseng zhuan, T. 50.2060. 17 Zanning 贊寧, Song gaoseng zhuan, T. 50.2061. 18 Huixiang refers to Li Daoyuan 酈道元 (d. 526), author of Shui jing zhu 水經注 (Annotated Waterways Classic). 19 East of Fanzhi county in present-day Shanxi. 30 chapter two

investigate saw these settlers from time to time, but when they came to visit, they didn’t know where the settlers were. That is why people consider this mountain as the capital of the transcendents. The Xian jing 仙經 (Clas- sic of the Transcendents)20 says, “Wutai is called Purple Palace Mountain because it always has purple vapors. The transcendents dwell there.” The Jingyi ji 旌異記 (Record of Strange Manifestations)21 says, “Yanmen has Mount Wutai. The mountain is shaped like five mounds. One terrace is always dark and is not clearly distinguishable. When the sky is clear and the clouds disperse, it sometimes emerges.”22 From ancient times, Mount Wutai was also called Qingliang shan 清涼山 (Clear and Cold Mountain) because of its unusually cold weather. Accord- ing to the Gu Qingliang zhuan, it was cold even at the height of summer: The mountain is more than 1,600 li northeast of Chang’an. It is adminis- tered by Dai prefecture. It is more than one hundred li southeast from the summit to the city of Dai prefecture, and its circumference is more than five hundred li. To the left is Heng Peak23 and to the right is the Heavenly Lake. The southern region belongs to Wutai county, and the north to Fanzhi county. The lofty cliffs are layered with peaks, the deep valleys soar with streams, the jutting rocks spit clouds, and the pines that cover everywhere number in the thousands. Its frost and snow are frozen in summer, and vapors and mist constantly gather. Men and beasts which are rarely encountered often live here. If one climbs to the top of the Central Terrace, one can look in all directions as far as the eye can see at continuous peaks and countless valleys, all winding and exceedingly clear.24 The Guang Qingliang zhuan further observed the presence of ice in the hottest months and the lack of trees on the summits, which contributed to the mountain’s otherworldly appearance: According to the Huayan jing shu,25 “Clear and Cold Mountain is none other than Mount Wutai of the Yanmen commandery of Dai prefecture. Over the years it has accumulated solid ice. The snow still flies in the summer, and there has never been summer heat. For this reason it is called Clear and Cold. The five peaks rise up, and on their summits there are no trees. They resemble terraces of piled earth. For this reason it is called Five Terrace (Wutai).”26

20 Name of a Daoist classic no longer extant. 21 A Sui dynasty work written by Hou Bo 侯白. 22 GuQLZ, 1093a. 23 The northernmost of the five sacred peaks of China. 24 GuQLZ, 1093b. 25 The original quote, which differs slightly, may be found in Chengguan, Dafang- guang Fo huayan jing shu, T. 35.1735.859c. 26 GuangQLZ, 1104a. the clear and cold 31

Chinese Emperors and Mount Wutai

Legends say Buddhism came to Mount Wutai sometime during the Eastern Han dynasty, not long after it appeared in China. In CE 67, Emperor Ming (r. CE 58-75), inspired by a dream, sent envoys to the Western Region to seek the Buddhist teachings; they returned to China with two Indian monks, Kāśyapa Mātaṅga and Dharmaratna.27 In CE 68, the emperor built the Baima si 白馬寺 (White Horse Temple), China’s first Buddhist temple, in Luoyang to house the two monks. That same year, the legend continues, the two monks visited Mount Wutai, then called Clear and Cold Mountain, and clairvoyantly perceived that the mountain was the dwelling place of the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī and contained a stūpa of the Indian king Aśoka (r. c. 274-c. 236 BCE).28 They thought one of the peaks greatly resembled Vulture Peak (Skt. Gṛdhrakūṭa), where Śākyamuni Buddha had preached the scriptures, so they named the mountain Numinous Vulture Peak (Lingjiu feng 靈鷲峰).29 Legends say the two monks wanted to erect a temple near this mountain, but had to submit a memorial to Emperor Ming, since Clear and Cold Mountain was considered a Daoist domain. The temple was built on the Central Terrace, and was called Numinous Vulture Temple (Lingjiu si 靈鷲寺). Emperor Ming added the words dafu 大孚 (Great Faith) to the beginning of the temple’s name to signify his devotion to the Buddhist doctrine. It was believed that Mañjuśrī had resided on the mountain since the time of King Mu of the Zhou dynasty (r. 1001-947 BCE), who had built a temple there in his honor. An oft-cited passage linking King Mu to Bud- dhism appears in the fifth century BCE Daoist text the Liezi 列子: In the time of King Mu of Chou, there came from a country in the far West a magician who could enter fire and water, and pierce metal and stone, who overturned mountains, turned back rivers, shifted walled cities, who rode the empty air without falling and passed unhindered through solid objects;

27 Many legends associating Mount Wutai with the early kings and emperors are summarized in QLSZ, 125-126. For a discussion of differing versions of Buddhism’s first appearance in China, see Kenneth Ch’en, Buddhism in China: A Historical Survey, 29-31, and Erik Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China: The Spread and Adaptation of Buddhism in Early Medieval China, third ed., 18-43. 28 This legend dates from the fourth century CE, and credits him with bringing Bud- dhism to China and erecting stūpas there. For further discussion of King Aśoka, see Ken- neth Ch’en, Buddhism in China: A Historical Survey, 27-28; for descriptions of specific stūpa discoveries in China, see Erik Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China: The Spread and Adaptation of Buddhism in Early Medieval China, third ed., 277-280. Also see GuQLZ, 1094c. 29 Gṛdhrakūṭa was also near Rājagṛha, Aśoka’s first capital. 32 chapter two

there was no end to the thousands and myriads of ways in which he altered things and transformed them. He not only altered the shapes of things, he also changed the thoughts of men. 30 It was further thought that Mañjuśrī and Maudgalyāyana31 had come to China to convert King Mu, and that King Aśoka had erected the stūpa on the mountain in tribute to his conversion.32 Huixiang believed that this first introduction of Buddhism into China had been halted by the First Emperor of the Qin dynasty (r. 221-210 BCE).33 However, the first monastery on Mount Wutai was probably not built until the second half of the fifth century by Emperor Xiaowen (r. 471-499) of the Northern Wei dynasty, who traveled to the mountain, according to the Gu Qingliang zhuan. His visit possibly coincided with the establishment of his new capital at Luoyang in 494, although there is no mention of this trip in the Wei historical records. 34 According to Huixiang, Em- peror Xiaowen built Great Pagoda Temple (Dafutu si 大孚圖寺) on the grounds where he personally witnessed the manifestation of Mañjuśrī.35 He also is responsible for the Temple of the Clear and Cold (Qingliang si 清涼寺) and the Buddha Radiance Temple.36 He was also thought to have built twelve cloisters encircling Numinous Vulture Peak. The Guang Qing liang zhuan notes that some gave him credit for the establishment of the Numinous Vulture Temple as well.37 The ruling Gao family of the Northern Qi dynasty (550-577) were also great patrons of Mount Wutai, building over two hundred temples there, and donating tax revenues to maintain the temples and monks. When Emperor Wen of the Sui dynasty assumed the throne in 581, he initiated a

30 A.C. Graham, The Book of Lieh-tzu, 61. Liu An 劉安, Liezi jishi 列子集釋, ed. Yang Bojun 楊伯峻, 90. This legend dates from the sixth century. For a detailed discussion of Buddhist legends surrounding King Mu, see Erik Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China: The Spread and Adaptation of Buddhism in Early Medieval China, third ed., 273-274. 31 One of the ten great disciples of the Buddha, and the subject of the Dunhuang bianwen translated in Victor Mair, Tun-huang Popular Narratives, 87-121. 32 This legend is recounted in great detail by Daoxuan in his 664 work, Daoxuan lüshi gantong lu, T. 52.2107.437a-b. A partial English translation appears in Raoul Birnbaum, “The Manifestation of a Monastery: Shen-ying’s Experiences on Mount Wu-t’ai in T’ang Context,” JAOS 106.1 (January-March 1986): 125-126. 33 GuQLZ, 1093c. 34 The rulers of the Northern Wei were responsible for the construction of the magnificent Buddhist cave paintings and sculptures of Yungang, near Datong, their capital to 494, and Longmen, near Luoyang, their later capital. 35 GuQLZ, 1094a. The temple is also known as the Great Buddha Temple. 36 Ibid., 1093c-1095c. 37 GuangQLZ, 1103c. the clear and cold 33 full-scale revival of Chinese Buddhism after its persecution from 574 to 577 under the Northern Zhou dynasty (557-580). He issued a proclamation to erect a Buddhist temple on each of the five terraces, to construct an image of Mañjuśrī for every three men who became monks, and to repair shrines which had been burned.38 The Guang Qingliang zhuan notes that his son, Emperor Yang, enjoyed his summer holidays at Mount Wutai.39 The Tang emperors had a special relationship with Mount Wutai. They were particularly interested in strengthening the connection between the imperial family and the mountain, which is located in the Taiyuan region, the ancestral home of their clan. The importance of this relationship was apparent almost from the start of the dynasty. The second Tang emperor, Taizong (r. 627-649), issued a decree in 635 stating that ten temples would be built on the mountain, and noted the significance of Mount Wutai for his family: “Mount Wutai is the hidden dwelling place of Mañjuśrī and the lonely refuge of ten thousand sages. The region belongs to Taiyuan, the actual place where my ancestors planted their virtue. It is especially regarded for the building of monasteries and the training of monks, and is fully deserving of respect and awe.”40 The mountain, given divine endorsement by Mañjuśrī’s presence on their ancestral soil, was utilized by the Tang emperors to bless the imperial clan and strengthen their hold on the empire. In 661, Emperor Gaozong (r. 649-683) ordered that Mount Wutai’s temples and stūpas undergo repairs.41 Imperial interest in the mountain further increased during the reign of the Empress Wu Zetian (r. 684-705), who usurped the throne in 690 and was skillful at manipulating Buddhist ideas to consolidate political power. A great patron of Avataṃsaka Buddhism, in 695 she invited Śiksānanda to China to make a new translation of the Avataṃsaka sūtra at the request of Fazang, the Third Patriarch of the Avataṃsaka sect. She herself wrote the preface to the sūtra. In 670, Empress Wu had appointed Fazang the abbot of Taiyuan Temple (Taiyuan si 太原寺), the temple she had built in Chang’an in memory of her mother.42 On Mount Wutai, she renamed the Temple of the Great Faith of the Numinous

38 QLSZ, 126. 39 GuangQLZ, 1105b. 40 QLSZ, 126-127. 41 Stanley Weinstein, Buddhism under the T’ang, 37. Daoshi, Fayuan zhulin, T. 53.2122.393a. 42 Stanley Weinstein, Buddhism under the T’ang, 46-47. Zhisheng 智昇, Kaiyuan shijiao lu 開元釋教錄, T. 55.2154.566a. Empress Wu’s preface is found in Dafangguang Fo huayan jing, T. 10.279.1a-b. See also Jinhua Chen, “More than a Philosopher: Fazang (643- 34 chapter two

Vulture as the Great Flower Ornament Temple (Da huayan si 大華嚴寺) to commemorate the new Avataṃsaka translation.43 Empress Wu also ordered the restoration of the Temple of the Clear and Cold in 702, and built three iron pagodas on the Central Terrace, which Ennin describes in his diary.44 Fazang continued to exert influence over the Tang court after the re- moval of Empress Wu. In 708, Emperor Zhongzong (r. 705-710) agreed to the patriarch’s request to establish Avataṃsaka monasteries on Mount Wutai, as well as in Chang’an and Luoyang.45 Suzong (r. 756-762) decreed in 758 that Buddhist temples be built on the Five Marchmonts and on Mount Wutai.46 The Tantric master Amoghavajra, also known by his Chinese name of Bukong 不空 (705-774), was greatly responsible for the development of the Mañjuśrī cult on Mount Wutai and in China itself. The bodhisattva was venerated by Tantric Buddhists, and Amoghavajra embarked on a cam- paign to popularize his cult in China.47 In 766, Emperor Daizong (r. 762- 779) agreed to his petition to complete the construction of the Temple of the Golden Pavilion (Jinge si 金閣寺), a project which had begun under the patronage of Emperor Xuanzong (r. 712-756) but was interrupted by the An Lushan Rebellion. In 736, the monk Daoyi 道義 had begun its construction, inspired by a vision of Mañjuśrī dwelling in this temple.48 In 769, Daizong agreed to Amoghavajra’s petition to require each monastery in China to place an image of the bodhisattva in the refectory, replacing the usual image of the arhat Piṇḍola.49 In his petitions Amoghavajra envisioned Mañjuśrī not only as the protector of Mount Wutai, but of China itself. In 770, Daizong agreed to Amoghavajra’s request to build a national shrine to Mañjuśrī at the Great Goodness Promoting Temple (Da xingshan si 大興善寺) in the capital, which was called the Pavilion of the Great Sage Mañjuśrī to Protect the Nation (Dasheng Wenshu zhenguo zhi ge 大聖文

712) as a Politician and Miracle Worker,” History of Religions 42.4 (May 2003): 320-358, and Philosopher, Practitioner, Politician: the Many Lives of Fazang (643-712). 43 QLSZ, 127. 44 NGJG, 3:27. 45 Stanley Weinstein, Buddhism under the T’ang, 47. 46 QLSZ, 127. 47 Stanley Weinstein, Buddhism under the T’ang, 79-84. See Raoul Birnbaum, Studies on the Mysteries of Mañjuśrī, 25-38, for extensive discussion of Amoghavajra’s activities regarding Mañjuśrī. 48 The entire vision, one of the most famous legends of Mount Wutai, appears in GuangQLZ, 1113a-1114a. 49 Leader of the Eighteen Arhats. the clear and cold 35

殊鎮國之閣). In 772, Daizong further consented to establish shrines to Mañjuśrī in every Buddhist monastery in China. The following year, the emperor agreed to assign monks to each shrine to pray for the nation. Daizong also became a patron of the Pure Land school. He invited the monk Fazhao to lecture at court and bestowed on him the title of Na- tional Teacher. Fazhao had lived on Mount Wutai from 770 to 774. He journeyed there after a vision of the Temple of the Bamboo Grove (Zhulin si 竹林寺), which he would build beginning in 777.50 Fazhao was already famous in Chang’an for his special practice of chanting the name of Amitābha Buddha. Dezong (r. 779-805) reduced his father’s lavish expenditures on Buddhist temples and shrines, but he continued imperial patronage of the Buddhist clergy. He asked Fazhao to teach his method of chanting in Chang’an. In 796, he invited Chengguan, the Fourth Patriarch of the Avataṃsaka sect and a resident of the Great Flower Ornament Temple on Mount Wutai, to the capital to assist in a new translation of the Gaṇḍavyūha, the last chapter of the Avataṃsaka sūtra.51 Dezong also appointed him National Teach- er.52 The Qingliang shan zhi quotes Chengguan praising the patronage of the Tang emperors: “Of the nine emperors of the Great Tang, from Taizong to Dezong, there was not one who did not look up to the divine mountain and preserve the spirits of the holy region.”53 Imperial support of Buddhism declined after Dezong, culminating in the suppression of Buddhism during the reign of Wuzong (r. 840-846). In his diary, beginning in 842, Ennin devoted considerable attention to descriptions of Wuzong’s persecution of Buddhist monks and nuns and his destruction of temples and shrines. Ennin had already left Mount Wutai. As a foreign monk, he was ordered defrocked and deported. Ennin only mentions Mount Wutai once in discussing Wuzong’s persecution. In the third month of 844, he wrote that an imperial edict banned offerings to the teeth of the Buddha. All festivals held for such offerings or pilgrimages to these sites, which included the monasteries of Mount Wutai, were forbidden.54 But there were other reports in 845 that monks were fleeing the

50 This vision is recounted in GuangQLZ, 1114a-1116a. 51 It was translated by the North Indian monk Prajñā. See Dafangguang Fo huayan jing ru buke siyi jietuo jingjie Puxian yuanxing pin 大方廣佛華嚴經入不可思議解脫境界普賢願行品, T. 10.293. 52 Kenneth Ch’en, Buddhism in China: A Historical Survey, 315. 53 QLSZ, 128. 54 NGJG, 4:55. 36 chapter two mountain and seeking sanctuary in regions where the local military com- manders were refusing to enact the policies of Wuzong.55 After the Tang, the influence of Avataṃsaka Buddhism declined, and the Chan and Pure Land Schools became increasingly popular. However, many Chan masters studied the doctrines of the Avataṃsaka school and the Avataṃsaka sūtra. The synthesis of Avataṃsaka and Chan had begun under Zongmi 宗密 (780-841), the Fifth Patriarch of the Avataṃsaka school, who was also regarded as a Chan master. Many Chan temples were established on the mountain during this period. Mount Wutai continued to receive imperial recognition in the subsequent dynasties. Various Song emperors, including Taizong (r. 976-997) and Zhenzong (r. 998-1022), built and restored several prominent temples. Taizong was responsible for the bronze image of Mañjuśrī that was placed in the Cloister of the True Countenance (Zhenrong yuan 真容院).56 Under Yuan rule, the Mongol emperors had a special relationship with the mountain; beginning with Kubilai Khan, known as Shizu (r. 1271-1294), they were considered to be emanations of the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī.57 They established Mount Wutai as a center of Tibetan Buddhism, and several Yuan emperors and empresses made pilgrimages there.58 According to the Qing liang shan zhi, Emperor Chengzong visited in 1295, and Emperor Yingzong traveled there in 1322, shortly after each ruler ascended the throne.59 The Ming emperors continued imperial patronage of the mountain. Most significantly, the Great White Dagoba was built during the reign of the Wanli emperor (1573-1619) to house relics of Śākyamuni Buddha. It remains the most prominent structure on Mount Wutai today. The Qing rulers continued state patronage of the mountain and were also viewed as reincarnates of Mañjuśrī. One theory is that they wished to secure the allegiance of the Mongols, and the mountain’s location close to

55 Stanley Weinstein, Buddhism under the T’ang, 134-135. 56 QLSZ, 128. 57 See David M. Farquhar, “Emperor as Bodhisattva in the Governance of the Ch’ing Empire,” HJAS 38.1 (June 1978): 11-19, where he discusses the Mongols’ relationship to Mount Wutai. 58 See Gray Tuttle, Tibetan Buddhists in the Making of Modern China, and Natalie Köhle, “Why Did the Kangxi Emperor Go to Wutai Shan? Patronage, Pilgrimage, and the Place of Tibetan Buddhism at the Early Qing Court,” in Late Imperial China 29, no. 1 (June 2008): 73-119, for a thorough discussion of Tibetan Buddhism on Mount Wutai. See also Karl Debreczeny, “Wutai Shan: Pilgrimage to Five Peak Mountain,” Journal of the Interna- tional Association of Tibetan Studies 6 (December 2011): 1-133. The entire issue focuses on Tibetan and Mongolian Buddhism on Mount Wutai during the Qing dynasty. 59 QLSZ, 129. the clear and cold 37 the Mongol homeland was a factor. The Kangxi emperor (1661-1722) visited the mountain five times between 1683 and 1710. He wrote inscriptions for steles erected on the mountain that invoked the protection of Mount Wutai for his dynasty and demonstrated an awareness of the mountain’s imperial role from ancient times. A painting in the imperial collection portrays Mañjuśrī with the face of the Qianlong emperor (1735-1796), who also visited Mount Wutai several times. Mount Wutai’s location worked to its ad- vantage throughout the imperial period, and, as we shall see, the importance of the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī in China also played a large role in establishing Mount Wutai as the foremost Buddhist mountain in China.

Mañjuśrī and the Chinese Buddhist Scriptures

Mañjuśrī is one of the most important bodhisattvas in the Chinese Bud- dhist tradition. Representing the quality of prajñā, or wisdom, he holds a sword, which cuts through ignorance, in his right hand. In his left hand he holds a book containing all knowledge. He is usually depicted as seated on a lion. He is considered to be leader of the bodhisattvas, and to be the initiator of countless buddhas, including Śākyamuni, into Buddhahood.60 He is also often depicted as the left-hand attendant of Śākyamuni Buddha, with Samantabhadra on the right. The definitive origin of the Mañjuśrī cult on Mount Wutai is unknown. Certainly the bodhisattva was known in China from the latter half of the second century, when the first Buddhist scriptures were translated into Chinese. More than a dozen Buddhist sūtras mentioning Mañjuśrī were translated into Chinese in the second and third centuries CE.61 The bodhisattva figures prominently in three major sūtras that appeared relatively

60 See Étienne Lamotte, “Mañjuśrī,” T’oung Pao 48 (1960): 93-94, where he quotes from the Foshuo fangbo jing 佛說放鉢經 (Ajātaśatru-kaukṛtyavinodana sūtra). “Śākyamuni proclaims: “If today I am a Buddha, if I possess the thirty-two marks and the eighty minor marks, and majesty and nobility, and if I save all beings in the ten regions, all this is thanks to Mañjuśrī. In other times, he was my master. In the past, countless buddhas were all disciples of Mañjuśrī, and the buddhas of the future equally will lead by his majesty and benevolence. Just as all the children of the world have a father and mother, so in the religion of the Buddha, Mañjuśrī is the father and mother.” Foshuo fangbo jing, T. 15.629.451a. 61 See Étienne Lamotte, “Mañjuśrī,” 5-8, for a partial list. 38 chapter two early in China: the Vimalakīrti-nirdeśa sūtra,62 the Lotus sūtra,63 and the Avataṃsaka sūtra.64 The Vimalakīrti sūtra focuses on a discussion of the Dharma, or Buddhist doctrine, between Mañjuśrī and the Indian layman Vimalakīrti. The Lotus sūtra reveals that Mañjuśrī was previously known as the Wonderfully Bright Bodhisattva (Miaoguang pusa 秒光菩薩), teacher of nine generations of buddhas, of whom Śākyamuni Buddha was the last. The bodhisattva converts the Dragon King and thousands of his followers, along with the king’s young daughter who achieves Buddha- hood. He also upheld and expounded this sūtra for sixty minor kalpas.65 In the Avataṃsaka sūtra, Śākyamuni Buddha presents Mañjuśrī as one of the chief expounders of the teachings. In its final chapter, the Gaṇḍavyūha, the bodhisattva plays a prominent part as the teacher of the youth Sudāna, who embarks on a quest of enlightenment. Mañjuśrī is also the chief subject of early translations of several other sūtras, such as the Wenshu shili wen pusa shu jing 文殊師利問菩薩署經, which was translated in the latter half of the second century by the Indo Scythian Lokakṣema支婁迦讖 (CE 147-185),66 who is thought to have in- troduced Mahāyāna Buddhism to China.67 The Foshuo Wenshu shili ban niepan jing 佛說文殊師利般涅槃經 (Mañjuśrī-parinirvāṇa sūtra) was translated at the end of the third century by the layman Nie Daozhen 聶道真.68 The bodhisattva is also the subject of several other sūtras, including the Wenshu shili xian baozang jing 文殊師利現寶藏經 (Ratnakāraṇ ḍavyūha sūtra), translated by Dharmarakṣa (231-c. 308),69 and the Wenshu shili wen puti jing 文殊師利問菩提經 (Gayāśīrṣa sūtra), translated by

62 The earliest translation of CE 188 by Yan Fotiao 嚴佛調 is no longer extant. The first rendition we have is by Zhi Qian 支謙, done between 222 and 229, under the title Foshuo Weimojie jing 佛說維摩詰經. The most popular translation was done by Kumārajīva in 406, the Weimojie suoshuo jing 維摩詰所說經. This scripture was also translated by Xuanzang in 650 as the Shuo wugoucheng jing 說無垢稱經 . 63 The two earliest translations of this sūtra were made in 286 by Dharmarakṣa, as the Zhengfa hua jing 正法華經, and in 406 by Kumārajīva, as the Miaofa lianhua jing 妙法蓮花經. 64 This sūtra was first translated by Buddhabhadra between 418 and 421 as the Dafang- guang Fo huayan jing 大方廣佛華嚴經. It was retranslated by Śiksānanda between 695 and 699. 65 Burton Watson, The Lotus Sutra, 16; Miaofa lianhua jing, T. 9.262.4a-b. 66 Wenshu shili wen pusa shu jing, T. 14.458. 67 Erik Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China: The Spread and Adaptation of Bud- dhism in Early Medieval China, third ed., 35-36. 68 Foshuo Wenshu shili ban niepan jing, T. 14.463. 69 Wenshu shili xian baozang jing, T. 14.461. the clear and cold 39

Kumārajīva (344-413).70 There are also sūtras devoted to Mañjuśrī that appeared later in China during the Tang at the height of the cult surrounding this bodhisattva, such as the Wenshu shili fabaozang tuoluoni jing 文殊師利法寶藏陀羅尼經 (Mañjuśrī-dharma-ratnagarbha-dhāraṇī sūtra), translated by the Indian monk Bodhiruci (672-727).71 Three Buddhist scriptures featuring Mañjuśrī are believed to prophesy Mañjuśrī’s appearance on Mount Wutai: Nie Daozhen’s translation of the Mañjuśrī–parinirvāṇa sūtra, Buddhabhadra’s translation of the Avataṃsaka sūtra, and Bodhiru- ci’s rendition of the Mañjuśrī-dharma-ratnagarbha-dhāraṇī sūtra. These works are quoted repeatedly in the Tang dynasty records of Mount Wutai. The Mañjuśrī–parinirvāṇa sūtra says that after the nirvāṇa of Śākyamuni Buddha, Mañjuśrī went to Snow Mountain (Xue shan 雪山) to preach the Dharma. The original Indian text clearly refers to the Himalayas, but the reputation of Mount Wutai as a mountain where the snow still falls in summer must have encouraged its subsequent association with Mañjuśrī. The sūtra further states that after his parinirvāṇa, Mañjuśrī was brought to Fragrant Mountain (Xiang shan 香山; Skt. Gandhamādana), a mythical mountain of the Himalayan chain. According to other Indian texts, this mountain chain had five peaks surrounding a great lake called Anavatap- ta.72 In the imagination of the Chinese Buddhists, Mount Wutai resembled the five-peaked mountain range associated with Mañjuśrī in the Indian texts, and they saw the Chinese mountain as four flat-topped peaks, or terraces, surrounding a fifth peak, although, in actuality, the mountains roughly form the shape of an arc. Mount Wutai was assigned a lake analogous to Anavatapta, called the Great Flower Pool (Tai hua chi 太華池), located in the center of the Mount Wutai range, on the Central Terrace. The chapter of the Avataṃsaka sūtra called “The Dwelling Places of the Bodhisattvas” provided additional scriptural justification for Mañjuśrī’s appearance on Mount Wutai. Huixiang quotes from the earlier Buddha bhadra translation, whereas Yanyi uses the Tang dynasty Śiksānanda translation, but the passage remains essentially the same: In the northeast there is a place called Clear and Cold Mountain. Since ancient times the bodhisattva assemblies have dwelled there. Now the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī lives there with his assembly of ten thousand bodhisattvas. He is constantly present to preach the Dharma.73

70 Wenshu shili wen puti jing, T. 14.464. 71 Wenshu shili fabaozang tuoluoni jing, T. 20.1185A. 72 Étienne Lamotte, “Mañjuśrī,” 34-35. 73 Dafangguang Fo huayan jing, T. 10.279.241b. See also T. 9.278.590a. 40 chapter two

Étienne Lamotte believes that this passage was added to Śiksānanda’s translation during the Tang dynasty, and Buddhabhadra’s earlier translation was also altered at that time. Although the original Sanskrit of the Avataṃsaka sūtra is lost, there is no such passage in the Tibetan version. Similar falsifications in this sūtra were later used to transform Mount Emei and Mount Putuo into Buddhist mountains.74 The Mañjuśrī-dharma-ratnagarbha-dhāraṇī sūtra reveals that Śākya muni Buddha declared after his death that Mañjuśrī will go to a country named Mahācīna (China, or Da zhen’na 大振那), to a mountain called Pañcaśikha (Five Peaks, or Wu Ding 五頂) to preach the Buddhist doctrine.75 Mañjuśrī is strongly associated with the number five. He has five hundred disciples; he is also called Pañcaśikha for his five tufts, or topknots, of hair, tied in the manner of a youth. This provides further justification for associating the bodhisattva with a five-peaked mountain range in China. Yanyi, in the Guang Qingliang zhuan, quotes from the Wenshu zhuan 文殊傳 (Record of Mañjuśrī) by Haidong 海東:76 “Wutai is none other than the throne of the Tathāgata of the five directions. It also resembles the five topknots on the bodhisattva’s head.”77 Yanyi quotes a passage in a similar spirit from the Huayan jing shu of Chengguan:78 The manifestation of the Five Wisdoms79 of our Great Sage already sur- rounds us. The Five Eyes80 have been cleansed. The true origin of all Five Groups81 is therefore the crown of the Five Buddhas82 that is worn on his head. The top of his head is divided into topknots of the Five Regions, con-

74 James Hargett, Stairway to Heaven: A Journey to the Summit of Mount Emei, 148-151. Chün-fang Yü, Kuan-yin: The Chinese Transformation of Avalokiteśvara, 354-355. 75 Wenshu shili fabaozang tuoluoni jing, T. 20.1185A.791c. 76 A monk of the Avataṃsaka sect. His monastic name, “East of the Ocean,” alludes to his Korean origin. He was also known as Yuanxiao 元曉 (fl. 617). 77 GuangQLZ, 1104a. 78 Ibid., 1104c. The original text, which differs slightly, is found in Chengguan, Dafang- guang Fo huayan jing shu, T. 35.1735.859c. 79 In esoteric Buddhism each buddha has five wisdoms: (1) Wisdom of the embodied nature of the dharmadhātu, (2) Wisdom of the great round mirror (i.e., it reflects all things), (3) Wisdom which regards all things universally and equally, (4) Wisdom of profound insight which explains everything and destroys all doubts, and (5) Wisdom for per- fecting oneself and others. 80 Human Eye, Deva Eye, Wisdom Eye, Dharma Eye and Buddha Eye. 81 This may refer to the five chief scriptures of the esoteric Buddhist canon, or to the five scriptures of the Mahāyāna canon. It may possibly also refer to the five groups of the Vajradhātu maṇḍala. 82 The Five Dhyāni-buddhas of the Vajradhātu and Garbhadhātu: Vairocana, Akṣobhya, Ratnasaṃbhava, Amitābha, and Śākyamuni. the clear and cold 41

veying the necessity of the Five Vehicles,83 and clarifying the misery of the Five Turbidities.84 The Sanskrit version of the Mañjuśrī-dharma-ratnagarbha-dhāraṇī sūtra is no longer extant, but the Tibetan version does not mention Mañjuśrī or Clear and Cold Mountain. Just as the Chinese translation of the Avataṃsaka sūtra was falsified to assign Mañjuśrī a dwelling place on Mount Wutai, this sūtra underwent a similar alteration to legitimize the bodhisattva’s long tenure on the mountain.85 This was part of a larger attempt to recreate the Indian Buddhist cosmos in China, and to integrate Buddhism into Chinese culture. One of the bolder attempts at integration of the Mañjuśrī cult into some of the most ancient legends surrounding Mount Wutai appears in the Guang Qingliang zhuan, when, in a discussion of the Southern Terrace, Yanyi declares that the legendary Sage King Yao (r. 2357-2256 BCE) had experienced a vision of Mañjuśrī: In the south is Moored Boat Mountain. On top is the Bronze Ring, and the Boat Axle still exists. Long ago, when Yao encountered the Flood, he moored his boat there. Legends say Yao saw Mañjuśrī appear on the Southern Ter- race.86 The earliest records of Mount Wutai, such as the Gu Qingliang zhuan, also quote extensively from the Mañjuśrī-parinirvāṇa sūtra. This scripture, translated below in its entirety, is significant to the study of the development of the legends surrounding Mañjuśrī’s activities on Mount Wutai.

The Mañjuśrī-parinirvāṇa sūtra

Thus have I heard. At one time, the Buddha dwelt in the kingdom of Śrāvāstī at Jetavana in the garden of Anāthapiṇḍada, together with a large community of eight thousand bhikṣus, led by the venerables Śāriputra, Mahāmaud galyāyana, Mahākāśyapa, Mahākātyāyana, and others. There were also more than sixteen bodhisattva-mahāsattvas, and one thousand bodhisattvas of the

83 The Five Vehicles, or methods, which are used to teach the Dharma and which produce five different results: (1) By following the five precepts, one achieves rebirth in the human realm; (2) By practicing the ten forms of good action, one is reborn in the realm of the devas; (3) By practicing the four noble truths, one is reborn among the śrāvakas; (4) By practicing the twelve nidānas, one is reborn among the pratyeka-buddhas; (5) By practicing the six pāramitās, one is reborn among the buddhas and bodhisattvas. 84 The five kaṣāya periods of turbidity, or chaos. They began when the human lifespan decreased to less than 20,000 years. 85 Étienne Lamotte, “Mañjuśrī,” 74-82. 86 GuangQLZ, 1105b. 42 chapter two

bhadrakalpa87 led by Maitreya. There were also twelve hundred bodhisattvas of other regions led by Avalokiteśvara. At that time, during the last watch of the night the World Honored One entered into the samādhi88 of Complete Light. As soon as he entered samādhi, his body glowed with golden light. This light greatly illuminated Jetavana and made it a golden color. It orbited around and reflected upon the home of Mañjuśrī, where it transformed itself into a seven-story golden terrace with five hundred nirmāṇabuddhas89 passing on each of the stories. At that time, the front of Mañjuśrī’s home was naturally transformed into five hundred lotus flowers with seven jewels, as round as carriage wheels, with silvery white stems, leaves of yellow gold, corollas of emerald and sapphire, and stamens of real pearls in a variety of colors. They shone brightly on the temple of the Buddha, and then returned to the home of Mañjuśrī. At that time there was a bodhisattva-mahāsattva named Bhadrapāla in the assembly. With this auspicious manifestation, Bhadrapāla left home to pay reverence at the temple of the Buddha. When he arrived at the home of Ānanda, he said, “You should know that tonight the World Honored One will manifest his divine characteristics, and for the great benefit of sentient beings he will preach the marvelous Dharma. You must ring the bell.” At that time, Ānanda answered, “Mahāsattva, the World Honored One is now in deep concentration. I was not given a decree to call the assembly.” When he spoke these words, Śāriputra appeared and told him, “Disciple, this is the proper time to call the assembly.” At that time, Ānanda entered the temple and paid reverence to the Buddha. He had not yet raised his head, when suddenly a voice cried out from the sky telling him to call the assembly of monks at once. When Ānanda heard this, he was filled with great joy, and he rang the bell to call the assembly. The sound filled the kingdom of Śrāvāstī, and was heard in the highest realm. Śakra, Brahmā, the four Lokapāla kings and countless devaputras, all with heavenly flowers and perfumes, went to Jetavana. At that time, the World Honored One arose from his samādhi, and smiled. A five-colored ray of light came from his mouth, and when this light emerged from the temple at Jetavana, it transformed into vaiḍūrya.90 At that time, the Dharma King’s son,91 Mañjuśrī, entered the temple and paid reverence to the Buddha. Five lotus flowers emerged from each of his knees. When Mañjuśrī joined his hands together before the Buddha, ten thousand golden lotus flowers sprang from the tips of his fingers and the lines of his palms, which he

87 The present period. One kalpa equals 4,320,000,000 years. 88 Perfect contemplation, in which the meditator is in perfect union with the object of his contemplation. 89 A transformed Buddha. Buddhas and bodhisattvas may transform their appearance at will. 90 Chin. liuli 琉璃: lapis lazuli, one of the seven precious jewels of the Buddhists. In Chinese texts from the Han through the Tang, it may also refer to a clear or colored glass. See Raoul Birnbaum, The Healing Buddha, 65-66. 91 “Dharma king’s son” has the same meaning as bodhisattva. the clear and cold 43

scattered on the Buddha, and which were then transformed into a great parasol with seven jewels92 and pendant streamers. The countless buddhas and bodhisattvas of the ten directions appeared in the center of the parasol. They circled the Buddha seven times, and then sat to the side. At that time, Bhadrapāla arose from his seat, and adjusted his clothing to pay reverence to the Buddha. He bowed down and joined his palms towards the Buddha, and told him, “World Honored One, this is the Son of the Dhar- ma King Mañjuśrī. He has already been near to a million buddhas, and remains in this world93 to do the work of the Buddha. He transforms his appearance and manifests himself in the ten directions, and then after many kalpa he will attain parinirvāṇa.” The Buddha told Bhadrapāla, “This Mañjuśrī has great compassion. He was born in this kingdom in the village of Uttara at the house of the Brahmin Brahmadatta. At the time of his birth, his room transformed into a lotus flower, and he issued from the right flank of his mother. His body was the color of purple gold. He could talk as soon as he set foot on the ground, resembling a divine child. A seven-jeweled parasol accompanied him, shielding his head. He visited the hermits and sought the Dharma of the monk. The ninety-five kinds of Brahmins and the masters of the Upadeśa94 could not respond. Only I, who became a monk and studied the Doctrine, could. He dwelled in the śūraṅgama samādhi,95 and through its power, in the ten directions he manifested himself first to be born, then to be a monk, to reach nirvāṇa, and to enter parinirvāṇa. He manifested himself to divide his relics96 for the benefit of sentient beings. In this way the Mahāsattva dwelled for a long time in the śūraṅgama samādhi. “Mañjuśrī will go to Snow Mountain, 450 years after the nirvāṇa of the Buddha. He will preach to the five hundred hermits, and widely proclaim the twelve divisions of the Canon. He will convert and mature the five hundred hermits, and cause them not to recede.97 He will make images of the bhikṣu with the hermit saints. Then, soaring into the air, he will return to his native land. In a desolate marsh, seated cross-legged under a banyan tree, he will enter the śūraṅgama samādhi, and through its power golden light will ema- nate from the pores of his skin. This light will illuminate all directions of the world and will save those who have an affinity.98 The five hundred hermits will all see fiery light issue from the pores of their skin. “At this time, the body of Mañjuśrī is like a mountain of purple gold. He is sixty feet tall, and is surrounded by a majestic nimbus. Within the circle are

92 Gold, silver, lapis lazuli, crystal, agate, rubies, and carnelian. There are variations of this list. 93 The world of transmigration. 94 Discourses on Buddhist dogma. 95 “Heroic valor” samādhi was attained by the higher bodhisattvas. It bestowed a kind of omniscience. 96 Ashes and bones left after cremation. 97 That is, not to be reborn, and to go straight to nirvāṇa. 98 To the Buddha. 44 chapter two

five hundred nirmāṇabuddhas, each attended by five nirmāṇabodhisattvas. Mañjuśrī’s crown is majestically adorned with jewels of five hundred colors. Within each color appears the sun, the moon, the stars, and the palaces of devas and nāgas. All the things that the sentient beings of the world wish to see appear within. Between his eyebrows is a tuft of white hair,99 revolving to the right, from which flows the nirmāṇabuddhas who have entered the web of light. Their entire bodies shine, flaming in succession. In each flame are five maṇi pearls,100 and each maṇi pearl is distinguished by a different light and a different color. Within all these colors, the buddhas and bodhisatt vas appear. It is impossible to describe. In their left hands, they grasp an alms bowl; in their right hands they hold up the canon of the Mahāyāna. “When Mañjuśrī has manifested these marks, the lights and flames are extinguished, and he transforms himself into an image made of vaiḍūrya. On his left arm are the ten marks of the Buddha, and within each mark are ten buddha images with their names clearly written. On his right arm are the seven marks of the Buddha, and within each mark are seven buddha images with their names clearly written. Inside his body in the region of the heart is an image made of pure gold. Six feet high and visible on four sides, it sits cross-legged on a lotus flower.” The Buddha said to Bhadrapāla, “This Mañjuśrī has countless divine powers and countless transformations which cannot be described. Now I will briefly speak of the blind sentient beings of the future generations. What- ever sentient being but hears the name of Mañjuśrī will do away with the sins of twelve hundred thousand kalpas of birth and death. Whoever pays reverence to Mañjuśrī will be continually reborn in the buddha families, existence after existence. Sentient beings will be protected by the awesome spirit of Mañjuśrī. Whoever thinks diligently of the image of Mañjuśrī, and thinks of the Dharma of the image of Mañjuśrī, will think foremost of the image of vaiḍūrya. Whoever thinks of the image of vaiḍūrya, will become as I have described above. One by one they will gaze upon him and all become intelligent. Whoever cannot see him should know the Śūraṅgama sūtra and call the name of Mañjuśrī. Within seven days, Mañjuśrī will come to them. Who- ever is obstructed by their past actions should see him in a dream. Whoever dreams of him, if he seeks the śrāvaka,101 through seeing Mañjuśrī he can become a śrota-āpanna up to an anāgāmin.102 If a monk sees Mañjuśrī, he will in a day or night become an arhat. If there is one who has profound faith in the Vaipulya sūtras,103 while he is meditating it is this Son of the Dharma King who will explain the truth and cause him to obtain the profound dharma. Whoever has a very troubled mind, while he is dreaming Mañjuśrī will

99 Skt. ūrṇā: one of the thirty-two marks of the Buddha. 100 Symbol of the Buddha. 101 Literally, “he has heard the Buddha,” a disciple. 102 Hinayāna saints: śrota-āpanna is one who goes against the stream of transmigration, and is the first stage of the arhat, that of a śrāvaka. Anāgāmin is the non-returning arhat, who will be reborn in the rūpa and arūpa heavens where he will attain nirvāṇa. 103 Literally, the “equal sūtras,” this term refers to the Mahāyāna sūtras in general. the clear and cold 45

explain the truth and cause him to become firm and stable. No one who achieves the highest Doctrine can recede.” The Buddha told Bhadrapāla, “This Son of the Dharma King Mañjuśrī, whoever thinks of him and pays reverence to him, and cultivates acts of merit, Mañjuśrī will transform his body. He will appear before those who are poor, orphaned and miserable. Whoever thinks of Mañjuśrī will act with a compassionate mind. Those who act with a compassionate mind can see Mañjuśrī. This is why sages should contemplate the truth of Mañjuśrī’s thirty-two major marks and eighty notable physical characteristics. Those who practice this contemplation, through the power of the śūraṅgama, will quickly see Mañjuśrī. These contemplatives are called true contemplatives. The other contemplatives are called false contemplatives. “After the Buddha’s nirvāṇa, all sentient beings that are able to hear Mañjuśrī’s name and see his image will not fall into evil doctrines for 100,000 kalpas. Those who retain and recite the name of Mañjuśrī will not fall into the cruel fire of Avīci Hell,104 despite serious obstacles. They will always be reborn in the pure lands of other regions. They will meet the Buddha, hear the Dharma, and achieve the Dharma patience of non-birth.” When the Buddha spoke these words, the five hundred bhikṣus “distanced themselves from the dust and separated from the filth” and became arhats, and countless devas emanated bodhicitta105 and vowed always to follow Mañjuśrī. At that time, Bhadrapāla and the others asked the Buddha, “World Hon- ored One, who should erect the seven-jeweled stūpas for Mañjuśrī’s relics?” The Buddha replied, “Fragrant Mountain has eight great spirits. They should place them on the diamond summit of Fragrant Mountain. The countless devas, nāgas, and yakṣas will come continually to honor him. When the great assembly is convened, his image will constantly shine its light, and this light will preach the dharmas of sadness, emptiness, transitoriness, and self- lessness. Bhadrapāla, this Son of the Dharma King has a body which cannot be destroyed. Today I have spoken with you. Remember it well and widely proclaim it to all sentient beings.” When the Buddha had spoken these words, Bhadrapāla, the great bodhisattvas, Śāriputra, the great śrāvakas, devas, nāgas, and the eight-fold assembly were overjoyed by the words of the Buddha. They paid reverence to the Buddha and withdrew.106 We shall see that this scripture contains many of the motifs and beliefs which become associated with Mount Wutai’s Mañjuśrī cult. These ideas are reflected in the records of Huixiang, Ennin, Yanyi, and other Buddhist writers, and also in the poetry of Mount Wutai. The Mañjuśrī-parinirvāṇa

104 The lowest of the Buddhist hells. 105 The enlightened mind of a buddha or bodhisattva. 106 Foshuo Wenshu shili ban niepan jing, T. 14.463.480b-481b. See Étienne Lamotte, “Mañjuśrī,” 35-39, for his French translation, which I have consulted. 46 chapter two sūtra describes the divine powers and countless manifestations and transformations of the bodhisattva, and this belief is reflected in the extraordinary appearances of the bodhisattva on Mount Wutai. This sūtra emphasizes the nirmāṇakāya aspect of Mahāyāna Buddhism: the idea that a buddha or bodhisattva can take any shape to preach the Buddhist doctrine.107

Mount Wutai as a Manifestation of the Buddhist Doctrine

As was earlier noted in the Gu Qingliang zhuan, by the fourth century CE Mount Wutai was known as the dwelling place of transcendents, and had a reputation as an extraordinary place emitting purple vapors. With the arrival of Buddhism, it must have readily presented itself as an ideal landscape for the nirmāṇakāya activities of the buddhas and bodhisattvas. However, Mount Wutai was not merely the stage for the activities of divine beings; the mountain itself became known as a manifestation of the Dhar- ma. Besides possessing a legendary history of divine apparitions dating back to ancient times, Mount Wutai’s imposing physical appearance probably also contributed to its reputation as a mountain worthy to be the dwelling place of the bodhisattva. The Japanese monk Ennin described the mountain in great detail in his diary, including this dramatic observation of the view from the Southern Terrace: Facing north on the summit, one looks into the distance at four terraces in succession before one’s eyes. If one turns one’s head, one gazes at all five summits, surpassing the other peaks in circumference and altitude. Thick forests of pine trees of different heights rise up from the thousands of peaks and hundreds of ridges. Below the five summits are deep gorges and remote valleys, whose bottoms cannot be seen. One only hears the sounds of water from the hidden springs and mountain torrents. Extraordinary birds soar and wheel above the peaks, winging high above, yet few fly over the terrace summits. The five peaks encompass more than five hundred li. Beyond them are a series of tall peaks extending in four directions, and crowding around the five terraces for about one thousand li. Their sharp points and edges encircle like a heavy brazier. There are countless rows of peaks and valleys. Furthermore, if one enters Wutai from the east, one must go into the mountains and valleys for five hundred li, climbing up to the summits of pre-

107 Mahāyāna Buddhism speaks of the trikāya (sanshen 三身), or three bodies of the Buddha: (1) dharmakāya (fashen 法身), the true form (zishen 自身) of the Buddha; (2) sambhogakāya (baoshen 報身), the body he receives for his own use (shouyong 受用); (3) nirmāṇakāya (huashen 化身), the body of transformation (bianhua 變化). the clear and cold 47

cipitous slopes, and down to the bottoms of deep valleys, taking seven days to reach Mount Wutai. From the other three directions and the four cardi- nal points, one must also travel far through the mountains and valleys before reaching the five terraces. One truly knows that Mount Wutai is at the center of thousands of peaks.108 Interestingly, Ennin also quotes an Indian monk, who long ago had visited the mountain and remarked that he felt as though he were gazing upon Gandhamādana itself: “When I was in the Western Region, I lived on Fra- grant Mountain for a long time. Now, having come here, I again see Fra- grant Mountain. Has it suddenly appeared here?”109 By Ennin’s time, the Mañjuśrī cult had reached its apogee at Mount Wutai. He relates the many appearances in various forms of the bodhisatt va, both ancient and recent, and traces Mañjuśrī’s association with the mountain back to the six mythical predecessors of the historical Buddha Śākyamuni.110 Ennin himself sought a manifestation of the bodhisattva on the Southern Terrace, and was rewarded with the appearance of a holy lamp, literally the “lamp of the sage” (shengdeng 聖燈).111 The Japanese monk also visited an octagonal pagoda, below which, it was believed, was buried the legendary stūpa of King Aśoka.112 Both Huixiang and Yanyi considered the mountain itself to be a manifestation of the Buddhist doctrine. The Gu Qingliang zhuan quotes from the Kuodi zhi 括地志 (The Description Encompassing the Earth), a Tang geography: This mountain has coiled layers of lush peaks, twisted and winding paths, numinous peaks and divine gorges. Those who are not petty or vulgar are able to stay. Those who remain are all gentlemen who rest in meditation. The streams are profound thoughts, and the thunder is the sound of the Dharma. The surrounding fragrant mist is a mind of compassion and enlightenment. It is deeply remote from the self. Those who first journeyed to this mountain did not return.113 From earliest times, the Chinese engaged in the worship of nature spirits and saw the mountains as the abode of the gods, and a source of precious substances from which immortality could be achieved. The Daoists saw nature as the embodiment of the Dao and built their retreats in the mountains, which they considered to be the fullest expression of the divine. It

108 NGJG, 3:95-96. 109 Ibid., 3:29. 110 Ibid., 3:63-64. 111 Ibid., 3:97-98. 112 Ibid., 3:5. 113 GuQLZ, 1093a. 48 chapter two was perhaps inevitable that when the nature worshippers of China encountered the mythical dwelling places of the bodhisattvas in the Indian Buddhist scriptures, a beautiful and mysterious mountain such as Mount Wutai should become identified with the profundity of the Buddhist faith. To the medieval Chinese Buddhist pilgrim, it was unnecessary to travel to India to encounter the Buddhist doctrine; the experience could be obtained firsthand at Mount Wutai. As Huixiang114 perceptively commented: “We are all children in a burning house.115 How can we forget it? The official Zhang Qian searched for the source of the river in Dayuan,116 and the Bud- dhist monk Faxian sought saṃbodhi in India.117 How much closer is Shenzhou?”118 The divine could not be expressed in words and was therefore incapable of being understood rationally, but it might be realized through a stay on a mountain such as Mount Wutai. Nowhere is this attitude more clearly expressed than in the popular Buddhist poetry of the Dunhuang manuscripts, which celebrated Mount Wutai as the paradise, or gold-colored world, of the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī. In these poems, we can begin to sense the spiritual revelations that the mountain promised for the medieval Chi- nese Buddhist pilgrim. In his 1164 preface to a Jin dynasty edition of the collected Gu Qingliang zhuan, Guang Qingliang zhuan, and Xu Qingliang zhuan, Yao Xiaoxi 姚孝錫, a scholar-official who retired at Mount Wutai, wrote that the mountain, and by extension the Qingliang records, generated a spiritual literature which inspired others not so fortunate as to visit Mañjuśrī’s pure land. From this came a flow of other transcendental discourses as eminent and perspicacious men wrote poems, hymns, encomia, and psalms which were appended to the famous Records. As this splendid tapestry of words, arrayed like a constellation of stars or a string of jewels, circulated throughout the world, persons all over China who could not themselves visit the mystic peaks and witness in person the traces of the sage could yet open these

114 Ibid., 1093b. 115 The burning house appears in the third chapter of the Lotus sūtra, and refers to this world of illusion from which we must be rescued. Burton Watson, The Lotus Sutra, 47-79; Miaofa lianhua jing, T. 9.262.10b-16b. 116 Zhang Qian 張騫 was an official of the Western Han sent by Emperor Wu (r. 140-85 BCE) to various border lands, including Dayuan (Ferghana). 117 Faxian 法顯 (CE c. 340-c. 420) was the author of Foguo ji 佛國記 (A Record of Bud- dhist Kingdoms), an account of his journey to India. Saṃbodhi means “the omniscience of a buddha,” and refers to perfect enlightenment. 118 Shenzhou 神州 is another name for China. the clear and cold 49

volumes, scan their words, and thus be naturally moved to self-reflection and conversion, their minds all the more firmly fixed on goodness.119

Early Chinese Poetry on Mount Wutai

It is difficult to know when the first Buddhist poem was written about Mount Wutai, but it is useful to examine two early examples of poems written by Buddhist monks. These seem to indicate that there were two distinct types of popular Buddhist poems, which are also reflected in the Mount Wutai poems found in the Dunhuang manuscripts. The first type is a religious poem, known as a zan, derived from the stotra, an Indian verse form which may be translated as “hymn of praise,” or “eulogy.” The second type is a ge 歌 (song), which has religious imagery but also seems to be strongly influenced by early Chinese landscape and recluse poetry. Both types were collected by Yanyi in his Guang Qingliang zhuan. Yanyi has recorded Zhidun’s poem on Mañjuśrī.120

Eulogy on an Image of Mañjuśrī Small, small is the kumāra-bhūta,121 As a youth he began his studies. He embodies courage and emanates refinement, He ascends the profound and walks on the mountain peak. His spirit uses the Doctrine to rule, His substance uses the Void to comprehend. On a wave of transformation, he journeys in the ten directions, And leaves his lofty traces. Vestiges of his sparkling light are shining, And have reached this country. His thoughts turn toward the profound craftsman,122 He only reverences him in complete stillness. In divine aspirations he surpasses his generation, Which have scattered in this mound of dust.123 文殊像讚眇眇童真。弱齡啟蒙。含英吐秀。登玄履峰。神以道王。體以沖通。浪化遊方。乃軌高蹤。

119 Robert M. Gimello, “Wu-t’ai Shan during the Early Chin Dynasty: The Testimony of Chu Pien,” Chung-Hwa Buddhist Journal 7 (July 1994): 514-515. XuQLZ, 1127a. The referenced verse forms are the shi 詩, song 頌, zan 讚, and ji 偈. 120 GuangQLZ, 1125b. 121 The “young man” or “royal prince,” an epithet of Mañjuśrī. 122 Śākyamuni Buddha. 123 This mortal world. 50 chapter two

流光遺映。爰暨茲邦。思對淵匠。靖一惟恭。靈襟絕代。庶落塵封。 This poem is significant because it indicates that the Mañjuśrī cult had already begun in the fourth century. Many of the motifs that will appear in the Dunhuang set of Mount Wutai poems are already apparent here. Al- though Mount Wutai is not specifically mentioned, the bodhisattva is depicted as walking on a mountain peak. He is also portrayed as leaving behind his lofty traces, and as an agent of divine light. Mañjuśrī is depicted as a youth, which is typical of his appearance in the Indian texts. However, in the Mount Wutai poetry found in the Dunhuang manuscripts, we shall see that the bodhisattva is most often seen as an old man. Zhidun already felt cut off from the original teachings of the Buddha, and therefore was compelled to imply the Dharma was not easy to find: “scattered in this mound of dust.” The Eastern Jin court was located in Nanjing. Luoyang had been lost to the Xiongnu in CE 311 and Chang’an fell in 316. Zhidun may have seen the decline of Buddhism in China foretold in the loss of the Buddhist monasteries in the former northern capitals. But such a pessimistic view came from prophecies in the Indian scriptures that were transformed in China into a theory of three periods of the Buddhist teachings. It was commonly believed that one thousand years after the death of the Buddha, the period of the Final Dharma would begin.124 That decline became a reality in 574, when Emperor Wu of the Northern Zhou began his persecution of Buddhism. This event probably contributed to the importance of Mount Wutai as a unique spiritual site where the bo dhisattva and the teachings of the Buddha could be directly experienced. The biography of the Meditation Master Sengming 僧明禪師 (561-642) appears in the Xu gaoseng zhuan,125 which records he was a monk at the Sahā Temple (Suopo si 娑婆寺)126 but originally had been at the Bright

124 Chinese Buddhists divided the state of Buddhist teachings into three periods: (1) zhengfa 正法 (True Dharma), lasting 500 (or 1,000) years after the death of Śākyamuni Buddha during which time one could attain enlightenment; (2) xiangfa 像法 (Semblance Dharma), lasting 1,000 (or 500) years in which Buddhism is practiced, but few can attain enlightenment; (3) mofa 末法 (Final Dharma), lasting 10,000 years, during which time Buddhism is barely practiced and no one can achieve enlightenment. After this time, Mai- treya will appear to renew the Buddhist teachings. As these three time periods are incon- sistent in different texts, I have given the two most commonly quoted sets of numbers. For a comprehensive discussion, see Jan Nattier, Once Upon a Future Time: Studies in a Bud- dhist Prophecy of Decline, 65-118. 125 Daoxuan, Xu gaoseng zhuan, T. 50.2060.664c-665a. 126 A temple on the Southern Terrace. the clear and cold 51

Fruit Temple (Zhaoguo si 昭果寺),127 and had lived on Mount Wutai from the age of seventeen. One day, in search of Mañjuśrī, he came upon a stone valley, in which he saw a stone mortar and a wooden pestle, and two large men without shadows. They had long eyebrows which concealed their eyes. Sengming made prostrations and asked to be saved. Then another large man appeared, dressed in robes of tree bark, who told the monk to follow him to a temple. They walked to the side of a giant stone, and he suddenly saw a mountain valley in which appeared a heavenly palace, with a good number of people talking and laughing. When he later tried to return, he could not find his way. Daoxuan records that he returned to his former temple, and later died in the sixteenth year of Zhenguan (642) at the age of eighty-one. Sengming is also briefly mentioned in Daoxuan’s Ji Shenzhou sanbao gantong lu, in what appears to be a separate encounter with the bodhisattva: “Recently there was the Meditation Master Seng- ming, who lived on the mountain for over thirty years. He also encountered the transcendent sage flying through the clouds.”128 A poem attributed to him is preserved in Yanyi’s Guang Qingliang zhuan along with this brief introduction: “Long ago, the Meditation Master Sengming dwelled here for more than thirty years. He also encountered a divine transcendent who flew through the air and then disappeared, merely a cicada shedding his skin.” Song of the Meditation Master Sengming The Southern Terrace is a beautiful peak, The dragon spirits have taken refuge.129 Plentiful are the spring clouds, Icy is the summer rain. The monks and laymen pay reverence, They lose their thirst and forget their weariness. What sin is not destroyed? What merit is not nourished? I lie down in the Stone Fissure, I sit on the Divine Tortoise. Bodhisattva hemp is the staff of the dragons, Luofu grass binds the robes of the meditators.130 Dwelling in the cliffs is to calm one’s worries,

127 A temple in Wutai county. 128 Daoxuan, Ji Shenzhou sanbao gantong lu, T. 52.2106.425a. 129 To have taken refuge (in the three jewels of the Buddha, Dharma and the Sangha) means one has become a Buddhist. 130 The Luofu grass may refer to Mount Luofu, a mountain sacred to the Daoists that is located in Guangdong province. 52 chapter two

Walking on the peaks is to search for the master. To eat the pines prolongs one’s wisdom, To dine on chrysanthemums dispels one’s hunger. I preach the prajñā,131 And intend to practice the dhyāna of the master.132 I observe the dragon mother, And also see the dragon son. The family bestows the white herb, And I forever leave suffering behind. 故僧明禪師歌南臺秀峙。龍神歸依。春雲靄靄。夏雨霏霏。黑白瞻禮。失渴忘疲。何罪不滅。何福不滋。臥於石罅。而坐神龜。菩薩麻充其龍枝。羅浮草結作禪衣。居巖崿兮靜慮。履山巔兮尋師。餐松長智餌。菊除飢講。說般若志。行禪師再。睹龍母。又見龍兒。家施白藥。永離苦衰。133 Sengming’s poem and the surrounding legend present Mount Wutai as a synthesis of Daoist and Buddhist ideas about the mountain, or what Terry Kleeman calls “the unified sacred realm.”134 We sometimes see the mountain portrayed in a similar manner in the Mount Wutai poems. In the poem, the mountain itself is a manifestation of Buddhist doctrine, and is therefore worshipped, but we also see Daoist themes, such as the ingestion of magical plants to achieve immortality and the transcendent who is able to transform his earthly body. The bodhisattva Mañjuśrī is not even mentioned; rather, the divine wonders of the mountain itself are emphasized. Sengming visits some of the famous attractions of the area, such as the Stone Fissure and Divine Tortoise which are later listed by Yanyi as two of the nine numinous traces of the Southern Terrace.135 He also alludes to an old Daoist story about the Southern Terrace, which appears in the Gu Qing liang zhuan. Huixiang recounts the legend of Xianhua shan 仙花山

131 The Prajñā School was the dominant school of Chinese Buddhism from the end of the Han through the fourth century. Its chief tenet was that understanding of the emptiness of all phenomena will lead to prajñā, or the wisdom of non-duality. Sengming might also be referring to the prajñā sūtras. 132 The Dhyāna School, which emphasized control of the mind through concentration, was the school opposed to the Prajñā School during the Han and Six Dynasties Period. These schools later merged. 133 GuangQLZ, 1106b. 134 Terry Kleeman, “Mountain Deities in China: The Domestication of the Mountain God and the Subjugation of the Margins,” 238. 135 GuangQLZ, 1106b. No description is given of either site. the clear and cold 53

(Transcendent Flower Mountain), near the Southern Terrace, with pines, rocks and chrysanthemums as far as the eye could see. It was there long ago that a man achieved immortality by eating chrysanthemums. The “dragon mother” refers to a Buddhist legend about a divine site on the Southern Terrace, called the Holy Mound of the Dragon Palace (Long- gong shengdui 龍宮聖堆), which appears in the Qingliang shan zhi: “Long ago near the Sahā Temple, there was a dragon mother who heard the Dhar- ma and was converted. At that time, a dragon pool bubbled forth creating a mound. This is the reason for its name.”136 The dragon spirits, who probably lived on the mountain from ancient times, have been converted to Buddhism with the arrival of Mañjuśrī. We shall see in the Dunhuang Mount Wutai poems that the dragon cult on Mount Wutai was strongly associated with the bodhisattva. Although the poet is a Buddhist monk, at the poem’s end his suffering is relieved, not through a divine revelation leading to nirvāṇa but through an herb bestowed by the dragons. Medicinal plants which bring about enlightenment are also included in the legends of Mount Wutai.

The Mount Wutai Poetry of the Dunhuang Manuscripts

The Mount Wutai poetry found in the Dunhuang manuscripts shares the two currents of religious and landscape or mountain poetry embodied in these earlier poems of the Buddhist monks Zhidun and Sengming. Some of the more ambitious of the Dunhuang poems attempt to merge both currents. The Dunhuang poems also demonstrate a higher degree of integration of Buddhist ideas and a more sophisticated grasp of Buddhist doctrine. They reflect the fullest development of the Mañjuśrī cult on Mount Wutai and the complete transformation of the mountain into a Buddhist sacred site. The language of these Dunhuang poems also differs from the earlier poems and from the kind of Buddhist poetry more commonly associated with Tang dynasty poetry, which was that of the Chan sect of Chinese Buddhism. The Dunhuang poetry of Mount Wutai exhibits neither the profound restraint of Wang Wei nor the revelatory simplicity of Han- shan, but often shares the ornateness of the Han rhapsody, the complexity of the Verses of Chu, and the mysticism of Dark Learning verse. These popular Buddhist poems owe a great debt to medieval Chinese Buddhism, particularly to the philosophy and symbolism of the Avataṃsaka

136 QLSZ, 21. 54 chapter two sect. The aesthetic of these poems very much reflects the elaborate language of the Avataṃsaka sūtra. As the sūtra teaches the simultaneity of all phenomena, the poems of Mount Wutai are crowded with sensation. As the sūtra expounds upon the interdependent nature of all phenomena, the poems of Mount Wutai see relationships between seemingly disparate events. As the sūtra propounds the theory that all things can be perceived within a single thought, the poems of Mount Wutai leap easily from concept to concept. However, other schools, such as the Tiantai and Pure Land sects, and their respective sūtras, the Lotus sūtra and Amitābha sūtra, also strongly influenced the poetry written about Mount Wutai. The Dunhuang poems on Mount Wutai reflect the legends surrounding Mañjuśrī as related in the Buddhist scriptures. They also allude to many of the divine events chronicled in the records of the Buddhist monks Hui xiang, Ennin, Yanyi, and others. Yanyi’s Guang Qingliang zhuan is especially helpful, as he composed a list by terrace of the most important ancient temples, Tang dynasty temples, divine sites, and medicinal plants. The numinous traces listed in these records were the sites of miraculous happenings associated with Mañjuśrī or other extraordinary beings. They were also often the re-creation of sacred locations found in the Indian scriptures, from the Buddhist heavens to hells.137 As they are mentioned repeatedly in the Mount Wutai poems, they must also have been important pilgrimage sites.

137 GuangQLZ, 1105b-1106c. the clear and cold 55 56 chapter two

Figure 3. The Central Terrace. Mount Wutai. Dunhuang Cave 61. Photograph: Dunhuang Research Academy. the hall of the great sage 57

CHAPTER THREE

THE HALL OF THE GREAT SAGE: SONGS OF MOUNT WUTAI

The “Songs of Mount Wutai” are found in five manuscripts of the Dun- huang collection: (1) P. 3360, “Da Tang Wutai shan quzi wushou jizai sumozhe” 大唐五臺山曲子五首寄在蘇莫遮, which contains six poems despite its title; (2) S. 0467, “Wutai shan quzi liu shou” 五臺山曲子六首, which also contains six poems; (3) S. 2080, untitled, comprising the last line of the first poem and the second through fifth poems, in the first half of a scroll now separated from (4) S. 4012, also untitled, which contains the sixth poem; and (5) S. 2985, untitled, which contains three poems.1 In its broadest definition, the Dunhuang quzi ci 曲子詞, the style of the “Songs of Mount Wutai,” are ci, using long and short lines paired with a tune which may be Chinese or foreign in origin. Sun Qifang, in his article on the ci and Foqu, states that the Dunhuang quzi are essentially ci.2 They were composed to existing music, so the music determined the lyrics. Of- ten dancers accompanied the performance. As was common in popular poetry, the use of rhyme and the number of syllables per line were not fixed. The tunes belonged to the category of court music known as yanyue 燕樂 (“music for entertainment”), which by the time of Emperor Xuan- zong included melodies of foreign origin. Many of these tune-titles were collected in the Jiaofang ji 教坊記, a record of court music dating from the Kaiyuan era (713-742). The term quzi ci refers to songs with either worldly or Buddhist content. Simply put, Foqu is the term used for such songs when they have some Buddhist-influenced component, but arriving at a precise definition is far more complicated. The “Songs” comprise six poems in the most complete manuscripts, P. 3360 and S. 0467: a prefatory poem and one poem for each of the five terraces. The title of P. 3360 reveals they are set in sumozhe 蘇莫遮, a tune pattern of the ci, which dates from the Tang dynasty. According to Ren Bantang, the sumozhe was originally a seven-syllable quatrain, but it

1 S. 2985 also appears as T. 85.2830B, under the title “Daoan fashi nian Fo zanwen” 道安法師念佛讚文. 2 Sun Qifang, “Ci fu Foqu,” in Dunhuang wenxue, ed. Zhou Shaoliang, 196-216. 58 chapter three appears to have evolved to a variable number of syllables per line.3 Each of the “Songs” consists of fourteen lines with seven lines of 3-3r/4-5r/7r/4-5r. Ren believes these songs are daqu 大曲, a form of entertainment using music, words, and dance. Daqu on Buddhist themes are called Foqu. Sun Qifang divides the Foqu into three types. (1) Fanbei 梵唄 (Sanskrit recitation), which is essentially a Chinese translation of a Sanskrit text. It relies upon the Sanskrit words and prosody, and does not use the yanyue of the quzi ci. (2) Quzi which borrow Indian melodies, but do not have Buddhist content. The melody is associated with Buddhism, but the lyrics might be concerned with love. (3) Quzi which use the yanyue, but have Buddhist themes. Using Sun’s definition of a Buddhist canto, the “Songs of Mount Wutai” fall under the third category. The content of the songs is Buddhist, but the melody is not, as sumozhe is a tune from the Tang Jiao- fang ji.4 Most likely these songs were performed at the monasteries at Mount Wutai.5 Only S. 4012 is dated, to the fourth year of Tiancheng (929). How- ever, Ren Bantang dates the composition of these works to the High Tang,6 whereas Jao Tsong-yi 饒宗頤7 and Xiang Chu 項楚8 think they originated in the Late Tang. The first, prefatory poem celebrates the mountain as the sacred dwelling place of the bodhisattvas and other divine beings. Each of the remaining five poems describes famous sites on a single terrace and divine visions either associated with that terrace or experienced by the poet himself. The formula of the five terrace poems is essentially the same: The poet climbs to the summit of the terrace, admires the view, visits a few of the numinous traces, and sometimes experiences a transformation or manifestation of Mañjuśrī. The order in which the terrace poems are arranged varies. How- ever, P. 3360 and S. 2080 present them in what appears to be a sequence resembling an actual pilgrimage. To travel the Eastern, Northern, Central, Western, and Southern Terraces in that order, one proceeds in a counter- clockwise direction, the customary order for circumambulation of Bud- dhist sites.

3 Ren Bantang [Ren Erbei 任二北], ed., Jiaofang ji jianding 教坊記箋訂, 109. 4 Sun Qifang, “Ci fu Foqu,” in Dunhuang wenxue, ed. Zhou Shaoliang, 196-216. 5 Ren Bantang, Dunhuang geci zongbian 敦煌歌詞總編 (hereafter DHGCZB), 3:1705- 1706. 6 DHGCZB, 3:1703-1704. 7 Jao Tsong-yi [Rao Zongyi] and Paul Demiéville, Airs de Touen-houang (Touen- houang k’iu): Textes à chanter des VIIIe-Xe siècles, 191-192. 8 Xiang Chu, Dunhuang geci zongbian kuangbu 敦煌歌詞總編匡補, 294-295. the hall of the great sage 59

The songs, though numbered in some of the original manuscripts, otherwise have no titles. For purposes of discussion I have used the first line of each poem as the title.9

The Hall of the Great Sage

The hall of the Great Sage Is not an ordinary place. To the left and right are coiled dragons, So the terraces lean on each other. At dawn mist rises from the rugged peaks. The flowers and trees are fragrant, The bodhisattva manifests in many numinous and extraordinary ways, With a face of compassion And a heart of joy. The true monks of the Western lands Come from afar to pay reverence. Below the cliffs, auspicious colors often rise, Good fortune and happiness in the land of Tang, Lasting ten thousand years and thousands of autumns. 大聖堂，非凡地。左右盤龍，為有臺相倚。嶺岫嵯峨朝務起，10 花木芬芳，菩薩多靈異。面慈悲，心歡喜。西國真僧，遠遠來瞻禮。瑞彩時時巖下起。福祚唐川，11 萬古千秋歲。 This first song celebrates the terraces as a whole. It also summarizes some of the more common characteristics of the mountain range and the recurring themes and motifs found in this set of six poems. Among the Tang and Song dynasty records and the poems about Mount Wutai found in the Dunhuang manuscripts, the term “Great Sage” (dasheng 大聖) always alludes to Mañjuśrī. The “Hall of the Great Sage” may refer to a specific build-

9 My translation is based on collations of the various manuscripts in DHGCZB, 3:1703- 1749. I have also consulted Jao Tsong-yi’s collation in Jao Tsong-yi [Rao Zongyi] and Paul Demiéville, Airs de Touen-houang (Touen-houang k’iu): Textes à chanter des VIIIe-Xe siècles, 271-275. Any emendations are noted. 10 I have substituted 起 for 己, following Jiang Lihong 蔣禮鴻, Dunhuang bianwen ziyi tongshi 敦煌變文字義通釋, 599. 11 I have substituted 唐川 for 褔今, following Xiang Chu, Dunhuang geci zongbian kuangbu, 294. 60 chapter three ing erected in honor of Mañjuśrī, but there is no such hall mentioned in the Gu Qingliang zhuan and Guang Qingliang zhuan or in other poems. The Guang Qingliang zhuan does list Mañjuśrī Temple (Wenshu si 文殊寺) as being one of the ten ancient temples of the Central Terrace,12 but the most famous site associated with the bodhisattva on Mount Wutai was the Cloister of the True Countenance, the location of a famous statue of Mañjuśrī and numerous manifestations of the bodhisattva. This cloister was located on the Central Terrace near the Temple of the Great Faith of the Numinous Vulture. The “Hall of the Great Sage” may also refer to the Temple of the Numinous Vulture itself, which was considered a true dwelling place of Mañjuśrī on Mount Wutai, because of the vision of the Indian monks who visited there during the Han dynasty. But there were countless images of Mañjuśrī in many of the temple halls scattered throughout the terraces. The hall of this song may also allude generally to the entire mountain range, as the site from which Mañjuśrī expounds the Buddhist teachings, and the poem may simply be a declaration of devotion for the bodhisattva whose presence dominates all five terraces. The poem has a panoramic quality, similar to the preambles of the Buddhist sūtras, which begin with the Buddha in a dramatic and beautiful natural setting, surrounded by an impressive assembly of realized beings as he preaches the Buddhist doctrine in a lecture hall. The Hall of the Great Sage, then, not only symbolizes Mañjuśrī, but the Buddhist teachings as represented by the hall. Mount Wutai itself is not only an extraordinary place, but a lecture hall for the pilgrims to experience the Dharma. One hundred poisonous dragons were believed to live on each of the five terraces, making five hundred in all. They emitted vapors which could be lethal if inhaled, and were thought to be the cause of the stormy weather on the mountain. In his diary, Ennin described the monuments built to the Dragon King and his followers, which were located on the Northern Terrace: Dragon Hall is on the south side of the summit. Inside the hall is a pool. Its waters are deep and black. Clear and vast, they fill the hall, dividing it into three sections. In the middle is the Palace of the Dragon King. An image of

12 GuangQLZ, 1105c. This interpretation is reinforced by Jiang Lihong’s understanding of the fifth line, which he reads as “the rugged peaks guard the center,” as if the terraces are leaning on each other as part of their effort to protect the Central Terrace, which contained a hall dedicated to the bodhisattva. He substitutes 戍 for 戊 of S. 2985. See Jiang Lihong, Dunhuang bianwen ziyi tongshi, 599. the hall of the great sage 61

the Dragon King has been placed above, and looks down on the pool, and a bridge has been built across the pool to the Dragon King’s throne. This is the King of the five hundred poisonous dragons of Mount Wutai. Each terrace has one hundred poisonous dragons, who regard this Dragon King as their master. It is said this Dragon King and his people submitted to Mañjuśrī and were converted, so they do not dare commit evil acts. To the right and left of the Dragon Palace, separated from it by a board fence, are placed images of Mañjuśrī.13 The Guang Qingliang zhuan lists Coiled Dragon Temple (Longpan si 龍盤寺) on the Eastern Terrace.14 This record mentions that the temple contained a stone image of a coiled dragon.15 The Qingliang shan zhi notes that the temple got its name from a nearby mountain which was shaped like a coiled dragon.16 Ren Bantang believes that the “coiled dragons” of this prefatory poem are an allusion to a pair of circular pagodas mentioned by Fazang in the Huayan jing zhuanji as being on the Northern Terrace, but there is no evidence for this.17 The image may be simply describing the mountains as coiled in the shape of dragons, and the terraces as leaning on one another. The literature of Mount Wutai describes leaning and twisted cliffs, as well as winding and coiling mountain ranges similar to the images in this prefatory poem. Dragons, and, specifically, coiled dragons, are mentioned in reference to the Nārāyaṇa Grotto (Naluoyan ku 那羅延窟), listed by the Guang Qing liang zhuan as one of the eleven numinous traces on the Eastern Terrace.18 Nārāyaṇa is believed to refer to one of the heavenly protectors of Bud- dhism, who sits atop a coiled serpent. This cave is also mentioned in Śiksānanda’s translation of the Avataṃsaka sūtra as a dwelling place of the bodhisattvas.19 In his diary, Ennin described it as dark and cold, an ideal hiding place for dragons. The relationship between Mount Wutai and dragons is strengthened by Mañjuśrī’s association with them in certain Bud- dhist scriptures, where he is called the Supreme Tathāgata King of the Dragon Kind. Huixiang, in the Gu Qingliang zhuan, notes:

13 NGJG, 3:48. 14 GuangQLZ, 1106a. 15 Ibid., 1108c. 16 QLSZ, 47. 17 Fazang, Huayan jing zhuanji, T. 51.2073.157a. 18 GuangQLZ, 1106a. 19 Dafangguang Fo huayan jing, T. 10.279.241c. In Buddhabhadra’s earlier translation, reference is made to Nārāyaṇa Mountain. See Dafangguang Fo huayan jing, T. 9.278.590a. 62 chapter three

When [Mañjuśrī] first achieved saṃbodhi he was called Honored One of the Dragon Kind… At present, through expedient means, he has manifested as a bodhisattva. Therefore he preaches to the assembly of sages, and aids the ignorant multitude. He always resides in the region of Clear and Cold, and manifests traces suitable to the occasion.20 The Guang Qingliang zhuan provides a more specific scriptural basis for Mañjuśrī’s relationship with the dragon world from the Śūraṅgama- samādhi sūtra. Here, Yanyi paraphrases a few sentences from the sūtra: According to the Śūraṅgama-samādhi sūtra, long ago, countless and limitless kalpa beyond comprehension, there was a Buddha named the Most Honored Tathāgata King of the Dragon Kind, and his country was named Equal. How could the Most Honored Tathāgata King of the Dragon Kind from the land of Equal be any other? It was none other than the Son of the Dharma King Mañjuśrī.21 The original passage in Kumārajīva’s translation of the sūtra offers a more detailed description of Mañjuśrī’s activities before he became a bodhisatt va, gleaned from a conversation between Śākyamuni Buddha and his disciple Mahākāśyapa. Before Mañjuśrī became a bodhisattva, he had been a Buddha who lived for 4,400,000 years. He was called Supreme Tathāgata of the Dragon Kind and saved billions of sentient beings. Just before this Bud- dha attained nirvāṇa, the Wisdom Bodhisattva predicted that Mañjuśrī would also be called the Wisdom Bodhisattva. Therefore, Śākyamuni declares, the Supreme Tathāgata of the Dragon Kind was none other but Mañjuśrī. The Mañjuśrī-parinirvāṇa sūtra further declares Mañjuśrī would be brought to Fragrant Mountain after his parinirvāṇa. Yanyi lists Fragrant Mountain as one of the fifteen numinous traces on the Western Terrace, but Mount Wutai seems to have been regarded as a universally sweet- smelling mountain range.22 It was perhaps inevitable that Mount Wutai, having been linked with Gandhamādana of the Indian scriptures, would be celebrated for its own fragrant flowers and plants, which blanketed the slopes of the terrace like a cloth of dazzling and finely woven brocade. En- nin described the scene:

20 GuQLZ, 1093a. 21 GuangQLZ, 1101b-c. The actual reference is in Kumārajīva’s translation of the Śūraṅgama-samādhi sūtra: Foshuo shoulengyan sanmei jing, T. 15.642.644a. Zhi Qian’s earlier translation is no longer extant. 22 GuangQLZ, 1106b. Fragrant Mountain is actually located between the Western and Central Terraces. the hall of the great sage 63

Extraordinary flowers of strange colors fill the mountain with their blos- soms. From the valley to the summit there are flowers on all four sides, spread out like brocade. Their fragrance is sweet and perfumes one’s clothing. People say that now in the fifth month it is still cold, and the flowers are not all in bloom; in the sixth and seventh months, the flowers will be even more abundant. It is a new experience for mankind to look upon the colors of these flowers.23 As we have seen, the Avataṃsaka sūtra declared that since ancient times bodhisattvas have dwelled on Clear and Cold Mountain. It also says Mañjuśrī does not dwell alone on Clear and Cold Mountain, but with a retinue of ten thousand bodhisattvas. In many of the more spectacular visions experienced by pilgrims to Mount Wutai, which are recounted in the Gu Qingliang zhuan and the Guang Qingliang zhuan, Mañjuśrī appears with an enormous entourage of other bodhisattvas. The “monks of the Western lands” refers to the Indian pilgrims who began visiting the mountain during the Tang era to witness the innumerable extraordinary transformations and manifestations of Mañjuśrī. It is possible that this line of the poem refers to the famous visit of Buddhapāli in 676.24 Both Ennin and Yanyi recount the legend surrounding his visit. However, Buddhapāli was not the first Indian pilgrim to visit the mountain. As Tansen Sen has noted, South Asian monks also recognized Mount Wutai as the home of Mañjuśrī, and a reverse transmission from China to India began to occur by the seventh century.25 Huixiang describes the pilgrimage in 667 of Śākyamitra (Shijiamiduoluo 釋迦蜜多羅), predating Buddhapāli’s trip by nine years: Śākyamitra was a monk from the Western Region. He was originally from Siṃhala. He became a monk at a young age and originally dwelled in the Mahābodhi Temple in Magadha. He traveled everywhere to benefit all beings. He came to this land in the year of Linde (664), saying he wished to visit Clear and Cold Mountain to worship the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī. He said he had walked barefoot for ninety-five summers, and often only ate one meal per day. Sometimes he went seven days on an empty stomach. He meditated outdoors and did not live in a house. Whenever he ate, he kowtowed to the northeast.

23 NGJG, 3:28. 24 See Étienne Lamotte, “Mañjuśrī,” 84-91, for a discussion of Indian pilgrims beginning with Buddhapāli. Also see Richard Schneider, “Un Moine Indien au Wou-t’ai chan: Relation d’un Pèlerinage,” 27-40, and Paul W. Kroll, Dharma Bell and Dhāraṇī Pillar: Li Po’s Buddhist Inscriptions, 41-42. 25 Tansen Sen, Buddhism, Diplomacy, and Trade: The Realignment of Sino-Indian Rela- tions, 600-1400, 84. 64 chapter three

Shortly after his arrival [in China] he wrote a memorial to the throne to grant him the resources to spread the Buddhist doctrine. The emperor sent an official from the Court of Diplomatic Reception to be his translator.26 The śramaṇa Zhicai from Liangzhou brought the necessary goods on horse- back. Śākyamitra ascended the terraces in the sixth month of the second year of Qianfeng (667). Accompanying him were an official from Wutai county, forty laborers, and more than fifty monks and laymen. On his first day, he walked thirty li from the village of Siyang, arriving at noon. Śākya mitra gathered the monks and disciples and with his own hands bestowed fragrant water on the assembled monks. Śākyamitra had nothing to eat or drink for three days. After eating and before departing, he admonished the group through the translator: “For millions of kalpas, one rarely heard of the dwelling place of the Great Sage, yet we are able to come here. Curb your desires and concentrate your minds. Do not make noise. No matter what you encounter, remain silent.” They then went forward. The road was narrow and rough. They walked rapidly together, with Śākyamitra and two monks in front. Descending the mountain, they saw the Temple of the Clear and Cold in the distance. Halfway down the peak, they suddenly encountered a divine monk standing on a cliff, and they prostrated and bowed in worship.27 Fazang, the Third Patriarch of the Huayan sect, witnessed the arrival of other foreign pilgrims during the same period: Today the spirit [Mañjuśrī] dwells on this precious soil, and he is constantly present. According to various chronicles, the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī always preaches the Avataṃsaka sūtra here. This is why, from ancient times to the Tang, the Buddhist monks of the Western lands have often come to these peaks to visit, without considering several thousand li to be distant. And, in this land, monks and laymen join one another on the dusty paths. One encounters divine monks and sagely multitudes, pavilions of transcendents and terraces of treasures, divine lights and dazzling radiance. Mysterious fragrances and spontaneously ringing bells fill the air, and precious hymns are heard in the distance. Suddenly, [Mañjuśrī] rises and falls in thousands of transformations.28

26 This bureau is known in Chinese as the Honglu si 鴻臚寺. 27 GuQLZ, 1098c-1099c. Also see Antonio Forte, “Fazang and Śākyamitra, a Seventh- Century Singhalese Alchemist at the Chinese Court,” in Zhongyang yanjiuyuan disanjie guoji Hanxue huiyi lunwenji lishizu 中央研究院第三屆國際漢學會議論文集歷史組, ed., Zhongshiji yiqian de diyu wenhua zongjiao yu yishu 中世紀以前的地域文化宗教與藝術, 369-419, where he argues that Śākyamitra may have ordained Fazang during his visit to China. 28 Fazang, Huayan jing zhuanji, T. 51.2073.157a-b. the hall of the great sage 65

The Indian monk Puhua visited Mount Wutai in the 10th century. His experience mirrors Fazang’s description of the divine occurrences on the mountain: The Master was born and raised in the kingdom of Magadha. He was ordained in one of the monasteries at Nālānda. The name of the Great Mas- ter is Rāma Śrīnivāsa. Early on he left Vulture Peak in India, traveling to Clear and Cold Mountain of our empire. He took many dangerous roads, but how could he refuse to encounter such obstacles? Yesterday, on the nineteenth day, he arrived at the Flower Ornament Temple. He paid homage to the True Countenance, in accordance with his former vow. He meditated until nightfall, sleeping in the hall. He was chanting fervently when a holy lamp suddenly appeared. The entire assembly saw it and there was not one who did not rejoice. On the twentieth day, he renewed his devo- tions, and returned to the holy hall. At night he contemplated the true marks of the Buddha.29 A tiny light suddenly appeared, shining on the face of the Buddha like a crescent moon. He diligently contemplated this holy sign. On the twenty-first day, he climbed to the Pavilion of the Good Life (Shanju ge 善住閣) and paid homage to Rāhula. He praised Mañjuśrī, who then appeared in his true body.30 The appearance of auspicious colors was another common phenomenon of Mount Wutai. They were usually seen at a manifestation of Mañjuśrī, or of the other bodhisattvas or buddhas. Following the Mañjuśrī-parinirvāṇa sūtra, purple and gold were the most prevalent colors, along with the five colors traditionally associated with the five Buddha families. Clouds, mists, nimbi, and rays of light often were multicolored, and were harbingers of the imminent manifestation of Mañjuśrī, or were themselves representations of the spiritual powers of the bodhisattva. The “thousand autumns” of the last line of the poem may refer to the Thousand Autumn Festival, which was established in the fifteenth year of the Kaiyuan era (727) to commemorate the birthday of Emperor Xuan- zong.31 During the Tang, particularly from the reign of Taizong, ceremonies were held in the Buddhist temples of the empire to celebrate the birthdays and anniversaries of the imperial rulers.32 The formal and impersonal end- ing of this song indicates it is a blessing not only for the pilgrim, but for the

29 The marks of the Buddha, or lakṣana. 30 Richard Schneider, “Un Moine Indien au Wou-t’ai chan: Relation d’un Pèlerinage,” 34. Du Doucheng, Dunhuang Wutai shan wenxian jiaolu yanjiu, 221-222. 31 DHGCZB, 3:1716-17. The name of the festival was changed in the second year of the Tianbao era (743). Ren uses this allusion to support his argument that these poems date to the High Tang. 32 Kenneth Ch’en, Buddhism in China: A Historical Survey, 218. 66 chapter three dynasty itself, as it celebrates the good fortune that the bodhisattva has brought to China by his sheer presence there.

I Ascend the Eastern Terrace

I ascend the Eastern Terrace, And cross the Northern Dipper. I gaze at the Fusang tree, The dragon spirits fight on the ocean shore. A mix of rain and hail startles the woods and marshes. Mist collects and clouds gather, Transformations and manifestations of a thousand kinds. The auspicious bird cries, The lion roars. The listener is uneasy, And fears going to Nārāyaṇa. He chants Mañjuśrī’s name a few times. The Great Sage is compassionate, By expedient means he conceals himself to save us. 上東臺，過北斗。望見扶桑，海畔神龍鬬。雨雹相和驚林藪。33 霧捲雲收，化現千般有。吉祥鳴，師子吼。聞者狐疑，怕往羅筵走。纔念文殊三兩口。34 大聖慈悲，方便潛身救。35 “I Ascend the Eastern Terrace” emphasizes its spectacular and unearthly eastern views. From this terrace, the pilgrim could gaze upon the ocean and, in the imagination of the poet, much more. This song begins with a description of an extraordinary landscape. The perspective in this poem extends far beyond that of the preceding poem, which was restricted to a general description of Mount Wutai itself. According to the Guang Qing liang zhuan, one could see the ocean from the top of the Eastern Terrace: “When the sun comes out, one can see the great ocean below, and the shores of the marshes there.”36 Strictly speaking, this is of course impos-

33 S. 0467 has 雨雪相和更霖藪. 34 S. 0467 has 五 for 兩. 35 S. 0467 has 來相 for 潛身. 36 GuangQLZ, 1106a. the hall of the great sage 67 sible, but the Qingliang shan zhi notes that another name for the Eastern Terrace is Ocean Gazing Peak (Wanghai feng 望海峰).37 In this song, the Eastern Terrace is portrayed as so high that it seems to be at the same elevation as the Dipper and the mythical Fusang tree of the eastern sky, where the sun emerges each morning. Facing east, on the shores of the distant eastern sea, the poet sees the dragon spirits battling. In the next lines of the poem, a storm of rain and hail begins; legend held dragons responsible for the volatile weather of the mountain. Amidst such turbulence, Mañjuśrī and other divine beings appear, reminiscent of the “Nine Songs” (“Jiuge” 九歌) of the Verses of Chu, where the arrival of the gods and goddesses is also marked by the appearance of wind and rain, thunder and lightning. The transformations and manifestations may be those of Mañjuśrī himself, or other divine beings that were said to appear on the terraces, either in their original form or in disguise. In the Guang Qingliang zhuan, there are numerous references to the appearance of the bodhisattva and other beings or phenomena on the mountain, in diverse forms from a burning lamp to an old man. As the Gu Qingliang zhuan declared, Mañjuśrī “manifests traces suitable to the occasion.” Each terrace had several famous locations associated with these transformations and manifestations. Yanyi records eleven numinous traces for the Eastern Terrace, including the Nārāyaṇa Grotto. The Guang Qingliang zhuan also contains many descriptions of the appearance of “conjured temples” (huasi 化寺), divine structures which occasionally appeared to the pilgrims. In a description of the Central Terrace, Daoxuan exclaimed, “It truly is the home of the divine transcendents. Frequently there are manifestations of monks who then suddenly are hard to find. Traces of the sage and temples of the divine often emerge and then vanish.”38 Yanyi described these phantom temples in great detail: According to the legends of the monasteries of antiquity, conjured temples are not standing on the ground, but appear in the middle of the air. They are the practice hall of the bodhisattva and the pure land of Mañjuśrī. The vermilion towers and violet palaces are made of the seven jewels. Purple gold and white silver, vaiḍūrya and tortoise shell, and intertwined nets of pearls encircle and emerge from the rosy clouds. For people who are able to encounter them, the ordinary world suddenly ceases.39

37 QLSZ, 17. 38 Daoxuan, Ji Shenzhou sanbao gantong lu, T. 52.2106.422c. 39 GQLZ, 1109a. 68 chapter three

Xiang Chu believes that the “transformations and manifestations of a thousand kinds” alluded to in this song may refer to a specific event described in the Guang Qingliang zhuan: the experience of the monk Jin Guangzhao, who saw a thousand buddhas appear before him. During the second year of the Dali era of the Tang dynasty (767), he reached Mount Wutai and stopped at the Cloister of the Ten Thousand Bodhisattvas (Wan pusa yuan 萬菩薩院) at the Great Flower Ornament Temple. That day, suddenly thunder and lightning issued forth, and rain and hail rapidly flew down. The monk was terrified. Silently he meditated on the Great Sage. Immediately the weather cleared, and he saw white light floating down the terrace, and within the light were a thousand buddhas, solemn, beautiful, and glorious. The monk wept copiously and made prostrations in reverence. When he raised his head, suddenly a tower ten feet high shot up before him, containing a thousand-petaled flower throne. Then he saw all the buddhas stretch out their golden arms. The samādhi head monk told him: “You should be called Jin Guangzhao 金光照 (Shining Golden Light) from this day forward.” The buddhas ordered the monk to continually recite the Dia- mond sūtra. When they finished speaking, they suddenly disappeared. The monk’s heart danced with joy, and he was greatly enlightened.40 The next day Jin Guangzhao went to the Western Terrace, where he experienced “a thousand changes and ten thousand transformations.”41 But the transformations and manifestations mentioned in “I Ascend the Eastern Terrace” are ambiguous enough to refer to any of the divine incidents that frequently occurred on all of the terraces and were extensively recorded in the Tang and Song records. The manifestation of auspicious birds is linked with Mañjuśrī. The Tang monk Wuzhuo 無著, according to the Guang Qingliang zhuan, arrived at Mount Wutai in 767 and met with a variety of divine manifestations, including one that included a pair of auspicious birds that appeared while he was engaged in meditation at the Flower Ornament Temple at sunset in front of the Prajñā Cloister (Bore yuan 般若院): “Two auspicious birds

40 Ibid., 1119c. 41 Xiang Chu, Dunhuang geci zongbian kuangbu, 295. He believes that since Yanyi mentions Ancient Flower Ornament Temple (古華嚴寺 Gu Huayan si) located on the Eastern Terrace, this song might refer to this manifestation. Based on the date of this incident, he claims that these songs must date to the Late Tang, and not to the High Tang as Ren Bantang supposed. There are two problems with this theory. First, Yanyi clearly calls the monastery of Jin Guangzhao’s vision the Great Flower Ornament Temple, which was the new name for the Temple of Great Faith of the Numinous Vulture, located on the Cen- tral Terrace. The name was adopted between 695 and 704 during the reign of Wu Zetian, predating Jin Guangzhao’s vision by over seventy years. Second, the manifestations appeared to Jin Guangzhao on the Western and not the Eastern Terrace. the hall of the great sage 69 soared back and forth above Wuzhuo’s head, circled several times and then flew off towards the northeast.”42 The next day Wuzhuo visited the Vajra Grotto (Jingang ku 金剛窟), where he encountered Mañjuśrī. Auspicious birds are also associated with prayers to Mañjuśrī, as evidenced in another incident recounted in the Guang Qingliang zhuan, which also took place at the Flower Ornament Temple. In this manifestation, the birds are identified as white cranes: In the eighteenth year of the Kaiyuan era (730), when Xue Hui was gover- nor-general of Dai prefecture, it had scarcely rained because of years of hot, dry weather. The grasses and trees were scorched and withered, and the crops were ruined. The governor said to the people: “I have heard that the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī of Terrace Mountain has many numinous and extraordinary powers, and possesses causeless compassion. He should have sym- pathy for my request.” He then climbed to the top of the terrace, and earnestly prayed for rain. Suddenly he saw a group of twenty-two white cranes soaring and wheeling above the Great Flower Ornament Temple. They gathered on top of the terrace, and then suddenly dispersed. Immediately a downpour hastened from an obscure black cloud, and the county was soaked. On the twenty- sixth day, the people joyfully took up their ploughs and ploughshares. There was a great autumn harvest.43 The appearance of birds, even white cranes, is not restricted to any particular terrace, as we can see in this further observation from the Guang Qingliang zhuan: One hundred li to the southwest of the Central Terrace is a small mountain called Peak Mountain. North of the terrace region, halfway up the mountain, are the Arising Wind Grotto, the Transcendent Palm, the Man of Dao Retreat, and the Preach-the-Dharma Terrace. Long ago, it was called Nine Springs Mountain. On top was the Golden Flower Temple (Jinhua si 金華寺), and below a bathing pool. Legends say it was the summer home of the ten thousand bodhisattvas. Sometimes there are manifestations here like a little cloud flying to the top of the peak, or a flock of white cranes soaring behind the mountain. For a long time the locals have stopped here, ready to observe them.44 Along with the appearance of birds, the manifestation of the lion is also connected to Mañjuśrī. He is often depicted riding a lion, and in some of his manifestations on Mount Wutai he appears in the sky mounted on one.

42 GuangQLZ, 1112a. 43 Ibid., 1117a. 44 Ibid., 1117b. 70 chapter three

The footprints of Mañjuśrī’s lion were preserved in a miraculous site on the Western Terrace, and are mentioned in the song in this set concerned with the Western Terrace.45 But in a more general sense, the lion symbolizes Śākyamuni Buddha, who is called a lion among men, and his roar is his all-powerful teaching. Although he makes all beings tremble, he is not to be feared. Nonetheless, the pilgrim may have doubts about the thousand transformations and manifestations he is experiencing. He is unsure whether the sounds of the bird and lion herald the arrival of Mañjuśrī. He also fears visiting the Nārāyaṇa Grotto, which was not a pleasant place. Ennin described the cave in forbidding terms in his diary: From the summit of the terrace straight down half a li to the east, on a steep precipice is a grotto called the Nārāyaṇa Grotto. People say that long ago the Nārāyaṇa Buddha practiced the Way in this cave and later went to the West. Inside the grotto, it is moist with dripping water. The cave is six feet wide, and it is dark inside. It is suitable for a dragon’s retreat.46 An appendix to the Guang Qingliang zhuan describes the cave as being too narrow to be entered by an ordinary man. Most visitors only touched it or looked inside. Only a sage could enter: The Nārāyaṇa Grotto is on the eastern side of the Eastern Terrace. The door of the cave faces east. It is more than twenty feet deep, and winds in a narrow passage only as large as a bushel basket. The pilgrims who come here cannot enter. They often only examine it with their hands, or shine a candle into it. The cave opening slightly points upward to the northwest, but its depth cannot be fathomed. From time to time, it emits a cold wind. Legends say this cave and the Vajra Grotto are the dwelling places of the Great Sage. On the twenty-eighth day of the fifth month of the eighth year of the Xuan he era (1126), there was a monk of Shaowu47 who traveled to Terrace Moun- tain together with the monk Zongxin. They stopped at the Cloister of the True Countenance and paid reverence to the true image.48 One day, they climbed to the summit of the Eastern Terrace and met with the Dai Prefect, Duke Zhao, who together with the deputy magistrate and other officials had ascended the mountain. The Great Master Cihua and more than one hundred monks had all come to see the view, and had already visited this cave. Duke Zhao and the others entered to examine it. Only the monk of Shaowu stood outside the cave. An official joked with him, saying: “Why doesn’t the master

45 Ibid., 1106a. 46 NGJG, 3:58. 47 A county in present-day Fujian province. 48 Referring to the true image of Mañjuśrī, considered the closest to the bodhisattva’s likeness. the hall of the great sage 71

enter? There is no obstacle to entering.” The monk then bowed to Duke Zhao, Cihua, and Zongxin, and said: “Take care! Take care!” He ran into the cave through the narrow passageway, lifting his robes and hunching his body. There were no obstacles; it was as if he were walking into an empty room. The group was astonished and deliberated endlessly, unable to understand the reason. Zongxin called to him several times. He searched, but there was no sound or trace. When, after a short time, he did not emerge, Zongxin said to the group: “I have traveled over ten days with this monk; I did not know he was a sage!”49 Like the monk Jin Guangzhao, the frightened listener in the poem meditates upon Mañjuśrī a few times, perhaps chanting his name out loud. He reminds himself of the reason for the transformations and manifestations he has experienced. Mañjuśrī’s ability to transform himself, as prophesied in the Mañjuśrī-parinirvāṇa sūtra, is due to his great compassion for sentient beings. He allows himself to appear in many disguises, or manifestations, in order to save other beings. The means of rescue must be suited to the individual soul and particular situation, and so Mañjuśrī may manifest himself in countless forms. Although this song begins with an astounding view, the landscape is upstaged by the transformations and manifestations of the bodhisattva and the other divine beings, and the poem ends with the spiritual explanation for the divine happenings experienced by the pilgrim.

I Ascend the Northern Terrace

I ascend the Northern Terrace, Climbing the dangerous roads. The stone paths are steep, I walk slowly, on how many trails? Everywhere are famous flowers and subtle strange plants. Calm waters secretly flowing, Three times in a day. On Camel Precipice, The wind is gentle. Coming and going on journeys and pilgrimages Must benefit body and mind. In front of Arhat Cliff, I gaze at the Nai River.50 I cannot stop for long

49 GQLZ, 1126b-c. 50 From naihe 奈何, “no alternative.” The Chinese is both a pun and the transliteration of the Sanskrit Naraka for Hell, or Purgatory. It is the river which all souls must cross. 72 chapter three

Because the dragon spirits are angry.51 上北臺，登險道。石逕峻嶒。緩步行多少。遍地名花微異草。52 定水潛流。一日三迴到。53 駱駝崖，風裊裊。來往巡遊。須是身心好。羅漢巖頭觀渿河。54 不得久停。55 為有神龍操。 The Northern Terrace was famous for its steep paths, rugged terrain, and icy weather, due to its northern location and its altitude as the highest of the five terraces. This terrace also contained some of the more frightening sites on the mountain: the Dragon King’s Palace and the Living Hell. Yanyi lists sixteen numinous traces on the Northern Terrace, a number only equaled by the Western Terrace.56 This song contrasts the danger and difficulties associated with visiting the terrace with the great spiritual rewards that will result if one succeeds. Despite the great cold of the Northern Terrace, delicate plants were able to thrive there. They also had spiritual and medicinal qualities. The Guang Qingliang zhuan called them “numinous plants” (lingcao 靈草), and records the tale of a monk who heard the voice of Mañjuśrī tell him that when he gazed upon a particular plant, he would achieve enlightenment: The Buddhist Lingxiu was from Henan. He enjoyed searching for traces of the sage and visiting all the famous mountains. He was inspired by the restraints and diligent in the difficulties that the multitude decline. He journeyed far away to Wutai to pay reverence to Mañjuśrī. Suddenly he heard a voice from the sky which declared: “The people of Jambūdvīpa57 mostly belong to the group of the undecided.58 They are hard to compel and difficult to transform. You should cross over. Do not shrink from hard labor. This constitutes a superior disciple.” The monk replied: “I wish to seek lib-

51 Ren Bantang reads 操 as 懆 (“sorrowful”), based on a similar poem by Zhang Shang ying. Jiang Lihong believes 操 is a loan word for 躁 (“angry”). See DHGCZB, 3:1725-1726, and Jiang Lihong, Dunhuang bianwen ziyi tongshi, 600. 52 P. 3360 and S. 0467 have 遍地每苔異軟草. 53 P. 3360 has 過 for 回. S. 2985 has 倒 for 到, and 里 for 日. 54 Ren Bantang notes that Arhat Cliff is another name for Arhat Terrace. 55 S. 0467 has 敢 for 得. 56 GuangQLZ, 1106a. 57 One of the four great Indian continents. South of Mount Meru, it is generally acknowledged to refer to India. 58 Referring to those who have turned away from, or are ignorant of, Buddhist practice. the hall of the great sage 73

eration. How can I achieve this?” The voice said: “You can eliminate the mind.” The monk asked: “What is to ‘eliminate the mind’? What method is used?” The voice answered: “The plant of no mind is called ‘Awaken from a Dream.’ Gaze upon it, and you will achieve enlightenment.” The monk then searched for it, and after he saw it, he said to himself: “I asked what method is used to eliminate the mind, and was told to gaze upon this plant of no-mind. What is the purpose of this?” In this way he contemplated, and then clearly understood: “The plant is comparable to afflictions.59 No-mind is a metaphor for emptiness. The plant then is no- mind. Afflictions are also so. Afflictions then are emptiness. Why should they be separate?” Thereupon he was greatly enlightened and achieved the Dharma of no-birth, and viewed the door of emptiness in this. The monk was neither overcome with sadness nor joy, and he built a hut near this plant and remained there. When people asked him why, he said: “Many people have sick minds. This plant can cure them. Come seek what you wish, I am simply sharing my good experience.” Afterwards, many were healed. In the beginning of the first month of the twenty-first year of the Kaihuang era (601), he passed away without illness at the age of seventy- three.60 The calm and secret waters of the Northern Terrace have several possible meanings. Huixiang noted that on the Northern Terrace: “Rocks are piled in the streams so that the crystal-clear water does not flow.”61 We can understand this to mean the waters of the Northern Terrace are relatively still. This terrace was also known for its concealed springs. Yanyi writes: “On the summit of the Northern Terrace is the Heavenly Well. It joins below with the White Water Pool of the Dragon Palace, and also penetrates the Vajra Grotto.”62 The calm waters also allude to the Buddhist teaching that to calm one’s mind, one must emulate still water, being clear and deep. “Three times a day” may mean one calms the mind at dawn, noon, and dusk, or it may refer to circumambulation of the terrace three times in one day. Since the poet claims the terrace benefits both the body and mind, either interpretation is plausible. Camel Precipice is briefly mentioned in the fifteenth stanza of the “Wutai shan zan” (“Eulogy of Mount Wutai”) as the dwelling place of the goddess Samādhi, an ordinary woman who was asked by Mañjuśrī to gather grain in offering to the sages and worthies on Mount Wutai. She lived on Flower Ornament Peak near the Northern Terrace.

59 Fannao 煩惱 (Skt. kleśā), or afflictions, are evil passions that pollute the mind and body. 60 GuangQLZ, 1118b-c. 61 GuQLZ, 1093b. 62 GuangQLZ, 1105c. 74 chapter three

Although the Guang Qingliang zhuan records her story, its author does not mention the Camel Precipice, nor do Huixiang, Ennin, or Zhencheng refer to it. Arhat Terrace is listed by Yanyi as one of the numinous traces of the Northern Terrace.63 Zhencheng briefly mentions it as the site where sixteen Indian monks were transformed.64 From this location, one can gaze upon the Nai River. The name of the river symbolizes the hopelessness of the condemned who must cross it. Near the terrace was the numinous trace called the Living Hell, which Ennin describes in his diary as scorched earth and burnt stones caused by Mañjuśrī.65 Only in the last line of “I Ascend the Northern Terrace” does the poet finally refer to the dragon spirits who lived on the terrace. Since dragons were associated with storms on the mountains, perhaps the angry dragons herald the approach of a storm. This may be why the pilgrim cannot tarry on this particular terrace. The approaching storm will not permit him to remain. According to Ennin, the mountain storms approached extremely quickly: Five hundred poisonous dragons are concealed in the mountains, spitting winds and clouds. During the four seasons and eight periods,66 it thunders continually, and hail falls incessantly. Then the sky hurriedly clears, but the traveler does not see a long period of brightness. Each time the weather clears, one gazes at a pale yellow color on the five terraces, and on top of a terrace one suddenly sees a speck of cloud rise. Then, immediately, thick clouds fill the mountains.67

I Ascend the Central Terrace

I ascend the Central Terrace, The road winding far away. Eighty thousand feet I wander remote, As if circling half of heaven. Cliffs of precious stones glitter in the light. The strange plants and famous flowers Resembling a brocade, are worth a visit. The Jade Flower Pool, The Golden Sand Bank.

63 Ibid., 1106a. 64 QLSZ, 27. 65 NGJG, 3:49. 66 The equinoxes, solstices, and first day of each season. 67 NGJG, 3:96. the hall of the great sage 75

At the Thousand-Year-Old Ice Grotto, The body and mind of the visitor shiver. I pray, making devout and repeated vows. Five-colored auspicious clouds Appear three times in one day. 上中臺，盤道遠。萬仞迢迢，髣髴迴天半。寶石巉巖光燦爛。異草名花，似錦堪遊玩。玉華池，金沙畔。冰窟千年，到者身心顫。禮拜虔誠重發願。68 五色祥雲，一日三回現。 Compared to the songs of the Eastern and Northern Terraces, “I Ascend the Central Terrace” seems rather serene. The weather is calmer and the landscape has a more human scale. This terrace was especially famous for its flowers, and Yanyi makes a point of listing the five most famous varieties.69 The temples on this terrace were considered to be among the oldest on Mount Wutai, built by Emperor Xiaowen of the Northern Wei (r. 471-99), and the legends of manifestations and transformations here were especially numerous and well-documented. “I Ascend the Central Terrace” celebrates the natural beauty of its cliffs and foliage. The Guang Qingliang zhuan describes cliffs of many colors. Far more common, however, are effusive descriptions of the flowers. As we have seen, Ennin exclaimed that the Central Terrace was full of extraordinarily strange flowers and delicate plants covering the ground like dazzling brocade. The most famous garden on the terrace is described by Huixiang as located south of the Great Pagoda Temple. Like the temple, the garden had been created by Emperor Xiaowen of the Northern Wei. These are surely the “strange plants and famous flowers” to which the poem refers: South of the temple is a flower garden of about twenty-three qing.70 The rich soil has luxuriant vegetation of a hundred kinds and a thousand names. Their splendor is dazzling, in appearance the same as an unrolled brocade. They were planted by Emperor Xiaowen. Local custom says that in the spring these flowers are hardly blooming, and barely cover the ground. On the fifteenth day of the seventh month, they all blossom at once for seven days, and then in a gust of wind they wither. [The garden] is through a

68 S. 0467 and S. 2080 have 合掌望空. 69 GuangQLZ, 1105c. 70 About 350 acres. 76 chapter three

gloomy narrow pass which is difficult to find. This is why few see it. The Kuodi zhi, calling it the flower orchard, says: “The numinous plants and embroidered forests, the strange species and unusual names, the tame and gentle birds and animals, are left naturally undisturbed. Truly it is a beautiful landscape.”71 Daoxuan also recorded a flower garden of about three qing to the south of the Temple of the Great Faith of the Numinous Vulture, with flowers in constant bloom.72 The site was also famous for the appearances of Mañjuśrī and many other divine beings. The Guang Qingliang zhuan describes a different temple, the Jade Flow- er Temple (Yuhua si 玉華寺), as built during the Tang dynasty on the Cen- tral Terrace, perhaps on the ruin of an earlier site. This area was apparently also well known for its flowers: Southeast of the Central Terrace is Jade Flower Temple. Legends say that long ago five hundred Indian monks practiced meditation and wisdom there. During the heat of summer, they dwelled on the Central Terrace, and in the frigidity of winter they returned to Jade Flower Temple to meditate. The old temple foundation still exists.73 The Qingliang shan zhi also notes that five hundred monks lived there and describes the flowers: “White lotuses grew in the pool, hard and lustrous like jade. The Dai magistrate built a stone wall around it and called it the Jade Flower.” It was believed that the pool existed on the temple grounds.74 The Indian monk Puhua visited the Jade Flower Temple, as seen in his travel record: On the twenty-fourth day, I ascended the Central Terrace, and encountered the ancient temple of Jade Flower and the new hermitage of Bodhi.75 Yanyi also lists Great Flower Pool as one of the numinous traces of the Central Terrace. This is a clearly a different pool from the Jade Flower Pool, but many of the pilgrims, including Ennin, confused the two sites.76 The

71 GuQLZ, 1094c. 72 Daoxuan, Ji Shenzhou sanbao gantong lu, T. 52.2106.425a. The Temple of the Great Faith of the Numinous Vulture was also called the Temple of the Flower Garden. 73 GuangQLZ, 1109a-b. 74 QLSZ, 32. Liu Yao et al. believe that the temple was named for the Jade Flower Pal- ace in Chang’an, where the Tang monk Xuanzang translated the Mahāprājñāpāramitā sūtra from 660 to 663. See Liu Yao 劉耀 et al., eds., Wutai shan lüyou cidian, 76. 75 Richard Schneider, “Un Moine Indien au Wou-t’ai chan: Relation d’un Pèlerinage,” 37. Du Doucheng, Dunhuang Wutai shan wenxian jiaolu yanjiu, 222. 76 Ennin visits the Great Flower Pool but mistakenly calls it the Jade Flower Pool. He says it is on the summit of the Central Terrace, and that its other name is the Dragon Pool. the hall of the great sage 77

Great Flower Pool is mentioned in the Gu Qingliang zhuan as the place where the sages washed their hands and rinsed their mouths, and into which pilgrims threw flowers and valuables as offerings.77 The Guang Qing liang zhuan also describes the location: On top of the Central Terrace is the Great Flower Pool, with a circumference of two li. Heaven created the nine bends. Its water is deep, the color of vaiḍūrya, and so clear one can see to the bottom. The inside of the pool is level, with piles of fallen rocks. Among the clumps of rocks are famous flowers of a hundred kinds brightly intertwined. This is the location of the palace of the divine dragons. People see them occasionally, and the frightened spirits are startled. The clouds and mist shine auspiciously. It is difficult to describe in detail, but the size and depth of the pool and the transformations of the spirits are uncertain. For this reason, visitors pay reverence by throwing their jewels and girdle ornaments into the water before departing.78 The Golden Sand Bank may refer to the bank of the Golden Sand River, a mythical Indian river which appears in the Nirvāṇa sūtra. The Qingliang shan zhi briefly describes a Golden Sand Spring (Jinshan quan 金沙泉) located on the side of the Dragon Gate on the Central Terrace.79 It may also allude to the Hiraṇyavatī River, the Golden River, next to which Śākyamuni Buddha attained nirvāṇa,80 or to the golden sands of the Jambū River, which ran through the continent of Jambūdvīpa.81 According to Yanyi, the Thousand-Year-Old Ice Grotto (Qiannian bing ku 千年冰窟) was one of the four numinous traces on the Central Ter- race.82 Ennin, who viewed it from the Pusa si 菩薩寺 (Bodhisattva Temple) of the Central Terrace, describes it as an area of ice so protected by the valley that it cannot melt: To the northeast, gazing far off to the bottom of a deep valley, is a silvery white area almost a mile long. People say this is the thousand-year-old ice. Year after year the snow does not melt, and collects as ice. The valley is deep, its back in shadow and its front concealed by a cliff that protects it

77 GuQLZ, 1093b. 78 GuangQLZ, 1105b-c. 79 QLSZ, 27. 80 The Golden River is believed to be an actual river, corresponding to the Gandaki River of Nepal. 81 Paul W. Kroll, Dharma Bell and Dhāraṇī Pillar: Li Po’s Buddhist Inscriptions, 56, n. 70. He quotes from Buddhapāli’s translation of the Foding zunsheng tuoluoni jing 佛頂尊勝陀羅尼經 (Uṣṇīṣavijayā-dhārāṇī sūtra), T. 19.967.351b: “...the Jambū river gold, brightly clean and mildly unassuming, which brings pleasure to those who see it, not being tainted or cloyed by pollution or evil.” This sūtra is closely associated with Mount Wutai. 82 GuangQLZ, 1105c. 78 chapter three

from the sunlight. This is why from ancient times there has never been a period when even a tiny bit of snow has thawed.83 The five-colored auspicious clouds allude to the five colors of Buddhism, each of which corresponds to one of the five directions and symbolizes an ideal.84 Five-colored clouds are mentioned countless times in the poems and travel records associated with Mount Wutai. The Guang Qingliang zhuan records the visit to Mount Wutai of a meditation master, who “climbed to the top of the southwestern terrace and gazed at the five peaks. All had five-colored clouds covering them.”85 The Japanese monk Jōjin also viewed a similar cloud after religious ceremonies at the Cloister of the True Countenance on the Central Terrace: The disciples returned to their rooms. En route, a five-colored cloud appeared at the summit of the west hall. An envoy first saw it and called out. A good number of monks and attendants were worshipping Mañjuśrī in the hall. The two assemblies joined together to make offerings and burn incense.86 In this song of the Central Terrace, after visiting several beautiful sites and perhaps experiencing his own visions of the bodhisattva, the poet is finally moved to make a vow, presumably to follow the Buddhist path. After he makes his pledge, the mountain responds with three manifestations of the five-colored clouds, as if they signal their approval. The “three times in one day” echoes a similar line in “I Ascend the Northern Terrace,” where the poet either meditates or circumambulates three times per day.

I Ascend the Western Terrace

I ascend the Western Terrace, Truly a holy region. By the side of Anavatapta Lake, Seems to be an image of a golden bridge. Two nimbi are shining as bright as mirrors. One Fragrant Mountain. Rocky bare peaks are worth singing about.

83 NGJG, 3:47-48. 84 Blue corresponds to the east and symbolizes meditation; yellow corresponds to the center and symbolizes memory; red corresponds to the south and symbolizes zeal; white corresponds to the west and symbolizes faith; and black corresponds to the north and symbolizes wisdom. 85 GuangQLZ, 1105c. 86 Cheng Xun (Jōjin), Can Tiantai Wutai shan ji, 158. the hall of the great sage 79

The footprints of the lion Are deeply and permanently imprinted. Beside the Pool of Eight Virtues, The sweet dew is always clear and pure. The [Tathāgata of the] Dragon Assembly is asked to lead the bodhisattvas. The devotee converses with him, So that the devas and men listen. 上西臺，真聖境。阿耨池邊，好似金橋影。兩道圓光明似鏡。一朵香山，崪屼堪吟詠。師子蹤，深印定。八德池邊，甘露常清淨。菩薩行時龍眾請。居士談揚，為有天人聽。 The Western Terrace is designated as the truly holy region of Mount Wutai. Perhaps it is because this was the location of Mañjuśrī’s most famous manifestation, which is described in the second half of this song. Anavatapta Lake, the sacred lake of the five-peaked mountain range of Mañjuśrī’s In- dian residence, was usually represented on Mount Wutai by the Great Flower Pool on the Central Terrace. We can only speculate that the poet is gazing into the distance at this pool, from the summit of the Western Ter- race. He looks from afar at the image of a golden bridge, a divine manifestation that appeared to pilgrims from time to time. The golden bridge is a heavenly bridge the buddhas cross when they attain nirvāṇa. It is mentioned in several other poems about Mount Wutai that are found in the Dunhuang manuscripts. It is unclear if the golden bridge is associated with the Golden River, where Śākyamuni Buddha attained nirvāṇa. Yanyi recorded two famous visions of the golden bridge on Mount Wutai; each was associated with the appearance of Mañjuśrī to the Tang Buddhist monks Fazhao and Daoyi, respectively. In Fazhao’s vision of the Temple of the Bamboo Grove, which he later had built on the Central Terrace, he “saw a tower with a golden door, possibly one hundred feet high, connected to two side towers. When he reached the entrance, he saw a temple. In front of the monastery was a large golden bridge.”87 Daoyi also saw the golden bridge as part of his vision of the Temple of the Golden Pavilion, which was built on the Central Terrace in 767.88 Zhang Shangying writes that he thought he saw a golden bridge and a wheel of light by the

87 GuangQLZ, 1114b. 88 Ibid., 1113b. 80 chapter three side of the Southern Terrace. He also was at the Temple of the Golden Pa- vilion when his vision occurred.89 On Mount Wutai, a “nimbus” (yuanguang 圓光) may refer to the halo of the buddhas and bodhisattva, to a shining wheel of light, or to a glowing cloud of one or more colors. Nimbi often appeared in the mountains, and they were also believed to be manifestations of Mañjuśrī. The Mañjuśrī- parinirvāṇa sūtra portrays the bodhisattva as surrounded by a magnificent nimbus within which appear five-colored jewels and lights. Ennin described an experience of his own with these balls of light, which could appear at any time of the day or night: The heavens were beautifully clear and the sky was azure blue. There was not a single patch of shadow. Together with Ishō, Igyō, and several monks from the cloister, from the courtyard I saw a shining colored cloud, radiant and glorious, in front of the cloister pavilion. Its colors were extremely beautiful. Luminously it floated in the air above the summit, and after a long time, it disappeared.90 Yanyi quotes from Chengguan, the Fourth Patriarch of the Huayan sect who described these nimbi as a natural part of the mountain landscape, much like the birds or clouds: Delicate and auspicious plants appear at dawn amidst hundreds of flowers. Sometimes ten thousand sages are spread out across the sky, and five-colored clouds congeal in the caverns. Nimbi glow in the mountain azure. Auspicious birds soar in the misty heavens. Whoever but hears the name of the Great Sage never again experiences the anxieties of mankind. Who- ever enters the holy region follows in his footsteps.91 Fragrant Mountain has been previously mentioned as Gandhamādana, the place of Mañjuśrī’s parinirvāṇa. Yanyi lists Fragrant Mountain as one of the numinous traces of the Western Terrace.92 Zhencheng says it is between the Central Terrace and the Western Terrace.93 Ennin describes it as three steep and tall peaks on the Western Terrace.94 The poem now begins to deal with sites actually associated with this terrace.

89 XuQLZ, 1127c. See also Robert M. Gimello, “Chang Shang-ying on Wu-t’ai shan,” in Pilgrims and Sacred Sites in China, ed. Susan Naquin and Chün-fang Yü, 103-104. 90 NGJG, 3:83-84. 91 GuangQLZ, 1104c. See also Chengguan, Dafangguang Fo huayan jingshu, T. 35.1735. 859c. 92 Ibid., 1106b. 93 QLSZ, 24. 94 NGJG, 3:29. the hall of the great sage 81

Yanyi lists the Footprints of the Lion (Shizi zong 師子蹤) as one of the numinous traces of the Western Terrace.95 It refers to the impressions made by Mañjuśrī’s mount, which were deeply imprinted in the ground near another numinous site, the Rock of the Conversation of the Two Sages (Ersheng duitan shi 二聖對譚石). Ennin visited the rock and described it in his diary: Down a slope west of the terrace about five or six li, in a nearby valley is where Mañjuśrī and Vimalakīrti conversed. Two great cliffs face each other, rising on the north and on the south about thirty feet high. The cliffs are flat on top, with great stone seats. Legends say this is where the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī and Vimalakīrti sat and talked. Below these two seats, on the rocks below, are the footprints of a lion, stamped into the face of the rock about one inch deep.96 The monk Puhua also visited this site: After finishing my modest meal, I climbed north into the clouds to the summit of the Western Terrace, seeking the seats where Vimalakīrti debated the Dharma. I saw the numinous trace of Mañjuśrī’s lion, and, before my pilgrimage had ended, a five-colored cloud appeared.97 This numinous trace alludes to an episode from the fifth chapter of the Vimalakīrti sūtra. Vimalakīrti was the most brilliant lay disciple of the Bud- dha, equal to the bodhisattvas in his spiritual attainment. In the sūtra’s most famous chapter, he manifests himself as a sick person in order to teach others about the Buddhist doctrine. When the Buddha hears of his illness, he instructs each of his five hundred disciples to inquire after Vimalakīrti, but each in turn refuses, having been previously intimidated by his enlightened mind. The Buddha then asks the bodhisattvas to visit Vimalakīrti, but all resist except for Mañjuśrī. The episode inspired numerous writings preserved in the Dunhuang manuscripts.98 Ennin describes a Pool of Eight Virtues, about one hundred paces from the site of Vimalakīrti and Mañjuśrī’s discussion.99 Yanyi lists it as one of

95 GuangQLZ, 1106b. 96 NGJG, 3:29. 97 Richard Schneider, “Un Moine Indien au Wou-t’ai chan: Relation d’un Pèlerinage,” 35. Du Doucheng, Dunhuang Wutai shan wenxian jiaolu yanjiu, 222. 98 S. 2454, S. 6631, and P. 3141 contain the “Wu gengzhuan jianshi’ershi” 五更轉兼十二時, a set of twenty-eight poems dating from the Tang which give highlights of the fifth chapter of the sūtra in five-line verse. There are also several jiangjing wen versions of the sūtra. 99 NGJG, 3:29-30. 82 chapter three the numinous traces of the Western Terrace.100 It was named after a pool near Mount Sumeru, which contained holy water with eight virtues, and tasted like sweet dew, or ambrosia. Mañjuśrī, the Supreme Tathāgata of the Dragon Kind, was considered to be the leader of the bodhisattvas. In the Vimalakīrti sūtra, when others hear that Mañjuśrī is to visit Vimalakīrti, they become excited at the spiritual possibilities of such a visit and follow him to Vimalakīrti’s sickbed:

The bodhisattvas, the chief disciples of the Buddha and the rulers of the four heavens who were present, thought to themselves: “As the two Mahāsattvas will be meeting, they will certainly discuss the profound Dharma.” So, eight thousand bodhisattvas, five hundred śrāvakas and hundreds of thousands of devas wanted to follow Mañjuśrī.101

The last three lines of the poem refer to this event. The devotee of the song is none other than Vimalakīrti. While Mañjuśrī and Vimalakīrti discussed profound doctrines, all heavenly and human beings could not help but listen. In this song, the poet seems closer to the divine than he did in the previous verses. He has a vision of the golden bridge, which leads to nirvāṇa. He sees two circles of light, possibly representing Mañjuśrī and Vimalakīrti, and then he praises the Fragrant Mountain, Mañjuśrī’s home after his parinirvāṇa. He visits the site of the legendary conversation between the enlightened layman and the bodhisattva. For the Chinese Buddhist, Vimalakīrti was a truly inspirational figure, more akin to the traditional model of the enlightened Chinese scholar-official. The lay devotee was such an important figure on Mount Wutai that he even appeared in visions of pilgrims, at the side of Mañjuśrī and Samantabhadra.

I Ascend the Southern Terrace

I ascend the Southern Terrace, Its woods and peaks are set apart, A pure region, solitary and high, Below whose cliffs I look at the stars and moon. I gaze at a distant place, with joyful emotions and thoughts.

100 GuangQLZ, 1106b. 101 Lu K’uan Yü (Charles Luk), trans., The Vimalakīrti Nirdeśa Sūtra, 49; Weimojie suoshuo jing, T. 14.475.544b. the hall of the great sage 83

Perchance I hear the divine bell, Feeling ashamed, I grasp the burning incense. Shu brocade flowers, Silver silk knots, I offer to the devas. No one plucks the water lilies. The dust and toil of the past are now extinguished. May my good fortune and longevity be prolonged, So that I can see the true bodhisattva. 上南臺，林嶺別。淨境孤高，巖下觀星月。遠眺遐方情思悅。或聽神鐘，102 感愧捻香爇。蜀錦花，銀絲結，供養諸天。菡萏無人折。103 往日塵勞今消滅。104 福壽延長，為見真菩薩。105 The Southern Terrace was unique among the five peaks. The Western, Cen- tral, Northern and Eastern Terraces cluster close together, whereas the Southern Terrace lies isolated and remote, a considerable distance to the south of the other four. This gave it a special aura, even among peaks at no loss for magic and mystery. Huixiang noted: “It is a numinous region of isolation. This is why people rarely pass through it.”106 Yanyi seemed especially intrigued with the Southern Terrace, describing it in more detail than the other terraces:

The Southern Terrace is isolated and inaccessible, and a great distance from all the terraces. The forest at the foot of the mountain is dense and lush, and the cliffs lean to one side. It is the most gloomy and lonely ... Famous flowers bloom everywhere on the mountain peak for thirty li. It is commonly called Transcendent Flower Mountain. One frequently experiences a conjured temple, and from time to time the sound of a bell. Long ago, someone encountered a strange man in the guise of a great official. In the midst of speaking, he leaped up and soared away into the distance.107

102 Ren Bantang interprets 或 as 忽. 103 P. 3360 and S. 4012 have 人間徹 for 無人折. 104 S. 0467 has 慚愧塵勞罪消滅. 105 S. 4012 has 禮 for 見. 106 GuQLZ, 1095c. 107 GuangQLZ, 1106b. 84 chapter three

The Southern Terrace was famous for the Grotto of the Holy Bell (Sheng- zhong ku 聖鐘窟), from which was heard the spontaneous tolling of a bell. Ennin described the grotto as near the gate of the Lingjing si 靈境寺 (Tem- ple of the Numinous Region) in the hollow at base of an elm tree. The sound of a bell could be occasionally heard tolling from within; it was thought to be a manifestation of Mañjuśrī.108 The peaceful and contemplative tone of this poem is unlike the others, and not just because the Southern Terrace is far away from the other terraces. There are no descriptions of visits to numinous traces, of which Yanyi lists nine on this terrace. The poet seems different too; he looks, listens, and sits. He has reached the end of his pilgrimage and has joyful feelings and thoughts about his experiences. The poet of this song has completely left behind the ordinary world and has embraced the pure land of Mount Wutai, and prays to live long enough to see the bodhisattva himself. He has had some visions, such as those of the five-colored clouds and the golden bridge, but not the one he apparently longs for. This particular song has a unity of theme and clarity of vision missing from the other five songs. As the most personal poem of the six, it greatly contrasts with “The Hall of the Great Sage,” which celebrates the mountain as home of the divine beings and has no individual voice. It serves as an appropriate coda to the set of six songs. The “Songs of Mount Wutai” omit some of the most important numinous traces of the individual terraces, and not one Buddhist temple is mentioned by name. For example, “I Ascend the Northern Terrace” does not mention the Palace of the Dragon King, the most significant site on the terrace, and while the poet mentions the Nārāyaṇa Grotto, he neglects to visit the Vajra Grotto, the most famous cave on Mount Wutai. Another oddity is that not one person or divine being is specified, except for Mañjuśrī. In these omissions, this set of poems greatly contrasts with the other Mount Wutai poems in the Dunhuang manuscripts, which name temples, monks, bodhisattvas, and other figures from the pilgrimage and sūtra literature. The tone of the poems is varied. “The Hall of the Great Sage” is the most impersonal, but “I Ascend the Southern Terrace” has humanity in its spiritual aspirations and sense of mortality. Whether these inconsistencies are due to multiple authors or other considerations is as yet unresolved. Some Chinese scholars, such as Chen Zhongfan 陳鐘凡, have thought the songs

108 NGJG, 3:126. the hall of the great sage 85 were used in a theatrical performance, in which case the words would have formed only one component of the audience’s experience.109 This would account for the abrupt transitions both between the individual lines of a specific poem and between the poems themselves. Another question is whether the author(s) had actually visited the mountain and instead used many of the legends surrounding the terraces as their inspiration. Nonetheless, this poem cycle ends on a triumphant note. “I Ascend the Southern Terrace” states, “The dust and toil of the past are now extinguished.” The pilgrim has ascended the last of the five terraces and has decided to leave the world behind, perhaps to become a monk.

109 See DHGCZB, 3:1717 citing Chen Zhongfan, “Cong Sui Tang daqu shitan dangshi gewu xi de xingcheng” 從隋唐大曲試探當時歌舞戲的形成, Nanjing daxue xuebao 南京大學學報 3 (1964). 86 chapter three

Figure 4. The Western Terrace. Mount Wutai. Dunhuang Cave 61. Photograph: Dunhuang Research Academy. THE LAND OF VAIḍŪRYA 87

CHAPTER FOUR

THE LAND OF VAIḌŪRYA: EULOGY ON MOUNT WUTAI

“Eulogy on Mount Wutai” (“Wutai shan zan” 五臺山讚), which appears in numerous Dunhuang manuscripts, is a zan, or “eulogy.”1 It contains more religious material than the “Songs of Mount Wutai,” including eulogies for Mañjuśrī. In its most complete version, it consists of eighteen linked quatrains, with seven characters per line. The rhyme appears at the end of the even-numbered lines. Ren Bantang notes that these poems are related to the common Buddhist songs (geci 歌詞) with linked stanzas and were therefore set to music. Although the basic structure of this eulogy is a seven-syllable quatrain, four of the stanzas have different numbers of characters: II, XIII, XIV, and XV.2 The zan is an ancient Chinese literary form that predates Buddhism’s entry into China. The Six Dynasties critical work, Wenxin diaolong 文心雕龍, by Liu Xie 劉勰 (c. 465-522) describes this verse form: The original idea of the zan developed out of the desire to express praise or admiration. For this reason its style has always been terse, allowing little room for expansion. Its lines are always in the four-syllable pattern, and its rhymes are limited. Its guiding principle is to employ brevity of language to portray adequately the feelings involved and to develop its literary expressions with emphasis on lucidity. Although its roots strike deep into the past, it has seldom been put to use.3 The zan of the Dunhuang literature refers to a more recent genre derived from a Sanskrit verse form. According to Wang Fanzhou 汪泛舟, the majority of these were derived from Sanskrit texts of the Buddhist canon, but there are also a good number of zan composed in Chinese.4 Most of these

1 In the Pelliot collection there are eight manuscripts: 3563, 3843, 4560, 4608, 4625, 4627, 4645, and 4647. In the Stein collection there are six manuscripts: 4039, 4429, 5456, 5487, 5473, and 5573. In addition, this poem appears in six manuscripts in the St. Peters- burg collection: L. 0278, 1009, 1269, 1362, 1369, and 1398. There is also a manuscript in the Beijing collection, Beijing 8325. The chief manuscripts are S. 5573 and P. 4625. 2 DHGCZB, 2:829-830. 3 Liu Hsieh, The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons, trans. Vincent Yu-chung Shih, 53. I have used his translation with minor modifications. 4 Wang Fanzhou, “Zan. Zhen” 贊。箴, in Dunhuang wenxue, ed. Zhou Shaoliang, 97-107. 88 chapter four

Chinese zan contain five or seven syllables per line and follow rules of Chinese prosody, but not all do. Some have irregular numbers of syllables per line, and their length may range from thirty to two thousand characters. Their authors were generally Buddhist monks or lay disciples, mostly from the Dunhuang area, and they date from the late Sui to the early Song dynasties. An overwhelming majority of the zan, over ninety-five percent according to Wang, are Buddhist eulogies. They can be divided into three catego- ries: (1) Eulogies for the Buddha’s enlightenment. These describe the life of the Buddha in verse form. (2) Eulogies for Buddhist monks, their teachings and practice halls, including the “holy land of Mount Wutai.” This group has the greatest variety of content and style. (3) Eulogies for the pure land of Amitābha Buddha or eulogies on texts or episodes from the Tripiṭaka, such as the Lotus sūtra or Avataṃsaka sūtra. They are not retellings of the scriptures, but verses of inspiration and devotion. These canonical praises also include eulogies for the Buddha’s mother and for individual buddhas and bodhisattvas. The remaining eulogies have non-Buddhist, often Confu- cian or Nestorian themes. Intriguingly, there is a Uighur version of this eulogy which was found in 1906 by the third German (Prussian) expedition to Turfan. The text is fragmented and incomplete. The existence of this thirteenth-century manuscript indicates that Uighur Buddhists also re- vered the mountain and visited the site.5 The eulogies to Mount Wutai in this study reflect some of the characteristics that Wang has outlined. They all have seven syllables per line, with an occasional irregular line length. They exhibit a great variety of Chinese poetic styles from linked quatrains to regulated verse. They range in length from eight to over one hundred lines. All three sets of eulogies fall into the second category, eulogies for Buddhist monks and their practice halls. The “Eulogy on Mount Wutai” found in chapter five might also fall into the third category, since it includes praise for the pure land of Amitābha. The eulogy of this chapter is not divided equally among the five terraces and, unlike the “Songs of Mount Wutai” of chapter three, it does not depict a tour of the mountain terrace by terrace. Some of the quatrains seem to be concerned with all the terraces together, while others are devoted to a single terrace. As with the “Songs of Mount Wutai,” the Eastern Terrace is mentioned first. There the similarity ends, for this eulogy offers no orderly circumambulation. In the “Songs of Mount Wutai,” the poet-

5 Peter Zieme, “Three Old Turkic 五臺山讚 Wutaishanzan fragments,” in Studies of the Inner Asian Languages 17 (September 2002): 223-239. THE LAND OF VAIḍŪRYA 89 pilgrim climbed up and down the terraces to enjoy the scenery and see the numinous traces of the bodhisattva. In “Eulogy on Mount Wutai,” the poet takes a rather disjointed trip, moving back and forth among the terraces in an unrealistic manner. Sometimes we do not even know which terrace we are on. All sense of a physical journey disappears. The emphasis, instead, is on the miraculous sites and extraordinary beings on the terraces. The theme is no longer a particular terrace, but the mountain as a whole. De- spite its lack of geographical organization, however, this is the only poem in the Mount Wutai corpus where historical temples and certain figures, both real and mythical, are mentioned by name. We have already seen many of the themes and motifs of this poem in “Songs of Mount Wutai,” and some of the stanzas use phrases resembling those we have seen in the songs. Most of the quatrains speak of the miraculous sites in the most general terms, as the four-line stanza form limits development of ideas. Although some of the stanzas are clearly linked, not all of them are, leading occasionally to uneven transitions. We do not know if there are missing verses, or this is simply the poet’s style. Despite these shortcomings, there is new material in the poem, and it merits study as an example of the zan form. Each stanza of “Eulogy on Mount Wutai” is focused on a particular idea or image. The poet concentrates on conveying some of the basic tenets of the Buddhist doctrine, and he strongly emphasizes the manifestations and transformations on the mountain. Well-known legendary and historical figures are mentioned, nearly all of whom had encounters with the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī: the Silla prince, the Chinese Avataṃsaka monk Jietuo, the Dragon King Sāgara, the goddess Samādhi, and the Indian monk Buddhapāli. They appear in the poem to serve as inspiration to pilgrims. The eighteen stanzas are linked by a refrain, which varies according to the manuscript. Most of the manuscripts have “Disciple”6 at the beginning of each verse;7 others have “Disciple of the Great Sage, the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī.”8 The date of this eulogy is also uncertain. Jao Tsong-yi believes it is from the Late Tang,9 whereas Ren Bantang dates it to the era of Wu Zetian.10 Only manuscript S. 4429 is dated, at the end of the scroll, to the

6 Literally, “Son of the Buddha.” 7 S. 4039, S. 4429, S. 5487, S. 5573, P. 3563, P. 4560, P. 4608, P. 4647, and Beijing 8325. 8 L. 0278 and L. 1009. 9 Jao Tsong-yi and Paul Demiéville, Airs de Touen-houang (Touen-houang k’iu): Textes à chanter des VIIIe-Xe siècles, 191-193 10 DHGCZB, 2:835-837. 90 chapter four fourth day of the sixth month of wuchen 戊辰, which corresponds to the years of 848, 908, and 968. For purposes of discussion, I have numbered the eighteen verses.11

Eulogy on Mount Wutai

I. Disciple, Bow down in the bodhimaṇḍala,12 and pray a moment. To perfect your mind, listen as Mount Wutai is eulogized. Poisonous dragons send down rain, making a great sea,13 What Mañjuśrī has protected cannot be overturned. 佛子, 道場屈請暫時間，14 至心聽讚五臺山。毒龍雨降為大海，文殊鎮壓不能翻。 “Eulogy on Mount Wutai” begins with an invitation to enter the bodhi maṇḍala, in which the Buddhist doctrine was taught. It also refers to the mountain itself, as the spiritual arena for Mañjuśrī’s teachings. This eulogy may have been used to attract visitors to Mount Wutai to listen to more serious lectures on the Buddhist sūtras. Whatever its purpose, just as the “Songs of Mount Wutai” begin with an image of the hall of the Great Sage, this poem begins with that of a bodhimaṇḍala. The poem says that even to listen to this eulogy of Mount Wutai will perfect the mind. Although dragons are also mentioned in the “Songs of Mount Wutai,” “Eulogy on Mount Wutai” places more emphasis on Mañjuśrī’s relationship with them. This first stanza highlights the bodhisattva’s subjugation of the poisonous dragons. Even though they are responsible for the severe weather of Mount Wutai they are essentially harmless, and the stanza ends with a declaration of utter finality, an expression of total confidence in Mañjuśrī’s power to convert every being beyond reversion.

11 My translations are based on collations of the various manuscripts in DHGCZB, 2:829-869. Any emendations are noted. 12 The place where Śākyamuni Buddha, or, by extension, any Buddha attained enlightenment. Here it refers to the area where Mañjuśrī manifests, i.e. Mount Wutai. 13 This line greatly varies in different manuscripts. Jao Tsong-yi extrapolates 毒龍已除為天海, whereas Ren Bantang creates 毒龍雨降如火海. I have followed Du Doucheng and used S. 5573. 14 P. 4625 has 乞 for 屈. THE LAND OF VAIḍŪRYA 91

II. Disciple, In northeast Dai prefecture is Mount Wutai,15 Its high, broad mountains are joined to Heaven. From the Eastern Terrace one gazes on the land of Vaiḍūrya, From the Western Terrace one turns to see Jetavana. 佛子，代州東北有五臺山，其山高廣與天連。東臺望見琉璃國，西臺還見給狐園。 The second stanza continues a general introduction to Mount Wutai by presenting a cosmic panorama of the mountain, similar to that seen in “I Ascend the Eastern Terrace” from the “Songs of Mount Wutai.” Although Mount Wutai may be located in Dai prefecture, it is linked with Heaven, like the mythical Mount Kunlun. From the summits of its terraces one can view what are presumably the limits of the world as the Chinese pilgrim envisioned them during the Tang dynasty. “The land of Vaiḍūrya” is the term used since the Sui dynasty to refer to the Ryūkyū Islands, which lie in the ocean northeast of China. Jetavana is the park that was presented to Śākyamuni Buddha for his monastery and used as a site for his sermons. This verse thus exaggerates the view from the top of the Eastern and West- ern Terraces to encompass both Japan and India.16 By the Tang, visitors from both these countries were visiting Mount Wutai. The stanza emphasizes the universality of the Buddhist teachings, which transcend national borders and geographical barriers. The sermons of the Buddha were sent forth from Jetavana in the west, but by the Tang had reached the land of Vaiḍūrya far to the east of China. In the mind of the writer, Mount Wutai stood at the center of this Buddhist world. III. Disciple, The Great Sage Mañjuśrī protects the Five Terraces, He truly is the Supreme Tathāgata of the Dragon Kind. One roar of the lion penetrates the great chiliocosm,17 His mind destroys the boldness of the five hundred poisonous dragons.

15 Ren Bantang uses this line to date the eulogy to the Zhou dynasty of Wu Zetian. He bases his theory on Beijing/xian 18, which has 大周 for 代州. Only S. 5473 has 代州; most manuscripts have 大州. 16 Du Doucheng believes it refers to the eastern region which is ruled by Medicine Buddha. See Du Doucheng, Dunhuang Wutai shan wenxian jiaolu yanjiu, 7, fn. 7. It may also refer to Mañjuśrī’s pure land, which is cited as the “Realm of Blue Vaiḍūrya” (Qing liuli shijie 青琉璃世界) on a cartouche in the wall-painting of Dunhuang cave 61. 17 Literally, “three thousand worlds,” an abbreviation of sanqian daqian shijie 三千大千世界, “three thousand great one thousand world,” which refers to the three chilio- 92 chapter four

佛子，大聖文殊鎮五臺，真是龍種上如來。18 師子一吼三千界，五百毒龍心膽摧。 The third stanza presents the bodhisattva as the chief figure of the mountain by addressing Mañjuśrī’s role as conqueror of the dragons and protector of the terraces. Echoing the Śūraṅgama-samādhi sūtra, it explains how the bodhisattva is able to subdue the dragons with the leonine roar of the Buddhist doctrine preached throughout the universe, subduing all evil and converting the ignorant.19 This line partially appears in “I Ascend the East- ern Terrace” as “the lion roars.” In that song, the roar is heard in the midst of manifestations and transformations, but in this eulogy, the roar is more directly related to Mañjuśrī’s subjugation of the dragons. In this verse, it is clear that the bodhisattva’s authority is derived from the power of the Bud- dhist doctrine. A single roar is powerful enough to penetrate all worlds; likewise, one single enlightened mind is sufficient to conquer the audacity of hundreds of dragons. IV. Disciple, The lofty Eastern Terrace is the clearest and highest, Do not resent the difficulty of the pilgrimage. Gazing east at the ocean waters is like looking at one’s palm, The wind tosses the overflowing waves on torrential waters. 佛子，東臺岌岌最清高，四方巡禮莫辭勞。東望海水如觀掌，風波泛浪水滔滔。 We begin our journey through the terraces in the fourth stanza, starting at the Eastern Terrace with a view of the ocean. Like “I Ascend the Eastern Terrace” from chapter three, this verse emphasizes the height of the terrace and clarity of the view. The poet is in error here: The terrace may be clear, but it is not the highest. Today we know that the Northern Terrace is. Even though the ocean is distant, it seems as close as the palm of one’s hand. One can easily see the waves on the ocean. The “torrential waters” imply a storm, reminiscent of the dragon spirits fighting on the ocean shore in “I Ascend the Eastern Terrace.” The pilgrimage may be a difficult one, but it is worth the journey for the lofty perspective. cosms, which form a great chiliocosm. In other words, 1,000 small plus 1,000 medium plus 1,000 large worlds equal the universe. 18 P. 4647 has 眾 for 種. 19 Śūraṅgama-samādhi sūtra, T. 15.642.644a. THE LAND OF VAIḍŪRYA 93

V. Disciple, On torrential ocean waters, to the endless shore, Came the drifting boat of the Silla prince. He did not avoid having his white bones far from home, For ten thousand li he restrained his passions and reverenced the Five Terraces. 佛子，滔滔海水無邊畔，新羅王子泛舟來。不辭白骨離鄉遠，萬里持心禮五臺。 The fifth stanza is linked to the previous stanza by the phrase “torrential,” which appears as the last two characters of the fourth verse and the first two characters of this one after the refrain. The poem is also associated with the Eastern Terrace, as the kingdom of Silla lay to the east of Mount Wutai, across the ocean. Gazing at the ocean, the poet thinks of the Silla prince, who came to Mount Wutai and died there. The Silla kingdom had unified Korea and expelled the Chinese from the peninsula by 676. Bud- dhism flowered in Korea at that time, and the Avataṃsaka sect, which was established in Silla in 669, was embraced by the aristocracy. Since Mount Wutai was the center of Avataṃsaka Buddhism in China, any number of princes of Silla may have visited the mountain. But the Chinese records are silent on this point. There is much debate among Chinese scholars as to the name of the Silla prince. It is a question of great significance, since the identification of the prince could aid in the dating of this poem. A work by the Korean monk Ilyŏn 一然 (1206-1289), the Samguk yusa 三國遺事, a compendium of tales and legends about the three kingdoms of ancient Korea, relates two accounts of the princes Poch’ŏn 寶川 and Hyo-myŏng 孝明, sons of King Chŏngsin 淨神 of the Silla kingdom, making a pilgrimage to Mount Wutai.20 Shortly thereafter, the king was deposed and generals were sent to bring back the two princes. Poch’ŏn refused to go, and remained on Mount Wutai, where he lived in a cave for fifty years, but Hyo-myŏng returned home to ascend the throne. However, Ilyŏn has appended a correc- tion that there were no such king and princes at that time, and supposes the record must refer to King Hyoso 孝昭王, who ascended the throne in 692 at the age of sixteen and reigned for ten years until he died at the age of twenty-six.

20 Ilyŏn, Samguk Yusa: Legends and History of the Three Kingdoms of Ancient Korea, trans. Tae-Hung Ha and Grafton K. Mintz, 257-264. 94 chapter four

Of three Chinese scholars who have studied this question, Ren Ban- tang21 holds with Ilyŏn that the prince died in 702, whereas Jao Tsong-yi believes that the Silla prince passed away in 923, based on his own interpretation of the material in the Samguk yusa.22 Du Doucheng agrees with Ren, but disputes that the prince ever went to Mount Wutai at all, citing another passage in the Samguk yusa23 which alludes to a Korean equiva- lent of Mount Wutai, much in the spirit of the Japanese Godaisan.24 An- other reference to a Silla prince and Mount Wutai appears in Puhua’s pilgrimage record. The monk writes: On the twenty-second day, I went to the Temple of the Prince (Wangzi si 王子寺), ascended the Arhat Hall (Luohan tang 羅漢堂), paid reverence to the Great Master Jianglong 降龍大師, and saw the stūpa of the Silla prince.25 The Temple of the Prince refers to a famous old temple built on the Central Terrace.26 According to the Gu Qingliang zhuan, the prince in question immolated himself on that location during the Northern Qi dynasty, and thus this site has nothing to do with the Silla prince. The Guang Qingliang zhuan has a biography of the Great Master Jianglong, and records that he died in 925, and a stūpa was built in his honor.27 As for the stūpa of the Silla prince, there is no proof that it was as old as the Temple of the Prince or as recent as the stūpa of the Great Master Jianglong. This text is too ambiguous to resolve the question. Ennin writes of meeting Korean monks on Mount Wutai, but he is equally silent on the Silla prince of this verse.28 This is the only reference to the Silla prince in the Mount Wutai poems found in the Dunhuang manuscripts, and the answer to this question must await further research.29

21 DHGCZB, 2:841-842. 22 Jao Tsong-yi [Rao Zongyi] and Paul Demiéville, Airs de Touen-houang (Touen- houang k’iu): Textes à chanter des VIIIe-Xe siècles, 192. Unfortunately, he does not give an explanation. 23 Ilyŏn, Samguk Yusa: Legends and History of the Three Kingdoms of Ancient Korea, 261. The passage reads: “This mountain (Odae-san) is part of the great mountain range that extends down from Paektu-san (The Ever-White Mountain in north Korea) and each of its peaks and terraces is an abode of buddhas.” Odaesan 五臺山 is the Korean pronunciation for Mount Wutai. 24 Du Doucheng, Dunhuang Wutai shan wenxian jiaolu yanjiu, 125-128. 25 Richard Schneider, “Un Moine Indien au Wou-t’ai chan: Relation d’un Pèlerinage,” 35. Du Doucheng, Dunhuang Wutai shan wenxian jiaolu yanjiu, 222. 26 GuQLZ, 1094c. 27 GuangQLZ, 1121c-1122a. 28 Edwin O. Reischauer, Ennin’s Travels in T’ang China, 279. Also see NGJG, 2:197. 29 Of particular interest is the Korean monk Hye-Ch’o 慧超, a native of Silla, who visited Mount Wutai in 780. See The Hye-Ch’o Diary: Memoir of the Pilgrimage to the Five Regions of India, trans. Yang Han-sung et al. THE LAND OF VAIḍŪRYA 95

VI. Disciple, It is very pleasant in the Southern Terrace grotto, Inside are great numbers of arhats. Auspicious birds appear from time to time, Night after night come flying glowing holy lamps. 佛子，南臺窟裏甚可憎，30 裏許多饒羅漢僧。31 吉祥聖鳥時時現，夜夜飛來點聖燈。 The sixth stanza describes an unspecified grotto on the Southern Terrace. The terrace had several, including the Cave of the Seven Buddhas (Qi Fo dong 七佛洞) where, according to the Qingliang shan zhi, seven Indian monks attained enlightenment or became arhats.32 The Southern Terrace was where Ennin had his vision of the holy lamps: Today, we sought a manifestation of the Great Sage on the Southern Ter- race, along with the ascetic and several others. By evening we had seen nothing. Consequently we returned to the cloister for the night. Early in the night, east of the terrace, across a valley, and above a ridge in the sky, we saw a holy lamp. The group all saw and worshipped it together. At first, the light of this lamp was about as big as an alms bowl, but later it gradually grew as large as a small house. The assembled were greatly moved and with loud voices chanted the name of the Great Sage. Just then another lamp appeared near to the valley. At first it resembled a rain hat, but later it gradually became larger. The two lamps, seen from afar, were about one hundred feet apart. They burned brightly, straight until midnight, when they were extinguished and disappeared.33 The holy lamps were a common manifestation of the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī; they might appear on any of the terraces, and were not restricted to a particular location. Like the lion’s roar, the lamp is an image straight out of the Buddhist scriptures. It is a symbol of the wisdom and illumination of the Buddha’s teachings. The twelfth chapter of the Avataṃsaka sūtra is dedicated to a list, in verse form, of the different qualities of light produced by the concentration of the buddhas. Among them is this lamp:

30 S. 4039, Beijing 8325, and L. 1009 all have 僧. S. 5573 uses 增. Ren Bantang believes these are phonetic loan characters for 憎 which he interprets to mean “pleasant.” See DHGCZB, 2:843. Jiang Lihong, Dunhuang bianwen ziyi tongshi, 300-301, also takes 憎 to mean the converse of its actual meaning “to hate.” 31 S. 4429 and P. 3563 have 邐迤 for 裏畔. 32 QLSZ, 22. GuangQLZ, 1106c, lists Valley of the Seven Buddhas (Qi Fo gu 七佛谷) as one of the seven numinous sites on the Southern Terrace. 33 NGJG, 3:97-98. 96 chapter four

It produces a light called the lamp of wisdom. This light can enlighten all beings And make them know sentient beings are by nature empty and silent,34 And all things are non-existent. They show all things are empty and have no master Like an illusion, like a flame and the moon in the water, And even seem like dreams or reflections. This is why this light is created.35 The Pure Land monk Fazhao also had a spectacular vision of holy lamps when he was on the Central Terrace, outside the Flower Ornament Temple. In this incident, the monk actually interacts with the lamps: Halfway up the mountain to the east, he saw five holy lamps, as large as bowls. Fazhao prayed: “Please divide into one hundred lamps.” The lamps then divided into one hundred. He prayed again: “Please divide into one thousand lamps.” When he looked for the division, he saw they had transformed into three columns [of one thousand], facing each other halfway up the mountain. Then he forgot his body, and went alone to the Vajra Grotto to gaze upon the Great Sage.36

VII. Disciple, The holy lamps blaze and blaze, arrayed before us, Illuminating the divine mountain so that it is bright everywhere. This mountain is full of numinous and strange birds, In the ten temples of Wutai, the music resounds and resounds. 佛子，聖燈焰焰向前行，照耀靈山遍地明。此山多饒靈異鳥，37 五臺十寺樂轟轟。 The seventh stanza is linked to the previous verse by the phrase “holy lamp,” so it may be set on the Southern Terrace. But it may also be about manifestations on all five of the terraces. The lamps illuminate all of Mount Wutai, and the birds fly throughout the terraces. In response to the manifestations, the temples pay reverence to the buddhas and bodhisattvas with chanting and music. It is not known to which ten temples the stanza refers. Yanyi lists the ten ancient temples of the Central Terrace, but it was also

34 空寂 kongji: immaterial. 35 Dafangguang Fo Huayan jing, T. 10.279.76a. 36 GuangQLZ, 1115a. The holy lamps later appeared on Mount Emei, where they were first sighted during the Xiantong reign period (860-874). See James Hargett, Stairway to Heaven: A Journey to the Summit of Mount Emei, 41. 37 S. 4427 and S. 5423 have 吉祥 for 靈異. THE LAND OF VAIḍŪRYA 97 said that each terrace had ten temples.38 The poem might also refer to the ten temples built on the terraces according to Emperor Taizong’s 635 decree. Whatever the case, this stanza evokes the splendor of the temple ceremonies and the grand scale of the manifestations on the mountain. VIII. Disciple, At the southern foot of the Southern Terrace is the Temple of the Numinous Region, Inside the Temple of the Numinous Region are the holy Vajra. The ten thousand bodhisattvas sing eulogies, The holy bell rings spontaneously, without being struck. 佛子，南臺南腳靈境寺，靈境寺裏聖金剛。一萬菩薩聲讚歎，聖鐘不擊自然鳴。 The Temple of the Numinous Region was involved in a divine manifestation which Ennin describes in detail in his diary: On the western side of the monastery gate are images of the holy Vajra bodhisattvas. Long ago, the bodhisattvas manifested their vajra bodies in the three regional commanderies of Taiyuan, You and Zheng. They said: “We are the Buddha Rucika39 who have taken the form of spirits to guard the Buddhist Law. We were buried in the ground, and over the years turned to dust. We have again appeared, and now are within the three gates of the Temple of the Numinous Region on Terrace Mountain.” The regional com- manders of the three prefectures were astounded, and recorded their appearance. Each sent an envoy there to make inquiries. There were two Vajra bodhisattvas to the left and right of the monastery. In their appearance and manner they were identical with the manifestations in their own prefectures. The envoys then returned to their regions to report this. Con- sequently the three prefectures sent envoys here especially to repair the old images. There were many divine experiences. They are all on a stone inscrip- tion, which I have copied down separately.40

38 GuangQLZ, 1105c. The ten ancient temples are: Temple of the Great Faith of the Numinous Vulture, Temple of the Clear and Cold, Buddha Radiance Temple, Temple of the Prince, Temple of the Numinous Peak (Lingfeng si 靈峰寺), Stone Grotto Temple (Shiku si 石窟寺), Temple of the Food of the Transcendents (Fanxian si 飯仙寺) which was also known as Temple of the Brahman Transcendents (Fanxian si 梵仙寺), Temple of the Heavenly Basin (Tianfen si 天盆寺), Temple of the Viewing Tower (Louguan si 樓觀寺), and Dangchang Temple (Dangchang si 宕昌寺). 39 Louzhi Fo 樓支佛: the last of the one thousand buddhas of the present kalpa. In their present form they are in vajra bodies, and called Vajra bodhisattvas. 40 NGJG, 3:125-126. 98 chapter four

Unfortunately, Ennin’s notes are no longer extant to date this event; all that remains is the index.41 In this same diary entry, Ennin refers to this monastery as the Dali Temple of the Numinous Region (Dali Lingjing si 大歷靈境寺), which may indicate it was built or restored sometime during the Dali reign period of 766-799.42 Huixiang does not mention this monastery, although he does call the Southern Terrace a numinous region.43 Yanyi does not list it as one of the nine ancient temples of the Southern Terrace, but as one of the new temples built since the Tang.44 This monastery was adjacent to the site of the Grotto of the Holy Bell, also described by Ennin: Near the northwest corner of the monastery is an elm tree. Below its roots, a hollow area has become a grotto, called the Grotto of the Holy Bell (Sheng- zhong ku 聖鐘窟). From time to time, a bell rings within the grotto, and when it rings, it shakes the mountain peaks. Legends say this is a transformation of the Great Sage Mañjuśrī, and named this the Valley of the Holy Bell (Shengzhong gu 聖鐘谷).45

IX. Disciple, Inside Buddha Radiance Temple is the inconceivable, Agate and pearls protect the foundation. After the monk Jietuo attained nirvāṇa, He sat cross-legged, faintly smiling. 佛子，佛光寺裏不思議，瑪瑙珍珠鎮奠基。解脫和尚滅度後，結跏趺坐笑微微。 The Buddha Radiance Temple, located on the Central Terrace, was one of the most famous and oldest temples on Mount Wutai. It figured prominently in the visions of some of the greatest monks of the Tang dynasty, and was well known for its rays of divine, or Buddha, light, known as the foguang 佛光. The Qingliang shan zhi says the temple was built by Em- peror Xiaowen of the Northern Wei, and received its name when the emperor saw an auspicious omen of the Buddha light at this location.46 Huixiang wrote: The Southern Terrace is a divine region of remoteness. For this reason people rarely pass through it. West of the terrace is Buddha Radiance Mountain

41 NGJG, 4:567-608. 42 NGJG, 3:125. 43 GuQLZ, 1095. 44 GuangQLZ, 1106b. 45 NGJG, 3:126. 46 QLSZ, 49. THE LAND OF VAIḍŪRYA 99

(Foguang shan 佛光山), and below it is the Buddha Radiance Temple, which was built by Xiaowen. It has a Buddha Hall with three bays, and monks’ cham- bers of more than ten bays. The images are majestic and profound, and the forests and streams are pure and abundant. Long ago in the Kaiyun era of the Sui dynasty,47 the true religion again flourished. Everywhere monasteries were being repaired. At that time, at the Bright Fruit Temple in Wutai county, was a Meditation Master named Jietuo, who intended to end his days there.48 Thereupon he redoubled his efforts in restoring it.49 Yanyi gives the date of Jietuo’s repairs as the seventh year of the Zhenguan era (633) of the Tang.50 Born in the Sui dynasty, Jietuo was one of the most famous monks of the Early Tang. He was considered a great scholar of the Avataṃsaka sūtra, although he also recited the Lotus sūtra. He spent nearly fifty years teaching the scriptures in the Buddha Radiance Temple, and thousands of monks and laypeople came to hear him, often bringing their own mats to sit on because the temple seats were filled. In the Gu Qingliang zhuan, Huixiang devotes more attention to Jietuo than to any other monk, detailing his visions of Mañjuśrī and their conversations. Huixiang’s con- temporary, Fazang, also gives Jietuo considerable attention in the Huayan jing zhuanji.51 He relates how Jietuo had three visions of Mañjuśrī near the flower garden of the Ancient Great Faith Temple (Gu dafu si 古大孚寺)52 on the Central Terrace. Huixiang states that Jietuo saw the bodhisattva to the left of the Eastern Terrace. He also recounts a famous conversation between Mañjuśrī and Jietuo, which Fazang omits: According to various legends, the Meditation Master Jietuo was instructed by the Great Sage in the seal of the mind.53 Thus humbly and lowly, he tended himself, and concentrated his energy on serving the assembly. After this, the Great Sage personally descended to examine him. Every morning Jietuo made gruel for the assembly. The Great Sage suddenly appeared before him. Jietuo strangely did not turn his head to look. The Great Sage admonished him: “I am Mañjuśrī. I am Mañjuśrī.” Jietuo replied: “Mañjuśrī

47 The Sui had no such era. It did have a Kaihuang era, however, from 581 to 600. 48 The Meditation Master Sengming was also a monk at this temple. See Daoxuan, Xu gaoseng zhuan, T. 50.2060.664c-665a. 49 GuQLZ, 1095c. 50 GuangQLZ, 1107b. 51 Fazang, Huayan jing zhuanji, T. 51.2073.169a-c. 52 Another name for the Dafu lingjiu si 大孚靈鷲寺. 53 The seal of the truth, or the mental impression that we all have of the ultimate truth. 100 chapter four

is Mañjuśrī. Jietuo is Jietuo.” The Great Sage judged him truly enlightened, and withdrew and did not again appear.54 According to the Huayan jing zhuanji, Jietuo died in the sixteenth year of the Zhenguan era (642) at the age of eighty-one. He was so famous that almost fifty years after his death, he was appearing on Mount Wutai, as in this story recorded by Yanyi: In the second year of the Shengli era (699), the senior official Cui Yiyou made a pilgrimage to the Northern Terrace of Mount Wutai. Suddenly the mist thickened and he could not see half a step ahead. Cui Yiyou then threw himself on the ground, striking himself, and blood flowed from his entire body. He died but then revived. When he looked up he saw a ray of light between the clouds connected to the Flower Ornament Temple. Cui Yiyou then followed the light, but when he crossed the location it instantly disappeared. He went straight to the Flower Ornament Temple, where he spent the night. Then he went south towards the Buddha Radiance Temple. When he was over one hundred li away, he began to have an auspicious response. He arrived at the monastery and saw the Meditation Master Jietuo, as if alive, who had a conversation with him. Cui Yiyou then told the monks of the monastery. They were surprised and said, “Jietuo has been dead for many years. Why should you see him again? This is an inconceivable matter.” Cui Yiyou also said it was most strange.55 Dunhuang manuscript S. 0397 mentions that the Buddha Radiance Temple had a dharmakāya pagoda of Jietuo, and notes he was considered to be a reincarnation of Mañjuśrī. The author also mentions that during his second night at the temple he witnessed the appearance of eighteen cloud lanterns (yundeng 雲燈).56 Presumably these are lights emanating from the clouds. No further description is given. The Vinaya Master Daoxuan mentions Jietuo’s meditation cave, in which his sitting body is preserved.57 Hundreds of years later, it was still there. In 1088, Zhang Shangying visited both his cave and a stele, which was inscribed with the words “Jietuo is Jietuo; Mañjuśrī is Mañjuśrī.”58 It was believed that Jietuo’s body remained undecayed in his grotto, where he sat in final nirvāṇa. The term “inconceivable” (Skt. acintya) is prominently featured in the Buddhist scriptures. It is the title of the sixth chapter of the Chinese translation of the Vimalakīrti sūtra, in which Vimalakīrti tells Śāriputra that the

54 GuQLZ, 1096a. 55 GuangQLZ, 1117b. 56 Marylin M. Rhie, The Fo-kuang ssu: Literary Evidences and Buddhist Images, 58. 57 Daoxuan, Ji shenzhou sanbao tonglu, T. 52.2106.423a. 58 XuQLZ, 1128c. THE LAND OF VAIḍŪRYA 101 liberation realized by all buddhas and bodhisattvas is inconceivable.59 The Guang Qingliang zhuan narrates that when the Pure Land monk Fazhao visited the Buddha Radiance Temple in 770, at night in front of his doorway he saw a ray of white light (yidao baiguang 一道白光). The temple monks tell him it is the “inconceivable mark of light of the Great Sage” (dasheng bu siyi zhi guangxiang 大聖不思議之光相).60 The “inconceivable” within the Buddha Radiance Temple alludes to this divine light for which this monastery was well known. But more specifically in this poem, it refers to the inconceivable liberation of Jietuo, and to the mystery of his undecayed body. Fazang describes how the monk achieved his final transformation sitting in his meditation hut, and how within the Buddha Radiance Temple, his disciples chiseled a shrine for his body. The doors were kept slightly open, and Jietuo looked as if he were still alive.61 X. Disciple, Clear and Cold Temple sits on a cliff halfway up the mountain, Thousands of towers and pavilions repeatedly appear. Eulogies sound from ten thousand bodhisattvas, As if transformations are emerging from the clouds. 佛子清涼寺住半山崖，千重樓閣萬重開。一萬菩薩聲讚歎，如若雲中化出來。 There are several famous manifestations associated with this temple located on the Central Terrace. Yanyi describes a manifestation of Mañjuśrī experienced during an imperially sanctioned inspection of the Temple of the Clear and Cold: The Temple of the Clear and Cold is near the mountain from which it takes its name. It is located on the side of a cliff. In front, it penetrates a mountain torrent. Above, it joins the clouds and a rainbow. On the fifteenth day of the fifth month of the second year of Chang’an (702), Prince Jian’an, the senior official of Bingzhou, petitioned the throne to make repairs.62 The emperor ordered the Great Dharma Master Degan 德感 to personally visit Mount Wutai. Therefore, on the twelfth day of the seventh month, more than one thousand monks and laymen climbed to the top of the terrace and together saw the hand of the Buddha appear in a five-colored cloud. A white

59 Weimojie suoshuo jing, T. 14.475.546b. 60 GuangQLZ, 1114b. 61 Fazang, Huayan jing chuanji, T. 51.2073.169c. 62 Wu Youyi 武攸宜, nephew of Wu Zetian, enfeoffed as Prince Jian’an. 102 chapter four

fox and a white deer tamely approached them. Sounds of Sanskrit followed the wind, flowing clearly into the mountain valley. A strange fragrance per- fumed the air, enveloping people near and far. They saw a great monk with a body of purple gold appear standing before them. And then they saw the bodhisattva, his body clothed in jewels, manifest on the western peak.63 In its description of thousands of towers and pavilions, and transformations emerging from the clouds, the verse clearly refers to the phenomenon of conjured temples, described by Yanyi as the practice halls and pure lands of the buddhas and bodhisattvas. One of the most notable conjured temples was experienced by the monk Daoyi near the Temple of the Clear and Cold, which resulted in the construction of one of Mount Wutai’s most famous monasteries, the Temple of the Golden Pavilion. It was built only a few li from the Temple of the Clear and Cold in 767 with the financial support of Emperor Daizong and the help of the minister Wang Jin 王縉, brother of the poet Wang Wei. The description of the numerous towers and pavilions in Daoyi’s encounter with the bodhisattva echoes the above verse. Daoyi experienced his vision on the summit of the Central Terrace: When he emerged south of the monks’ hall, about several tens of paces, he turned to look into the distance. Suddenly he saw a young child of about thirteen or fourteen. His clothes were new and yellow in color, and on his feet were new hemp sandals. He called himself Jueyi 覺一,64 and said, “The monk at the Temple of the Golden Pavilion has sent me to invite the ācārya65 Daoyi of Quzhou for tea.” Daoyi quickly followed Jueyi two or three hundred paces to the northeast. When he raised his eyes, he saw a golden bridge. Daoyi followed him, and climbed to the Temple of the Golden Pavilion. The towers and pavilions were golden in color, and the brightness dazzled his eyes. The great pavilion had three stories, and above and below it had nine bays. When he saw it, he was startled, and devoutly paid reverence. Then he entered the temple courtyard. The halls and verandas were all ornamented with gold and precious stones. Alone at the gate of the great tower, he reached the bridge. Daoyi looked up with unceasing reverence, and it was as if his spirit were lost. He poured out his veneration with all his sincerity. The child then led Daoyi into the western chamber. From the south he ascended to the gate of the first cloister, and suddenly saw the old monk, who rode the elephant66 the previous day. He was at the gate sitting on a great golden couch, and said, “Has the Master come? You

63 GuangQLZ, 1107a. 64 “Aware of the One.” 65 A teacher. 66 Samantabhadra’s mount is the elephant, while Mañjuśrī rides a lion. But the old monk is also referred to as the Great Sage, which is the appellation of Mañjuśrī. THE LAND OF VAIḍŪRYA 103

must not worship me, please climb the steps.” Daoyi wished to make prostrations, but the old monk restrained him. Daoyi did not dare resist his order, and he ascended the hall and stood still. The Great Sage called for Jueyi to bring a small couch, and he ordered the ācārya to sit down. The utensils were also made of pure gold. Daoyi clasped his hands and bowed his head in reverence, and, trembling, he sat down. He felt terrified and dared not ask any questions.67 Daoyi engages in a conversation with Mañjuśrī, and has tea. He is invited to visit the twelve cloisters of the temple. There, he sees over ten thousand bodhisattva monks engaged in religious practice. “Daoyi then left the old monk, and when he emerged from the temple about one hundred paces, he turned around and it had disappeared. Only the empty mountain and the tall stately trees remained. Then he knew it had been a conjured temple.”68 XI. Disciple, The precipitous Western Terrace is extremely rugged, Ten thousand bodhisattvas fill the mountain slopes. Mañjuśrī talked for a long time with Vimalakīrti, The converted sentient beings emerged from the Nai River. 佛子，西臺險峻甚嵯峨，一萬菩薩遍山坡。文殊長講維摩語，教化眾生出渿河。 This stanza echoes “I Ascend the Western Terrace” of the “Songs of Mount Wutai,” which also portrays a rocky mountain and the most famous divine site on this terrace, the location of Mañjuśrī’s dialogue with Vimalakīrti and their audience of thousands of bodhisattvas. Here, however, both of them are mentioned by name instead of as the “Dragon Kind” and the “devotee.” In the “Songs of Mount Wutai,” the Nai River appears to be located on the Western Terrace. In this stanza, the poet is not visiting the river; he is simply noting that the condemned rise out of the river in response to the teachings of Mañjuśrī and Vimalakīrti. The conversation between the bodhisattva and Vimalakīrti enlightens all those who hear it, including those beings in Buddhist purgatory. In the Vimalakīrti sūtra, the devotee states that this is part of the bodhisattva’s duties: To all countries and lands, Wherever there are hells,

67 GuangQLZ, 1113b-c. 68 Ibid., 1114a. 104 chapter four

He quickly goes to those places To relieve their suffering.69 Vimalakīrti also manifested himself in the manner of the bodhisattvas to the Buddhist pilgrims on Mount Wutai. The monk Jin Guangzhao had a vision of the devotee in 767, at Mysterious Woman Cliff 秘巖 (Mimo yan), one of the numinous traces of the Western Terrace:70 The next day, he reverently took leave of the temple assembly. He went to Mysterious Woman Cliff, where he dwelled in seclusion and advanced in virtue, and his days were renewed. Afterwards, the Western Terrace suddenly shook violently with thunder and wind, hurling lightning and shooting hail. A great number of clouds opened up and, mounting a yellow mist in the valley, a thousand changes and ten thousand transformations suddenly [appeared] in its midst. The monk stared at this with an undivided heart, and vowed to seek Buddhahood. Then the weather was seasonably pleasant and clear. The clouds and mist welled up, and suddenly he saw the devotee Vimalakīrti, the bodhisattva Samantabhadra, and Mañjuśrī. The monk wept bitterly and worshipped them. Suddenly they disappeared. Then he saw two children who led him straight to the top of the terrace, where he saw the two Tathāgatas, as pure as vaiḍūrya, radiantly shining. A purple light concealed the sun, and a white vapor floated in the sky. All the mountains and trees were suffused with a golden color. Together he walked with his companions, not knowing their origin. Afterwards, he went to the Nārāyaṇa Grotto on the Eastern Terrace and looked in the distance at the three monks riding the white clouds bubbling forth, and attained his former reclusion. Then, after the third watch of the night, he suddenly saw in front of the cave a multistory tower, loudly and clearly resounding with heavenly music. After several days it ended, and he then went to Mysterious Woman Cliff, where he remained for six years.71

XII. Disciple, On the summit of the Central Terrace is the Jade Flower Pool, In halls of precious stones, one walks on verandas encircling the garden.

69 Weimojie suoshuo jing, T. 14.475.550a. 70 Mysterious Woman Cliff, located west of the Western Terrace, is described extensively in GuQLZ, 1095b-1095c. Huixiang says the cliff was named for a praiseworthy nun named Fami 法秘, who lived there for fifty years during the Northern Qi dynasty. Mo is an obscure Chinese character. It may be a variant of 嫲 (Kangxi 38.11): “paternal grand- mother.” Therefore, an alternative translation might be Grandma Mi Cliff. Robert Gimello thinks mo may be the transliteration of Mārā. See Robert M. Gimello, “Chang Shang-ying on Wu-t’ai shan,” in Pilgrims and Sacred Sites in China, ed. Susan Naquin and Chün-fang Yü, 138. This cliff may be the same as Mysterious Demon Cliff (Mimo yan 秘魔巖), which is also found on the Western Terrace and discussed in QLSZ, 24. 71 GuangQLZ, 1119c-1120a. THE LAND OF VAIḍŪRYA 105

The fragrant flowers surrounding us are golden in color, The pilgrims all set their minds on enlightenment. 佛子，中臺頂上玉華池，寶殿行廊匌帀園。四面香花如金色，巡禮之人皆發心。 In the twelfth stanza we return to the Central Terrace. The Jade Flower Pool has already been discussed in chapter three with regard to “I Ascend the Central Terrace” of the “Songs of Mount Wutai.” The jeweled halls could refer to those of the Jade Flower Temple, where the five hundred Indian monks practiced meditation. But the halls are also reminiscent of the description of the conjured Temple of the Golden Pavilion, which Daoyi saw on the Central Terrace: “The halls and verandas were all ornamented with gold and precious stones.”72 This also echoes Fazhao’s vision of the conjured Temple of the Bamboo Grove, which likewise occurred on the Central Terrace: “Within the cloisters were majestically ornamented jeweled pagodas. The ground was pure yellow-gold, which flowed over the flowers and fruits, covering everything.”73 The jeweled halls and golden flowers of the conjured temples represent the pure lands of the buddhas and bodhisattvas, which the pilgrims will see if they generate minds of enlightenment. The last book of the Avataṃsaka sūtra describes how Jetavana was transformed by the Buddha into a pure land, but his disciples could not see it because they were blinded by ignorance. A man in a dream is in an omniscient state and near enlightenment, and can see Mount Sumeru, but those who are awake cannot.74 Mount Wutai is the pure land of Mañjuśrī, and his jeweled halls and golden flowers can be seen by all those who have cleansed their vision. The stanza opens with the site where monks practiced meditation, and ends with the ultimate goal of seeing the bodhisattva’s paradise. The Guang Qingliang zhuan relates how even the great Vinaya Master Daoxuan had difficulty seeing Mañjuśrī’s pure land: According to the Huayan lingji 華嚴靈記 (Numinous Record of the Flower Ornament), the Vinaya Master often went to the summit of the Central Ter- race. He saw a child with an extraordinary appearance. The Vinaya Master asked him where he came from. The child answered, “Disciple, I am from Heaven. The emperor of Heaven75 sent me on an imperial tour of inspection of the holy region.”

72 Ibid., 1113b. 73 Ibid., 1114b. 74 Dafangguang Fo huayan jing, T. 10.279.323b-c. 75 Śakra, king of the devaloka. An Indian god, he is a protector of the Dharma. 106 chapter four

The Vinaya Master further asked, “I have read in the chapter ‘The Dwelling Places of the Bodhisattvas’ in the Avataṃsaka sūtra that Mañjuśrī dwells on Clear and Cold Mountain. I have come to the mountain, but have not yet seen him. What is the reason?” The child answered, “Why is the Master suspicious? When the world was first formed, this great place occupied the top of a golden wheel.76 Furthermore, on top of the golden wheel, a pinch of bone and a wolf’s tooth gave rise to a small golden wheel. This wheel is in the middle of the Northern Terrace. It is the location of the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī’s seven- jeweled palace and halls. The gardens, forests and orchards are abundant and surrounded by the ten thousand bodhisattvas. On the face of the Northern Terrace is a pool called the Golden Well, in which the Great Sage Mañjuśrī with the assembly of sages appear and disappear. It flows right into the Vajra Grotto. The residence of the Great Sage is not an ordinary region. The Master is able to know this.” After he finished speaking, he disappeared. The Vinaya Master descended the mountain, and told this story to the assembly.77

XIII. Disciple, On the summit of the Northern Terrace is the Dragon Palace, Tremendous thunder shakes the mountain forests. Sāgara sits within the Palace of the Dragon King. The young dragon Dharma protector brings on the thunder and wind. 佛子，北臺頂上有龍宮，雷聲極大震山林。娑伽羅龍王宮裏坐，小龍護法使雷風。 This stanza clearly identifies the Dragon King of Mount Wutai as Sāgara, arguably the most famous dragon in Chinese Buddhism. His story is found in the twelfth, or “Devadatta,” chapter of the Lotus sūtra. The palace of the Dragon King is at the bottom of the ocean. Mañjuśrī travels there to preach the Lotus and convert the dragons. The king’s eight-year-old daughter is among the listeners. The sūtra is so powerful that the daughter, due to her perfect virtue and wisdom, and, relying upon her supernatural powers, is able to turn into a man and achieve Buddhahood before the great assembly on Vulture Peak.78 This is the young dragon of the poem. As we have seen, according to legends surrounding Mount Wutai, the turbulent weather of the terraces is linked with the appearance of dragons. Although the drag-

76 In Indian cosmology, the metal wheel upon which the earth rests. A wheel of wind floats in space; resting on the wind wheel is a water wheel, and above it is a golden wheel, which supports the continents and oceans. Mount Sumeru is in the center of the golden wheel. By saying that Mount Wutai is at the top of the golden wheel, the child implies it is at the center of the universe, analogous to Sumeru. 77 GuangQLZ, 1119a. 78 Burton Watson, The Lotus Sutra, 182-189; Miaofa lianhua jing, T. 9.262.34b-35c. THE LAND OF VAIḍŪRYA 107 ons have been converted, they still cause violent weather. The Dragon King Sāgara is closely linked with Mount Wutai because of his conversion by Mañjuśrī in the Lotus sūtra. The Mount Wutai wall-painting in Dunhuang cave 61 depicts a manifestation of the Dragon King Sāgara on the Northern Terrace,79 but this is the only verse of the Dunhuang Mount Wutai poems which links the dragons of the mountain with the Lotus sūtra. XIV. Disciple, The governor-general of Dai prefecture didn’t believe there was a Mañjuśrī, The flying falcons and running dogs came racing in pursuit. He went to the eastern side of the Northern Terrace, And transformed it into Hell where no plants grow. 佛子，代州都督不信有文殊，飛鷹走狗競來追。走到北臺東側裏，化出地獄草皆無。 Legends say this unnamed governor did not respect the holy region of the Great Sage and exploited the mountain as a hunting ground. Neither Hui xiang nor Yanyi report this legend; only Ennin seems to have heard it when he visited in 840, but he writes in his diary that it dated from long before. He comments that the governor was violent in nature, and did not believe in karma or in Hell. Ennin himself visited this Hell site, describing it as southeast of the Arhat Terrace. A path led to a stone wall made of burnt stones, resulting from a manifestation of the bodhisattva. Mañjuśrī caused the rocks and cliffs in the area to catch fire, and appeared on the scene along with a group of screaming demons. The governor promptly became a believer.80 The Guang Qingliang zhuan lists the Living Hell (Sheng diyu 生地獄) as one of the numinous traces on the Northern Terrace, and gives a different story: The Living Hell is not far to the east of the Northern Terrace. There are disordered piles of stones. According to ancient legends, long ago there was a man named Zhang Shanhe 張善和, who pursued a white hare to this place, and within the trap, Hell appeared. Not far from the Living Hell he observed a library of scriptures in an imposing pavilion of several stories. Shanhe was startled and went inside. He saw the library was full of dust. Nearby was a broom, with which he quietly swept it away. Then suddenly a virtuous mind arose in Shanhe and he swept again and made the place completely clean.81

79 Dunhuang wenwu yanjiu suo, ed., Dunhuang mogao ku, vol. 5, plate 59. 80 NGJG, 3:48-49. 81 GuangQLZ, 1107c. 108 chapter four

Yanyi devotes a section of his record to local officials who became believers after Mañjuśrī appeared to them, but it does not include this governor. The Qingliang shan zhi also says nothing about this legend. Zhencheng recounts the story of a man named Zhang Ai 張愛, who, during the Sui dynasty, stole the money offerings from the Dragon Pool on the Northern Terrace. A fierce wind arose to kill him by blowing him down into the Liv- ing Hell. He was trapped by the surrounding cliffs which rose tens of feet above him, while a mountain stream raged below. All seemed hopeless until divine intervention: Black clouds darkened the surrounding area. Ice and snow smothered his body. He begged to leave, but was not allowed. He set his mind on repentance and called the name of the bodhisattva for the entire night. Then the clouds parted, and seeing a white hare, he followed it and escaped.82 This story dates to the Sui dynasty, but does not appear in any of the Tang records. The Buddhist prohibition against the taking of animal life only reinforced the sanctity of Mount Wutai’s wildlife. Animals were possible manifestations or transformations of the bodhisattva and therefore could not be harmed. But Mount Wutai was probably off-limits to hunters from ancient times, protected by the recluses who lived on the mountain. Hui xiang tells an old tale of a group of officials who hunted on Mount Wutai in the second year of the Yong’an era of the Northern Wei (529), and wounded a great mountain boar. They pursued it, following its bloody tracks across the snow. The boar fled into the doorway of a home on the mountain. Two old men with white beards supported by staffs stood outside the entrance, and informed the officials that the boar was theirs. When the officials protested that they had been pursuing the boar for three days and needed food, the old men directed them to a grove with ripe dates and abundant fruit.83 XV. Disciple, At the eastern foot of the Northern Terrace is Camel Precipice, Concealed, coiled and winding. There was a goddess named Samādhi, Gathering a mountain of rice in offering to the sages and worthies. 佛子，北臺東腳有駱駝巖，密覆盤迴屈曲連。有一天女名三昧，積米如山供聖賢。

82 QLSZ, 25. 83 GuQLZ, 1100a-b. THE LAND OF VAIḍŪRYA 109

The activities of the goddess Samādhi are chronicled in the Guang Qing liang zhuan. Yanyi records her as passing away in the third year of the Zhenyuan era (787 or 1155). The Qingliang shan zhi clearly states that she was a Tang figure: Nothing is known previously about the Tang goddess Samādhi. During the Dali era (766-779), she lived on Flower Ornament Peak. She sat in complete stillness, arising on the seventh day, from which comes her name. She was able to drive off ghosts and spirits, and chase away the birds and beasts.84 According to Yanyi, Mañjuśrī ordered her to live on Flower Ornament Peak near the Northern Terrace because of her karmic affinity with the place. He asked her to practice the bodhisattva path by offering food to the monks and pilgrims. Mañjuśrī also told her he would help her with supplies, and both her granary and rice pot became magically inexhaustible, allowing her to feed hundreds of thousands of people. Shortly before her death it became clear she was no ordinary woman, when she announced to her disciples that her karma had been transformed and she could return to Heaven: That day auspicious clouds shone in the valley, and heavenly music resounded in the air. A strange fragrance of cosmic forces filled the woods and ravines, and flocks of birds chirped joyously. A hundred wild beasts cried and roared. There was an auspicious white crane that circled for several days and then departed.85 Although Camel Precipice is mentioned in this poem and in “I Ascend the Northern Terrace,” the place does not appear in either tale of the goddess; nor do Huixiang, Ennin, Yanyi or Zhencheng mention it. XVI. Disciple, Within the Vajra Grotto is a sweetly flowing stream, Inside is Buddhapāli, in the midst of meditation. Once he entered, he stayed for several years, Nowadays we directly go to Nārāyaṇa. 佛子，金剛窟裏蜜流泉，佛陀波利裏中禪。一自入來經數載，如今直至那羅延。 The Vajra Grotto is one of the most important miraculous sites at Mount Wutai. Although it is not mentioned at all in the “Songs of Mount Wutai,”

84 QLSZ, 122-123. 85 GuangQLZ, 1110a. 110 chapter four

Huixiang, Ennin and Yanyi all discuss the legends surrounding it in great detail.86 The Gu Qingliang zhuan even recounts an early legend about the mountain spirit of the grotto, who dispensed immortality pills during the Northern Qi, so its reputation as a miraculous site may predate the arrival of Buddhism on Mount Wutai.87 This grotto was located south of the Northern Terrace. As noted in chapter three, the “sweetly flowing stream” of this verse is described in the Guang Qingliang zhuan: The Heavenly Well on top of the Northern Terrace joined with the White Water Pool, and flowed into the Vajra Grotto.88 According to Yanyi, the White Water Pool was within the valley in which the Vajra Grotto was found: “It is the color of koumiss, and tastes like sweet dew. People who drink this water have moist skin. If one takes a regular dose, it is difficult to grow old.”89 The Vajra Grotto is described as the dwelling place of Mañjuśrī, the ten thousand bodhisattvas, and various sages and worthies, and as the reposi- tory of offerings from the Buddhas of the Three Periods.90 It is strongly associated with the Indian monk Buddhapāli.91 His story is recorded in the Song gaoseng zhuan, the Guang Qingliang zhuan, and Ennin’s travel diary.92 The Indian monk mentioned in both the prefatory poem of the “Songs of Mount Wutai” in chapter three and the poem “The Holy Region of The Vajra Grotto,” from “Eulogy on the Holy Regions of Mount Wutai” in chapter six is believed to be Buddhapāli. He also appears in P. 3645, “Eulogy on Mount Wutai.” According to tradition, when Buddhapāli made a pilgrimage to Mount Wutai in 676, he was met by Mañjuśrī disguised as an old man, who ordered him back to India to fetch the Uṣṇīṣavijayā-dhāraṇī sūtra. He returned to China with the scripture in 683 and, after translating it into Chinese, traveled to Mount Wutai with the original Sanskrit text and disappeared into the Vajra Grotto. Yanyi devotes an entire section of his work to Buddhapāli’s biography, which is a close copy of the preface to the Indian monk’s translation of the sūtra, and is attributed as such.93

86 See Raoul Birnbaum, “Secret Halls of the Mountain Lords: The Caves of Wu-t’ai Shan,” Cahiers d’Extrême-Asie 5 (1989-1990): 115-140, for a discussion of the religious significance of this and other grottos on the mountain. 87 GuQLZ, 1095a. 88 GuangQLZ, 1105c. 89 Ibid., 1124c. 90 The Buddhas of the past, present, and future: Kāśyapa, Śākyamuni, and Maitreya. 91 He is also known as Buddhapāla and Buddhapālita. 92 Zanning, Song Gaoseng zhuan, T. 50.2061.717c; GuangQLZ, 1111a–b; NGJG, 3:152. 93 Foding zunsheng tuoluoni jing 佛頂尊勝陀羅尼經, T. 19.967. For further discussion of Buddhapāli on Mount Wutai, see Paul W. Kroll, Dharma Bell and Dhāraṇī Pillar: THE LAND OF VAIḍŪRYA 111

The Chinese name of Buddhapāli was Jue’ai 覺愛. He was from the northern Indian state of Kashmir. He lost himself searching for the Way, and saw numinous traces everywhere. Hearing that Mañjuśrī lived on the Clear and Cold Mountain, Wutai, he came from afar, crossing the flowing sands, to pay reverence. In the first year of the Yifeng era (676) of the great Tang emperor Gaozong, he reached Mount Wutai. To the south he ascended Siyang Ridge and saw the forests touch the clouds. The landscape was extraordinary, and his heart was filled with joy. He threw his five limbs94 down on the ground, and facing the mountain and prostrating, he said, “Since the nirvāṇa of the Tathāgata, all the sages have disappeared. Only the Great Sage Mañjuśrī dwells on this mountain, attracting sentient beings and teaching the bodhisattvas. I regret that at the time of my birth, I encountered the eight difficulties,95 and I have not seen the face of the Sage. I have come from afar, crossing the flowing sands, to pay reverence. I humbly pray to the compassionate Universal Protector96 to show himself to me.” After he said these words, he wept sadly. Facing the mountain, he made prostrations. After he had finished, he suddenly saw an old man emerge from the mountains. Speaking in the language of the Brahmins,97 he said, “Master, desiring the Way, you have pursued the traces of the Sage. Not shirking difficulty, you have come from afar to search for the divine and strange. However, the sentient beings of the land of the Han have committed many sins, and those who have become monks have also violated the Buddhist precepts and laws. In the Western land is the Uṣṇīṣavijayā-dhāraṇī sūtra, which can extinguish the bad actions of sentient beings. But I do not know whether or not the Master has come here bearing this sūtra.” Buddhapāli answered, “This poor monk has simply come to pay reverence. I have not brought this sūtra.” The old man said, “Since you have come in vain without the sūtra, what benefit is there? Even if you see Mañjuśrī, you will not recognize him. The Master should return to fetch this sūtra to transmit it to this land. This will honor all the sages, and be of great benefit to sentient beings in saving them from the shadows. You will receive the gratitude of the buddhas. Master, if you return with the sūtra, I will tell you the location of Mañjuśrī.” When Buddhapāli heard these words, he uncontrollably danced for joy. He restrained his tears, and with all his heart paid worship. After a moment he raised his head, but the old man had disappeared. The monk was greatly surprised, and redoubled his devotion and sincerity. Fixing his intentions and risking his life, he returned to the Western Region to seek the Uṣṇīṣavijayā-dhāraṇī sūtra.

Li Po’s Buddhist Descriptions, 41-44. For a discussion of the sūtra preface, see Antonio Forte, “The Preface to the So-called Buddhapālita Chinese Version of the Buddhoṣīsa vijaya dhāraṇī sūtra” in Études d’apocryphes bouddhiques: Mélanges en l’honneur de Mon- sieur Makita Tairyō, ed. Kuo Li-ying. 94 The head, hands, and feet. 95 Eight conditions which make it difficult to see a Buddha or hear the Buddhist doctrine. 96 Pufu 普覆: Mañjuśrī. 97 Sanskrit. 112 chapter four

In the second year of the Yongchun era (683), he returned, and reaching Chang’an, reported the above incident to the great Emperor Gaozong. Con- sequently the emperor took the sūtra and kept it within [the palace]. He asked the Tripiṭaka Dharma Master Rizhao 日照, Du Xingyi 杜行顗, the head of the office in charge of foreign guests at court ceremonies, and others to jointly make a Chinese translation.98 He bestowed an imperial gift of three thousand rolls of silk [upon Buddhapāli], keeping the sūtra within [the palace]. Buddhapāli cried and memorialized the emperor: “I, a poor monk, sacrificed myself following an order to fetch the sūtra. I wish to help all sentient beings, and rescue them from suffering. It is not wealth that I think of, and it is not fame that I am concerned with. Please return the sūtra to me, so that it can be transmitted and all beings can benefit from its holiness.” The emperor kept the new translation of the sūtra, and returned the San- skrit text to the monk. Then [Buddhapāli] went to the Temple of Western Brightness (Ximing si 西明寺) to inquire after the Tang monk Shunzheng 順正, who understood Sanskrit.99 They asked the emperor for permission to do the translation together, and he consented. Buddhapāli then completed the translation with Shunzheng, in front of all the great monks. He took the [San- skrit] text and returned to Mount Wutai. Legend says he entered the Vajra Grotto and to this day has not emerged.100 When Ennin saw the grotto in 840, the legend of Buddhapāli was still well known. He visited the Temple of the Bamboo Grove, and viewed “a painting of Buddhapāli when he reached the mountain gate in the first year of the Yifeng era, and met the old man.”101 Ennin also visited the site on the South- ern Terrace where the meeting took place: About seven li to the southwest we came to Siyang Ridge. Long ago, in the first year of Yifeng, Buddhapāli, an Indian monk of the Western Region, came here. His tears rained down as he worshipped Terrace Mountain from afar, when he became aware of the Great Sage transformed into an old man. He ordered [Buddhapāli] to return to India and get the Uṣṇīṣavijayā-dhāraṇī sūtra. Now a jeweled banner has been erected, upon which is written the sūtra along with a preface telling the story of [Buddha]pāli’s encounter with the old man.102

98 Literally, Tangben 唐本: “Tang book.” The translation of Du Xingyi, T. 19.968, was made in 679. Rizhao (Divākara 地婆訶羅) retranslated it in 682 (T. 19.969), as the emperor was unhappy with the first translation because Du Xingyi had been forbidden to use taboo characters. Buddhapāli’s was the third translation. See Étienne Lamotte, “Mañjuśrī,” 87-88. 99 Refers to the Chinese monk commonly known as Shunzhen 順真. 100 GuangQLZ, 1111a-b. Also see Étienne Lamotte, “Mañjuśrī,” 86-88. 101 NGJG, 2:428. The monk Fazhao built the Temple of the Bamboo Grove after he had a vision of this temple. Buddhapāli was part of the manifestation. 102 NGJG, 3:152. THE LAND OF VAIḍŪRYA 113

It is no wonder that the legend of Buddhapāli was widely known on Mount Wutai, with the preface displayed for all to see. Ennin must have based his diary entry on this preface and then added information from a different source: On the side of the valley is the grotto. Buddhapāli, a monk of the Western land, came empty-handed to the mountain gate. Mañjuśrī appeared in the body of an old man, and would not let him enter the mountain. He instructed him to go to the Western land to fetch the Uṣṇīṣavijayā-dhāraṇī sūtra. The monk returned to India for the sūtra, and then came back to this mountain. Mañjuśrī led him into the grotto. After Buddhapāli entered it, the entrance closed and has not opened again. The grotto cliff is thick and firm, and yellow in color. Where the grotto door should be, there is a tall tower. The grotto gate is below the tower, and cannot be seen. East of the tower is an offering cloister. On the tower at the grotto door is a revolving bookcase, constructed with six sides. I saw in the Records of the Grotto103 that inside the grotto are many holy traces from India. During the era of the Buddha Vipaśyin,104 the great immortal Marīcī105 of Fragrant Mountain created three thousand kinds of seven-jeweled musical instruments. After the death of the Buddha, Mañjuśrī put them in this grotto. Dur- ing the era of the Buddha Krakucchanda,106 the King of the Tuṣita Heaven constructed a bell over 120 bushels in size. Of those who heard it, some attained the four fruitions, and some attained the first stage.107 After the nirvāṇa of the Buddha, Mañjuśrī placed this bell in the grotto. During the era of the Buddha Kāśyapa,108 a silver harp was made with 84,000 notes, each curing an affliction. After the nirvāṇa of the Buddha, Mañjuśrī placed this harp in the grotto. Mañjuśrī also put in the grotto a jeweled pagoda of 1,300 stories for the body of the Second Buddha of the future kalpa,109 Chinese [Buddhist scriptures] on silver paper with gold writing, and billions of writings from the four continents of the world.110 A similar description of the Vajra Grotto’s association with the buddhas appears in the Gu Qingliang zhuan, a record which predates Buddhapāli’s arrival at Mount Wutai. Huixiang includes some important information omitted by Ennin and Yanyi, namely that the grotto was the home of

103 May refer to a work, possibly no longer extant, referred to in Ennin’s index, and called the Wutai shan jingang ku shou wu gongde ji 五臺山金剛窟收五功德記. 104 The first of the Seven Buddhas of the Past. 105 Molizhi 摩利支. A bodhisattva of the esoteric sects. She is a protector goddess of warriors. 106 The fourth of the Seven Buddhas of the Past. 107 The four fruitions and the ten stages refer to various levels on the path to enlightenment. 108 The sixth of the Seven Buddhas of the Past. 109 There are three kalpas: past, present and future. 110 NGJG, 3:63-64. 114 chapter four

Mañjuśrī on the mountain, and that the bodhisattva had dwelled there as early as the birth of Śākyamuni Buddha: In the center of three mountains, where the paths and roads are deep and obstructed, and people cannot reach, legends speak of the Vajra Grotto. In the grotto are concealed all the items offered to the Buddhas of the Three Periods. According to the Qiyuan tu111 衹洹圖, “within Jetavana was a set of Heavenly musical [instruments] made of the seven jewels.” The documents say: “Furthermore, according to the Lingji ji 靈跡記 (Record of Numi- nous Traces), these musical [instruments] were made by the King of the Rākṣasa of Lanka mountain112 and presented to Kāśyapa Buddha as an offering. After the death of Kāśyapa Buddha, Mañjuśrī will go to the Vajra Grotto of Clear and Cold Mountain. When Śākyamuni Buddha is born, he will go to Jetavana for twelve years, and Mañjuśrī will return and enter the Vajra Grotto of Clear and Cold Mountain.” Furthermore, [the grotto] contains a silver harp. A silver deva sits on a seven-jeweled flower playing this harp. And, since the time of Kāśyapa Buddha, it possesses the gold paper and silver writing of the great vinaya-piṭaka and the silver paper and gold writing of the sūtra-piṭaka.113 After the death of the Buddha, Mañjuśrī will again go to the Vajra Grotto of Clear and Cold Mountain.114 This passage by Huixiang shows that the Vajra Grotto must have been established quite early as the dwelling place of Mañjuśrī within Mount Wutai, and thus became the most important cave on the mountain. It developed a reputation as a place to achieve enlightenment. Monks would enter the cave and receive the teachings of the Great Sage, but would never emerge. Ennin writes that the entrance to the grotto is no longer visible. This may be why the last line of this verse says that today the pilgrims go directly to the Nārāyaṇa Grotto. But the door to the Vajra Grotto was not really closed after Buddhapāli’s disappearance. As we shall see, Fazhao entered the cave in 770. By the time “Eulogy on Mount Wutai” was composed, however, the grotto may indeed have been considered closed. XVII. Disciple, Among the undiscussable, it is undiscussable, The Great Sage transforms himself into an old man. Each day he descends the mountain to receive offerings,

111 Qiyuan tu jing (Illustrated Scripture of Jetavana), by Daoxuan. The full name of the text is Zhong Tianzhu Shewei guo Qiyuan si tujing 中天竺舍衛國衹洹寺圖經 (Illustrated Scripture of Jetavana Monastery in the Kingdom of Śrāvastī in Central India), T. 45.1899. The work is translated in Zhihui Tan, “Daoxuan’s Vision of Jetavana: Imagining a Utopian Monastery in Early Tang,” PhD. diss., The University of Arizona, 2002. 112 Rākṣasa are demons who live on Lanka mountain, located on present-day Sri Lanka. 113 Two of the three sections of the Tripiṭaka, or Buddhist canon. 114 GuQLZ, 1094c-1095a. THE LAND OF VAIḍŪRYA 115

When he leaves, he returns riding on a five-colored cloud. 佛子，不可論中不可論，大聖化作老人身。每日下山受供養，去時還乘五色雲。 As we have seen in the sixteenth verse, Mañjuśrī appeared to Buddhapāli in the form of an old man, and perhaps this stanza is alluding to that event. But there are many transformations of the bodhisattva in this guise mentioned in the Guang Qingliang zhuan. This may be a uniquely Chinese vision of Mañjuśrī, as within the Indian tradition he is depicted as a handsome youth. Mañjuśrī transforms himself into a Chinese form of a sage or worthy, a figure predating Buddhism. In the tradition of the Daoist transcendents, the bodhisattva appears as a humble old man, at one with nature. Besides appearing as an old man in the legend of Buddhapāli, the bodhi sattva shows the same guise to the monk Wuzhuo, who visited Mount Wutai in 767: Wuzhuo went alone at noon to the Vajra Grotto. When he arrived, he worshipped more than ten times. Then he sat and rested a while. Suddenly, it was as still as dusk. In the middle of sleep he heard someone hoot at an ox several times, as a command to drink water. Wuzhuo was startled awake, and suddenly saw an old man over eighty in years wearing a silk turban and hemp clothes. On his feet he wore hemp shoes. He was walking, leading an ox. Wuzhuo grasped the old man’s hand, and then bowing said: “Where have you come from?” He replied, “I have come from below the mountain, begging for food.” Wuzhuo said, “Where is your home?” He said, “On this Terrace Moun- tain.” The old man asked, “Master, why have you come here?” Wuzhuo said, “Legends say this place has the Vajra Grotto, so I’ve come to worship it.” The old man said, “For the Master it will be difficult.” Wuzhuo said, “It will not.” He said, “Then for the Master it will not be difficult. Why are you sleeping at dusk?” Wuzhuo said, “An ordinary person rests at dusk, why is this strange?” The old man said, “The Master rests at dusk. Can I invite the Master to stay a while and sip some tea?” Wuzhuo assented, and the old man pointed to the northeast. Wuzhuo followed, and gazed upon a temple a little over fifty paces away. The old man went in front leading the ox, and Wuzhuo walked behind him. Then he knocked on the door, and the old man called “Junti”115 several times. A child opened the door, came out, and saw Wuzhuo stretched out ceremoniously. Then the old man entered leading the ox, and invited Wuzhuo to come in. He only saw the ground was level and smooth, and the color of pure vaiḍūrya. The hall and cottage, the balcony and eaves all were yellow-gold. Its hall had three frames, and to the west and east, the two side-apartments each had one pillar. The old man invited Wuzhuo to ascend the hall, and from his seat on a cypress and ivory bed, he pointed at a brocade cushion, and ordered Wu-

115 Junti 君提 was the name of one of Mañjuśrī’s attendants. 116 chapter four

zhuo to sit down. The child brought tea in two bowls made of vaiḍūrya, and served each of them a honey cake in a tortoise shell cup. The old man said to Wuzhuo, “In the south do they have these things?” Wuzhuo said, “They do not.” He said further, “In the south then they do not have these things. In what do they drink tea?” Wuzhuo did not reply. The old man said: “Now, drink.” After they finished drinking, the old man said: “The Master became a monk to do what kind of work?” Wuzhuo said: “Any work to be done. Among the Great and Small Vehicles, there is no task which is a waste of time.” The old man said: “When the Master first became a monk, what work did he originally seek?” He answered: “I originally sought the Great Fruition.”116 The old man and Wuzhuo then engaged in an esoteric discussion of the Buddhist doctrine and Wuzhuo’s spiritual development. The old man arose. Wuzhuo followed him to the front of the hall and stood there while the old man recited a gāthā. When the hymn was finished, he sent for the child to escort Wuzhuo out of the temple. The old man clapped Wuzhuo on the back, and said: “Master, have a good trip.” Wuzhuo then departed. When he reached the Vajra Grotto, the boy asked, “What grotto is this?” Wuzhuo said, “It is called the Vajra Grot- to.” The child said, “What characters are below ‘vajra?’” Wuzhuo thought for a long time, and said to the child, “The characters for ‘prajñā’ are below ‘vajra.’” The child said, “This then is the conjured Prajñā Temple.” Wuzhuo took the child’s hand, and ceremoniously took his leave. ...Wuzhuo bowed, and when he raised his head the child had disappeared. The conjured temple was also gone. All he saw were the azure mountain peaks, and the luxuriant tall and stately trees. Wuzhuo was sad and thought [of them] fondly, and he stood and waited there for a long time. Then he gazed upon the place where he had encountered the old man. There was a white cloud bubbling up, which in a moment filled the valley. He saw the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī riding a great lion. The ten thousand bodhisattvas flying after him were all consumed in a while by a black cloud which came from the east. The bodhisattvas then disappeared, and, in a moment, the cloud dispersed.117 According to the manifestations of Mañjuśrī recorded in the Guang Qing liang zhuan, Wuzhuo’s experience was typical for a vision by an eminent monk visiting Mount Wutai. Both Fazhao and Daoyi also saw the bodhisatt va in the form of an old man. Also common to their experience was a subsequent manifestation of the bodhisattva in his true form, flying through the clouds with his entourage of bodhisattvas. The pilgrims with less of a karmic affinity to Mañjuśrī usually only saw colored clouds. The

116 To attain Buddhahood. 117 GuangQLZ, 1112a-1112b. THE LAND OF VAIḍŪRYA 117 most notable visions also included an invitation from Mañjuśrī to sit down and engage in a discussion of the Dharma, as with Wuzhuo. This is a char- acteristic of the bodhisattva’s Indian personality which was retained in Chinese Buddhism. His role as a symbol of prajñā is strong on Mount Wutai, where he appeared not only to converse with Vimalakīrti, but also with the eminent monks who sought him out. The stanza asserts that this transformation of Mañjuśrī ultimately cannot be spoken of. Just as liberation is inconceivable, transformation is undiscussable. XVIII. Disciple, In the five-colored clouds is the conjured golden bridge, The monk of great compassion summons us with a banner. The disciples who have a karmic affinity pass over the bridge, The disciples who have no karmic affinity whirl in a contrary wind. 佛子，五色雲裏化金橋，大悲和尚把幡招。有緣佛子橋上過，無緣佛子逆風飄。 As in the “Songs of Mount Wutai,” “Eulogy on Mount Wutai” begins with an image of a place devoted to the Buddhist doctrine and ends with the appearance of a conjured golden bridge. By experiencing the mountain and listening to its teachings one can achieve enlightenment, symbolized by the bridge across which one reaches the realm of nirvāṇa. It is important to note, however, that those who don’t have an affinity stay behind and continue to be reborn. The idea of karmic affinity is a central principle of Buddhism. The Buddhists speak of an “adverse condition” (niyuan 逆緣), usually a past action which negatively affects one’s spiritual advancement, the opposite being a “favorable condition” (shunyuan 順緣). In the Mañjuśrī-parinirvāṇa sūtra, Śākyamuni Buddha says that the light emanating from Mañjuśrī “saves those who have an affinity.” There are also several stories in the Guang Qingliang zhuan, in which Mañjuśrī tells an individual he or she has it. To the goddess Samādhi, the bodhisattva says: “Your previous karma is here.” When she leaves Mount Wutai, she says to her disciples, “The transformation of my karma is complete. Now I can return to Heaven.”118 Mañjuśrī also tells the monks Daoyi and Fazhao that they have come to Mount Wutai and have seen him because their karma has ripened. The monk Wuran, who figures prominently in “Eulogy on the

118 GuangQLZ, 1109c. 118 chapter four

Holy Regions of Mount Wutai,” worries that he has no affinity, until he has a vision of Mañjuśrī, who tells him he possesses the karmic affinity to dwell on the mountain and make offerings to the pilgrims. Ennin writes of a Chinese monk who had witnessed the manifestation of a five-colored cloud with his group. He says to Ennin: “Today, together with the foreign Tripiṭaka [Master], I have seen a shining cloud, and truly know that although we were born in different lands, we have been granted a manifestation of the Great Sage, and have a karmic affinity. We have formed a karmic connection from now on, and we will be members of the family of the bodhisattva for a long time.”119 The workings of karma are beyond the comprehension of ordinary human beings. Thus, this last stanza holds no comfort for the common pilgrim. The path of Chinese esoteric Buddhism was not easy. The Avataṃsaka sūtra is equally discouraging: The paths of the Tathāgatas, the Great Immortals, are subtle, wonderful, and hard to comprehend. Without thought, beyond all thought, if one seeks them through sight, they cannot be obtained. Neither created nor destroyed, pure in nature, and always still, They are the practice grounds of the undefiled, intelligent, and wise. Their inherent nature is empty and tranquil, Non-dual and unending. Liberated from all stages, they dwell equally in nirvāṇa. With no beginning, no middle, and no end, they cannot be expressed in words. Beyond the Three Periods,120 Having the characteristics of unlimited space.121 The bodhisattva himself has a more prominent role in this eulogy. He manifests as a lamp, a bell, and a bird. Significantly, he also appears as an old man, in a form associated with wisdom and spiritual cultivation within the Chinese tradition. Mañjuśrī even appears in his Chinese guise to Buddhapāli, an Indian monk. “Eulogy on Mount Wutai” lives up to its title. It praises the mountain’s natural beauty and divine qualities, emphasizing its power of transformation and manifestation. Mañjuśrī’s pure land appears as towers and pavilions emerging from the clouds. The poem is not the product of a pilgrim’s visit to Mount Wutai; it has no sense of personal revelation or individual

119 NGJG, 3:84. 120 Past, present and future. 121 Dafangguang Fo huayan jing, T. 10.279.180c. THE LAND OF VAIḍŪRYA 119

journey. Although it is not overly doctrinal in its presentation of the Bud- dhist teachings, its message is clear. With a personal journey to Mount Wutai placed in the background, the poem emphasizes some of the characters surrounding Mañjuśrī. Monk, prince, goddess, and dragon all have been transformed by their relationships with him. Likewise, they have transformed others. Besides achieving nirvāṇa, they built temples, translated sūtras, and fed the monastic assemblies. This is the essence of Mahāyāna Buddhism: one attains enlightenment, becomes a bodhisattva oneself, and then delays final nirvāṇa until all sentient beings are saved. 120 chapter four

Figure 5. The Southern Terrace. Mount Wutai. Dunhuang Cave 61. Photograph: Dunhuang Research Academy. inconceivable light 121

CHAPTER FIVE

INCONCEIVABLE LIGHT: EULOGY ON MOUNT WUTAI

In this chapter I will briefly leave behind the dominant school on the mountain, the Avataṃsaka sect, and examine another eulogy, the creation of an anonymous monk from the Pure Land school, a sect that rose to prominence in the seventh century. It is focused on the worship of Amitābha Buddha, the Buddha of Measureless Light. Along with the “Eulogy on Mount Wutai” discussed in the previous chapter, the Dunhuang manuscripts include two other poems with this name, which are entirely different in content. The first poem survives in three manuscripts: (1) S. 0370: “Wutai shan zan” 五臺山讚, a fragment of 34 lines, (2) P. 2483: “Wutai shan zanwen” 五臺山讚文, a poem of 111 lines and relatively complete, and (3) P. 3645: “Wutai shan zanwen” 五臺山讚文, with 118 lines and rather complete. The content of the three manuscripts is essentially the same, although both P. 2483 and P. 3645 contain material absent from the other. The second poem survives in only one manuscript. It appears on the second half of P. 2483 and is entitled “Wutai shan zan yiben” 五臺山讚一本, literally, “another version of ‘Eulogy on Mount Wutai’.” It has eighty-two lines, with seven syllables per line, and rhymes at the end of the even- numbered lines. It is completely different in content from S. 0370, P. 3645, and the first poem of P. 2483. The first poem is about the monk Fazhao’s visions of Mount Wutai; the second is a celebration of Mañjuśrī’s transformations and Mount Wutai’s divine qualities. Amitābha Buddha is only mentioned once. Unfortunately, this latter eulogy cannot be coherently translated, as there are many missing and miswritten characters in the manuscript. No other copy of the poem is known to exist. Therefore I have chosen not to translate it at this time. The two poems may not be by the same author, but they do seem related, as the second poem mentions intoning the name of Amitābha Buddha, the main tenet of the Pure Land School. Neither poem is dated. However, according to Paul Demiéville, the first poem was written to commemorate the visit of the monk Fazhao to Mount Wutai in 770, and his subsequent teaching at Chang’an began in 779, so it 122 chapter five cannot have been written earlier than the end of the eighth century.1 Al- though this first poem is called “Eulogy on Mount Wutai” like the poem in chapter four, its focus is less on the numinous traces of Mount Wutai than on the experiences and teachings of the monk Fazhao. The mountain is still the chief subject of the poem, however, and there is much familiar material from the “Songs of Mount Wutai” and the eulogy of the previous chapter. It is useful for our understanding of this eulogy to briefly discuss Fazhao and the school of Pure Land Buddhism to which he belonged.

The Pure Land School

The chief scriptures of the Pure Land School are a shorter and longer version of a single sūtra, the Sukhāvatīvyūha sūtra. In Chinese, the longer version is the Wuliangshou jing 無量壽經 (Sūtra of Measureless Life)2 and the shorter version is called the Amituo jing 阿彌陀經 (Amitābha sūtra). The shorter sūtra, which was translated in 402 by Kumārajīva, became the far more popular version in China.3 The chief figure of both sūtras is the Buddha Amitābha. In a former life he was a monk named Dharmakāra, who wished to be reborn as a Buddha ruling over a Buddhist paradise, or pure land. This place, called Sukhāvatī (Jile 極樂, or “Land of Bliss”), is extensively described in both scriptures. The longer version of the sūtra says that both good deeds and faith are necessary for rebirth in this paradise, but the shorter version asserts that only faith is necessary: Whoever hears the name of Amitābha and keeps it in his mind will be met by him at the moment of death and reborn in his Land of Bliss.4 At the end of the Wuliangshou jing, Śākyamuni Buddha prophesies the coming of the period of the Final Dharma and says he has arranged for this sūtra to remain in the world for a hundred years. This has been interpreted by the Pure Land sect to mean this will be the last scripture to disappear. The Buddha said: “Now for the good of all people I have delivered this sūtra, and I have enabled them to see the Buddha of Measureless Life, to see the living beings and all the marvels that there are in that buddha-field. Ask me

1 Jao Tsong-yi [Rao Zongyi] and Paul Demiéville, Airs de Touen-houang (Touen-houang k’iu): Textes à chanter des VIIIe-Xe siècles, 28. 2 Wuliangshou jing, trans. Saṃghavarman, T. 12.360. 3 Amituo jing, trans. Kumārajīva, T. 12.366; trans. Xuanzang, T. 12.367. 4 Luis O. Gómez, trans., The Land of Bliss: The Paradise of the Buddha of Measureless Light: Sanskrit and Chinese Versions of the Sukhāvatīvyūha Sūtras, 19. inconceivable light 123

now the question you have in mind. Never have occasion to doubt when I am gone. In the days to come, the ways of the sūtras will die out. Feeling pity and compassion, I specially arrange that this sūtra should remain for a hundred years. Anybody who is fortunate enough to come across this sūtra will surely attain the Way exactly as they wish.”5 We have already seen Mount Wutai described as the pure land of the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī. Co-existing with his pure land are the paradises of the other buddhas and bodhisattvas. David W. Chappell has summarized the characteristics of these pure lands, also called buddha lands, as described in chapters one and eleven of the Vimalakīrti sūtra: (1) that there are numerous Buddha Lands; (2) that these numerous Bud- dha Lands are manifested in order that other beings might be saved; (3) that these Buddha Lands are of differing qualities to meet the needs of beings with different capacities; (4) that these Buddha Lands also differ in their degree of superiority or inferiority, sheng-lieh [勝劣], and in their degree of purity and impurity; and (5) that Buddhas of other lands wishing to convert inhabitants of our present world of suffering (this sahā world) do not completely reveal to them their own pure lands. Nevertheless, (6) just as all Buddhas find their identity in the dharmakāya, so too there are no essential differences among the Buddha Lands; (7) ultimately the Buddha Lands are all nonsubstantial, śūnya; and (8) all the Buddha Lands interpenetrate and mutually contain one another.6 The Pure Land sect held Amitābha’s pure land to be supreme. They believed that because they lived in an inferior age, only rebirth in the Land of Bliss would ensure salvation for all sentient beings. The first practitioner of meditating upon Amitābha, if not the first patriarch of the school in China, is generally acknowledged to be Huiyuan of the Eastern Jin dynasty. He built a monastery on Mount Lu in Jiangxi, and organized a group that both meditated on Amitābha and uttered a vow to be reborn in the Pure Land. He based his teachings on the oldest Pure Land sūtra, the Bozhou sanmei jing 般舟三昧經 (Pratyutpanna-samādhi sūtra).7 This scripture teaches a special kind of concentration allowing one to vi- sualize all the buddhas. It also states that if the practitioner concentrates on Amitābha for one to seven days, this Buddha will appear before him. He will be reborn in his pure land if he can continuously meditate upon

5 Luis O. Gómez, trans., The Land of Bliss, 221; Wuliangshou jing, T. 12.360.279a. 6 David W. Chappell, “Chinese Buddhist Interpretations of the Pure Lands,” in Bud- dhist and Taoist Studies I, ed. Michael Saso and David W. Chappell, 26-27. 7 Bozhou sanmei jing, trans. Lokakṣema, T. 13.417-418. 124 chapter five

Amitābha. Because Huiyuan based his faith solely on the Bozhou sanmei jing, many later Pure Land adherents do not recognize him as a patriarch. Although Mount Wutai was not the center of the Pure Land sect in China, an early figure in the school, Tanluan 曇鸞 (476-542), made his home near the mountain. It is believed that he began the practice of chanting the name of Amitābha, or nianfo 念佛, intoning the name of the Bud- dha, as it was commonly called. He said this practice was an easy path because it relies on the power of Amitābha, and not on one’s own efforts. Daochuo 道綽 (562-645), a native of Shanxi, helped popularize the chanting of Amitābha’s name among the common people. He taught that since the present age corresponded to the period of the Final Dharma, only the path advocated by the Pure Land teachings could ensure enlightenment. After Daochuo’s death, his disciple Shandao 善導 (613-681) moved to Chang’an to spread the teachings there. Although the nianfo spread rapidly among the common people, it was still ignored by the imperial court. Stanley Weinstein has pointed out that only after the An Lushan Rebellion of 755 did a weakened court take notice of this popular move- ment.8

The Pure Land Monk Fazhao

Fazhao was one of the most important Pure Land masters during the Tang dynasty, and is considered its fourth patriarch. As we have seen in chapter two, he played a significant religious role at the imperial court at Chang’an, and was given the title National Teacher of the Temple of the Bamboo Grove on the Central Terrace during the reign of Emperor Daizong. He became famous for creating a special method of reciting Amitābha’s name in the five tones of the musical scale (wuhui nianfo 五會念佛), claiming he received this teaching directly from Amitābha and Mañjuśrī.9 Some of Fazhao’s religious instruction took place on Mount Wutai, and his activities on the mountain are extensively recorded in Yanyi’s Guang Qingliang zhuan, in a chapter devoted exclusively to him. As a result of his visions concerning Mount Wutai he was responsible for the construction of the Temple of the Bamboo Grove.

8 Stanley Weinstein, Buddhism under the T’ang, 73. 9 Fazhao, Jingtu wuhui nianfo songjing guanxing yi 净土五會念佛誦經觀行儀, T. 85.2827, describes how he was instructed in the method during a vision of Amitābha Buddha. Also see Daniel Stevenson, “Visions of Mañjuśrī on Mount Wutai,” in Religions of China in Practice, ed. Donald Lopez, Jr., 220-222, for an English translation. inconceivable light 125

According to his biography in the Guang Qingliang zhuan, on the thirteenth day of the second month of the second year of the Dali era (767), Fazhao was eating his morning meal in the dining hall of the Cloud Peak Temple (Yunfeng si 雲峰寺) on the Southern Marchmont, when he had his first vision of Mount Wutai: In his alms bowl he saw Mount Wutai. To the northeast over one li from Buddha Radiance Temple was a mountain, and below the mountain was a mountain torrent. To the north of this torrent was a stone gate. He became aware of his body entering the stone gate and walking about five li. There he saw a temple with a sign which read “Temple of the Great Sage of the Bamboo Grove.” It was there a long time, but then it disappeared, and he was extremely startled. On the morning of the twenty-seventh day, [the mountain] returned to his alms bowl. He could see the Great Flower Orna- ment Temple and all the temples of Mount Wutai. The ground was the color of gold. There were no mountains or trees, so the interiors and exteriors of the pools, terraces, and towers could be clearly seen, majestically adorned in jewels. The Great Sage Mañjuśrī and the ten thousand bodhisattvas were in their midst. In addition, all of the pure lands of the buddhas appeared. When he finished eating, they were gone.10 Fazhao questioned the monks of the Cloud Peak Temple about Mount Wutai, confirming that his vision of the Buddha Radiance Temple was that of the temple on the mountain. But he did not make the pilgrimage. Two years later, Fazhao was meditating in yet another temple, and saw a five- colored cloud appear, from which Amitābha, Mañjuśrī, and Samanta bhadra emerged, accompanied by ten thousand bodhisattvas. This vision was seen by the entire temple. That same evening, Fazhao encountered an old man who asked him why he had not gone to Mount Wutai, and urged him to go. Fazhao finally left for Mount Wutai the following year, and arrived at the mountain early in the fourth month of 770, along with ten companions. When they reached Wutai county, they saw several rays of white light to the south of the Buddha Radiance Temple. Arriving at the temple, Fazhao realized it looked exactly like the temple he had seen in his alms bowl. That night, a solitary ray of white light shone on Fazhao as he was emerging from his room. When he asked the temple monks about its origin, they remarked that it was the inconceivable light of Mañjuśrī which often appeared at the temple. Fazhao then decided to follow this light. He went one li to the northeast of the temple and came to a mountain. At the foot of it was a mountain torrent, to the north of which was a stone gate.

10 GuangQLZ, 1114a. 126 chapter five

He saw two blue-robed children of eight or nine with facial expressions of uprightness standing on either side of the gate. One was called Sudāna and the other was named Nanda. They looked happily at one another and bowed to him, asking, “Why have you waited so long in the cycle of birth and death to come see us for the first time?” Then they led him through the gate, and walked north. When they had walked five li, suddenly a golden-gated tower appeared. It was one hundred feet high and had side-towers. As he approached the entrance, he saw a temple, and in front of the temple was a large golden bridge. A golden sign said: “Temple of the Bamboo Grove of the Great Sage.” It was just as he had seen in his alms bowl. [The temple] was twenty li in circumference with 120 cloisters, and inside the cloisters were majestically ornamented jeweled pagodas. The grounds were made of pure gold, and filled with streams and flowering fruit trees. Fazhao entered the temple, and inside the lecture hall he saw the Great Sage Mañjuśrī to the west and Samantabhadra to the east, each on a lion throne and preaching the Dharma. Seated on the thrones, they were over one hundred feet tall. To the left and right of Mañjuśrī were more than ten thousand bodhisattvas. Samantabhadra also had countless bodhisattvas surrounding him.11 Fazhao then asked the two bodhisattvas what kind of Buddhist practice would be suitable for this age, one in which the Buddhist doctrine is in decline. Mañjuśrī answered that Fazhao’s practice of the nianfo (intoning the Buddha’s name) was appropriate. Fazhao then asked how this nianfo should be practiced. The bodhisattva answered that to the west was the land called Sukhāvatī, within which dwelled a Buddha called Amitābha. If Fazhao meditated continually on that land, he would attain Buddhahood upon his death. Moreover, Mañjuśrī said that any man or woman who in- tones the Buddha’s name will quickly achieve liberation. Both bodhisattvas then recited in separate verses the efficacy of the nianfo practice. Fazhao’s doubts then all disappeared, and he thanked the bodhisattvas, who invited him to tour the temple cloisters and eat from the garden of fruits of the seven jewels. After he said his goodbyes to the bodhisattvas and the two young boys, the temple disappeared. A few days later, Fazhao went to stay at the Prajñā Cloister of the Flow- er Ornament Temple, and shortly thereafter he made a pilgrimage to the Vajra Grotto with fifty other monks. When he reached the site where Wu- zhuo had seen the Great Sage, Fazhao made prostrations, and intoned the names of the thirty-five buddhas.12 Suddenly this place turned to vaiḍūrya

11 GuangQLZ, 1114b. 12 The buddhas before whom those who have committed sins involving interminable suffering must repent. inconceivable light 127 and he saw a seven-jeweled palace, in which appeared Mañjuśrī, Sa- mantabhadra, and the ten thousand bodhisattvas, along with Buddhapāli. He then joyfully returned to the Flower Ornament Temple. That same night, Fazhao saw five holy lamps from the Flower Ornament Temple. He prayed for them to multiply into one hundred lamps, and they did so. Then he prayed for them to divide into one thousand, and there were a thousand lamps. Fazhao subsequently went to the Vajra Grotto to gaze upon the Great Sage. He intoned the names of the thirty-five buddhas, and also chanted the name of Amitābha a thousand times, using the five tones. Buddhapāli then appeared, and asked Fazhao if he truly wished to see the bodhisattva. When Fazhao said yes, the Indian monk brought him inside. [Buddhapāli] took off his shoes and stood on a wooden plank, saying, “The master needs only close his eyes and follow me.” Then he led Fazhao into the Vajra Grotto, and he suddenly saw a cloister with a golden sign which read, “Temple of the Vajra Prajñā.” It was majestically adorned with seven jewels, and its rooms, verandas, towers, and pavilions had 175 bays. The Vajra-prajñā sūtra and the entire Buddhist canon were inside a jeweled pavilion. Then, facing the Great Sage, he made prostrations and clasped his hands together, saying, “All I can think of is, when will I attain supreme enlightenment, and save great numbers of sentient beings without remainder?13 When will I achieve my unsurpassed oceanic vow?” When he finished, the Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī said, “Good! Good!” He rubbed [Fazhao’s] head and prophesied, saying: “You truly wish to be a bodhisattva. Your ability in this evil age to make this outstanding vow to bring joy and benefit to all beings, as you have said, must signify you will quickly attain supreme enlightenment. You must have the ability to rapidly achieve the countless vows of Samantabhadra, become the teacher of devas and men, and save countless sentient beings.” After Fazhao had received this prediction, he made prostrations and then asked, “I have not yet inquired whether or not in the present age and the period to come, all of my companions in the four assemblies14 who intone the name of the Buddha, who do not seek fame or profit and advance with courageous spirits, at the time of death will definitely experience the Bud- dha’s coming to welcome them, achieve rebirth at the highest grade,15 and part quickly from the river of desire.” Mañjuśrī replied, “It is certainly without doubt, except for those who seek fame and profit and do not set their minds upon it.” After he finished speak-

13 Wuyu 無餘: refers to final nirvāṇa with no possibility of rebirth. 14 Monks, nuns, male, and female devotees. 15 Shangpin wangsheng 上品往生: the highest stage of birth in the Pure Land. 128 chapter five

ing, he sent the youth Nanda to bring tea, along with a medicinal meal.16 Fazhao said, “I need no medicinal meal.” The Great Sage said, “Eat without fear,” and two bowls of hot water were brought out. The flavor of one bowl was extremely sweet and delightful. The Great Sage then brought forth three more bowls of hot water, along with the medicinal meal. The utensils were all made of vaiḍūrya and jewels. Then he ordered Buddhapāli to see the master out, but Fazhao was unwill- ing to go. The Great Sage said, “It is impossible. Your present body is completely mortal in nature, and impure in substance. You cannot dwell here, but because your affinity with me has ripened at present, at the end of this life you will achieve rebirth in the Pure Land, and come forward.” When he finished speaking, he disappeared. Fazhao returned to the front of the grotto, and stood on the wooden plank.17 Fazhao has several other visions on Mount Wutai, but these are his most famous ones, the subject of “Eulogy on Mount Wutai” in this chapter. This poem, in the same linked verse format as the eulogy of chapter four, presents the story of Fazhao and Mañjuśrī intertwined with the familiar motifs of Mount Wutai’s divine landscape. There are also repeated exhortations to the pilgrim to intone the name of the Buddha, specifically Amitābha. The eulogy essentially begins and ends with references to Fazhao, while the majority of the verses in between are devoted to the mountain. This is a curious and unusual poem among the Mount Wutai eulogies, not only for its proselytizing manner and its references to some of the more mundane aspects of monastic life, but also for its silence on the Temple of the Bamboo Grove, which it never mentions by name. Fazhao began construction of this monastery on the Central Terrace in 777, near the site of his visions. The three manuscripts are similar in content until the thirteenth stanza, when P. 2483 and P. 3645 begin to diverge. But they end, remarkably, with the same quatrain.18

16 Yaoshi 藥食: Another name for the evening meal. As monks were not supposed to eat after noon, this meal was considered only for medicinal purposes to relieve the “illness” of hunger and thirst. 17 GuangQLZ, 1115a-b. My translation. I have consulted the translation of Daniel Ste- venson, “Visions of Mañjuśrī on Mount Wutai,” in Religions of China in Practice, ed. Donald Lopez, Jr., 212-220, where the episode is presented in full. 18 All three manuscripts appear in Du Doucheng, Dunhuang Wutai shan wenxian jiaolu yanjiu, 59-81. My collation creates a poem of 112 lines in twenty-eight verses. A few sentences in the manuscripts are in fragments and appear unrelated to the text. inconceivable light 129

Eulogy on Mount Wutai

I. The Meditation Master of Lianghan left the world, From afar he came on a pilgrimage to Mount Wutai. A white light guided him into the Vajra Grotto, Where he saw Mañjuśrī and Samantabhadra. 梁漢禪師出世間，遠來巡禮五臺山。白光引入金剛窟，得見文殊及普賢。 Unlike the other eulogies of Mount Wutai, which all begin with an invocation to the bodhisattva, this eulogy starts with Fazhao himself, a native of Nanliang 南涼 in modern Sichuan. The ray of light refers to the solitary ray of white light which the monk saw shining in the doorway of his room at the Buddha Radiance Temple. This buddha light, or foguang, gives the temple its name. Such a straightforward opening verse leads us to think this eulogy will offer a linear narrative of Fazhao’s experiences on the mountain, but it does not. It cannot be a question of textual corruption, because all three manuscripts are consistent through the ninth stanza, when S. 0370 breaks off. II. Within the bodhisattva’s body is a precious pearl, Its bright light completely illuminates his body. To reduce your wealth and increase your alms, He asks sentient beings if it is necessary or not. 菩薩身中有寶珠，光明顯照遍身軀。減割財多將布施，即問眾生須不須。 The poet envisions the gem, or maṇi, within the bodhisattva’s body as the source of the shining ray of light which attracted Fazhao. This pearl symbolizes the Buddha and his Dharma. It is colorless, yet it reflects all colors. The next two lines remind the pilgrim of the importance of charity, presumably in the form of offerings to the temples of Mount Wutai. But they may also refer to the offering of one’s merit to other beings so that they may achieve enlightenment, as seen in this passage from the Wuliang- shou jing: “I will open the Treasure House of Dharma for the many, distrib- uting broadly the wealth of my own merit.”19

19 Luis O. Gómez, The Land of Bliss, 173; Wuliangshou jing, T. 12.360.269b. 130 chapter five

III. The holy transformations of the Tathāgata are on Mount Wutai, His karma is linked with bodhisattvas as numerous as the sands of the Ganges.20 Sitting in meditation, he generates dwelling in a bundle of grass,21 Not craving the ten thousand kinds of desires of the multitude. 如來聖化五臺山，恒沙菩薩結因緣。22 坐禪起居一東草，不羨聚落萬重艷。 Mañjuśrī told Fazhao when they met in the Vajra Grotto that the monk’s karma had ripened, allowing them to meet. The poem goes further, stating that Fazhao has karma with an infinite number of bodhisattvas. The last two lines portray the monk as dwelling in an enlightened state on a mountain transformed into a paradise by the Buddha. According to the Guang Qingliang zhuan, Mañjuśrī assured Fazhao he would become a bodhisatt va and save many sentient beings. IV. On the Eastern Terrace incense is always burning, On the Western Terrace liberation is also like this. At the foot of the Southern Terrace are the Vajra waters, On the summit of the Central Terrace is the Jade Flower Spring. 東臺香煙常不絕，西臺解脫亦如然。南臺腳下金剛水，中臺頂上玉華泉。 This stanza is similar to those of the previous “Eulogy on Mount Wutai” of chapter four with its lists of special characteristics for each terrace. Since the eulogy is in quatrain form and there are five terraces, the Northern Terrace receives its own stanza directly following this one. The parallelism is straightforward. Spiritual liberation is compared to the continual burning of incense: As the incense fills the air, sentient beings are constantly crossing into nirvāṇa on Mount Wutai. The Western Terrace was the site of Mañjuśrī’s encounter with Vimalakīrti, where countless beings were rescued from the river of hell as a result of listening to their conversation. Mirroring this continuum of incense and liberation, waters flow above and below the terraces. The Vajra waters may be mentioned because of their connection with the Vajra Grotto, site of Fazhao’s great discussion with the bodhisattva.

20 Numberless, infinite. 21 I have been unable to locate the meaning of this term. However, I have found the term shulu 束蘆: to tie reeds together, symbolizing the interdependence of things and principles. 22 P. 3645 and P. 2483 have 世 for 聖. inconceivable light 131

V. On the Northern Terrace the poisonous dragons always hear the Dharma, Thunder, wind, and lightning hide in the mountain streams. They do not dare do evil to men, All the dragon spirits accumulate good karma. 北臺毒龍常聽法，雷風閃電隱山川。不敢與人為患害，盡是龍神集善緣。23 The poet devotes an entire stanza to the Northern Terrace, the only terrace to have this distinction. The dragons are subdued by the preaching of the Buddhist doctrine by Mañjuśrī. The bad weather concealed in the mountain streams symbolizes the dragons, who dwell in the water. Not only are the dragons converted, but they are actually advancing in virtue, though it is not explained why in this verse. In a later stanza we will learn they are meditating on the scriptures. VI. On top of Mount Wutai is a flower, The monks sometimes come here to dye their robes. They dye their robes a red sandalwood, And vow they will always be monks in this turbid world. 五臺山上一朵花，和尚趟來染袈裟。染得袈裟柴色檀，願我渾域惣出家。 For the first time in the Mount Wutai poetry we see a description of monks and a simple activity of monastic life. The mundaneness of this stanza is refreshing in the midst of so much supernatural power and divine activity. Most of the Mount Wutai poetry, although declaring that mortals and sages dwell together on the mountain, has been focused on the activities of the divine beings and not on human beings. The flower of the first line may refer to the source of the dye for the monks’ clothing, but red sandalwood is not a flower but a wood, popular as a dye during the Tang.24 This flower may be linked to the “ever-blooming flower” of stanza thirteen, which symbolizes the Buddhist teachings. That verse, along with this one, portrays the mountain as a protective, almost

23 Below this line, S. 0370 has an incomprehensible quatrain in fragments. 24 See Edward H. Schafer, The Golden Peaches of Samarkand: A Study of T’ang Exotics, 134-135. “The T’ang pharmacologist Su Kung, in telling of the universal occurrence of red sanderswood in T’ang, called it by a part-Indian name, ‘purple candana,’ that is, ‘purple sandal,’ since this excellent cabinetwood was regarded in medieval China as related to sandalwood on the one hand, and to rosewood on the other. The Malayan sanders, the common kind in China, has a yellowish or reddish wood with a roselike odor... that of the Malayan sanders was used in the T’ang to color clothing.” 132 chapter five parental force, which can satisfy both spiritual and material needs of the pilgrims. VII. On Wutai the practitioner of transformations is Mañjuśrī. Samantabhadra Bodhisattva also dwells here. Each day shining flowers manifest among the clouds, Sages as numerous as the sands of the Ganges comprehend true suchness.25 五臺行化是文殊，普賢菩薩亦同居。每日光花雲中現，恒沙聖眾禮真如。 This stanza returns to the transformative powers of the bodhisattva. The infinite number of sages refers to Mañjuśrī and his retinue of bodhisattvas, who dwell in a state of ultimate reality, beyond the comprehension of ordinary people. The image of the shining flowers echoes the flower of the previous poem, reinforcing its interpretation as a symbol of the Buddha Dharma. VIII. On the Eastern Terrace is Vimalakīrti’s ten foot square hut, On the Western Terrace was briefly realized the preaching of the Dharma.26 On the Southern Terrace are the wonderful medicinal Vajra waters, On the Central Terrace fragrance fills the thoroughfares. 東臺維摩方丈室，西臺說法證須臾。南臺妙藥金剛水，中臺香氣滿街衢。 Legend says Vimalakīrti lived in a humble hut; this is the first indication in the Mount Wutai poetry that it was on this mountain. The preaching of the Dharma on the Western Terrace probably alludes to the conversation between the devotee and the bodhisattva. This poem is quite similar to the fourth verse, where four terraces were briefly described in list form. This verse yet again mentions the Vajra waters and the fragrant incense of the mountain. IX. On the Northern Terrace, the dragon spirits always listen to the Dharma, The Tathāgata’s expedient means call upon them to dwell in peace. Each one must intone the scriptures and take refuge, When it is not time, one dares not think of emptiness.27

25 Zhenru 真如 (Skt. bhūtatathatā): ultimate reality, which goes beyond duality and relativity. 26 S. 0370 ends here. 27 Xukong 虛空 (Skt. ākāśa): cosmic space, in which all things dwell. inconceivable light 133

北臺神龍常聽法，如來方便號安居。各自須藏念皈伏，非時不敢理虛空。 As in stanzas four and five, this verse is devoted to the dragons of the North- ern Terrace, who have been tamed with the expedient means of the bodhi sattva. The poet entreats the dragons to intone the scriptures and take refuge, along with the pilgrims. The last line of the verse may be an oblique reference to the period of the Final Dharma, and the difficulties of studying the Buddhist doctrine at that time. The pilgrim is exhorted to take this opportunity to ensure his salvation by meditating upon the name of the Buddha. X. On Wutai, they cultivate the Way with great clarity and leisure, There one sees virtue greeting mankind. Above the mountain there are always conjured temples, The ten evils are suddenly curbed and one takes refuge in emptiness.28 五臺修道甚清閑，到彼見善睬人間。上山有寺皆恒化，十惡頓謁空皈還。29 This verse notes the virtuous nature of the mountain, and presumably of its inhabitants. The conjured temples are a constant presence suspended in the sky above the mountain. The poet implies if the pilgrim wishes to abolish the ten evils, he should enter one of these temples, and become enlightened. He is alluding to Fazhao’s visit to the Temple of the Bamboo Grove of the Great Sage, but implies the experience is available to others. XI. Wutai is steep and extremely lofty, On four sides it is cut off sharply, without sloping gradually. The roads all run along the tops of the terraces. Of those who wish to ascend are many of true ability. 五臺險峻極嵯峨，四面陡斬無慢坡。30 有路皆須緣臺上，發心上者實能多。 This verse contains the familiar motif of the terraces as steep, rugged and dangerous, reaching to unearthly heights. Despite such obstacles, the poet says, there are many pilgrims who have the ability to reach the top. In this stanza, to scale Mount Wutai is a metaphor for enlightenment. The roads have been constructed; it is up to the pilgrim to ascend them.

28 The ten evils (Skt. daśākuśala): They consist of murder, theft, adultery, lying, slan- der, frivolous language, abusive language, greed, anger, and delusion. 29 P. 2483 has 十惡頂謁還皈還. The text is corrupt here. I have substituted 遏 for 謁. 30 Du Doucheng substitutes 陡 for 舟. 134 chapter five

XII. They resolve to climb to the top of this place, Wherever the mind recedes, the Deva Māra appears.31 On top of Mount Wutai it is extremely pure and mysterious, At the height of summer it is like the eighth month of autumn. 志願來登得達彼，32 退心遍現出天魔。五臺山上極清幽，盛夏猶如八月秋。 This stanza is linked to the previous verse by the image of the pilgrim climbing Mount Wutai. Both this verse and the previous one devote three lines to describing the mountain itself and one line to portraying the human mind. In the previous verse, the poet states that there are many who have the ability to ascend the mountain, or to attain enlightenment; they just have to resolve to do it. In this verse, the poet declares that the alternative to climbing the mountain, or embracing the Buddhist path, is grim. Those who allow their minds to recede, or regress into the cycle of birth and death, will encounter an evil spirit, or māra. This is one of the darkest verses among the Mount Wutai poems. XIII. The accumulated clouds and icy frost never disperse, But one’s own robe and alms bowl are not hard to find. Supplies are delivered to the roadsides, as the passes are hard to cross, One ever-blooming flower is offered unceasingly. 積雲寒霜常無散，衣鉢自至不勞求。送供路旁隘難過，一自開花施無休。 This verse, similar to stanza six, which features the dyeing of monastic robes, also has a more worldly touch. Despite the continual bad weather, it is easy to find the monastic supplies. The pilgrim is cared for by the monastic community on Mount Wutai. In his diary, Ennin writes of an imperial emissary arriving at the Great Flower Ornament Temple with the yearly offering to each of the twelve great monasteries of robes, alms bowls, incense and flowers, as well as silk floss, tea, towels, and other necessities.33 Although the flower of the last stanza may refer to the imperial offering of flowers, the ever-blooming flower may also be a symbol of the Buddhist doctrine, which is eternal, spontaneous, beyond duality, wordless, and al-

31 Butui 不退 (Skt. avaivartika): “never receding” means to attain nirvāṇa. Māra: the spirit of evil, and enemy of Buddha-truth. Here he is personified as a god, Deva Māra, who lives in the sixth Heaven. He appears in the Amitābha sūtras. 32 P. 3645 begins to diverge here. I primarily use the more coherent P. 2483. 33 NGJG, 3:75. inconceivable light 135 ways available to the pilgrim. Although there is ice and snow and little sunlight, the flower of the Dharma continually blooms on Mount Wutai. XIV. To hold a feast one hundred assemblies are moved, Old and spoiled drink and food cannot be kept. Each temple has an assembly of one thousand monks, All dwell in the clear water of meditation. 設齋動成百般眾，宿殘飲食不得留。每寺眾僧有千個，盡皆清洁住禪修。 The feast of the poem is a zhai 齋, a vegetarian feast, which involved all the members of the monastic community, lay followers, and members of the local villages. They were great social events, besides serving as demonstra- tions of piety for those laypersons involved in the food preparation.34 These spectacular banquets were held to commemorate the imperial birthday and Buddhist holy days. The Guang Qingliang zhuan records that during the Zhenyuan era (785-805) of Emperor Dezong a feast was held each year by the ten chief monasteries on Mount Wutai in commemoration of the imperial birthday. Ten thousand monks would participate.35 The physical feast is compared to the spiritual nourishment of meditation which, unlike food and drink, is always clean and pure. XV. On Wutai at night are the holy transformations of the shining lamps, Filling the slopes are tens of thousands of silken banners. They illuminate the sentient beings that create the ten evils, Always instructing them to take refuge in the monks. 五臺聖化夜光登，遍滿坡萬重繒幡。照輝眾生造十惡，36 總教歸向比丘僧。 The shining lamps refer to the holy lamps seen regularly on the mountain and regarded as manifestations of Mañjuśrī. According to Buddhist legend, a banner represents the Buddha commanding sentient beings to subdue the māras.37 The silken banners were apparently a common sight on Mount Wutai, although this is the first time we have seen them mentioned in the poetry as being on the mountain. They were usually hung inside the temples in front of the Buddhist images. They are often mentioned in

34 Jacques Gernet, Chinese Society: An Economic History from the Fifth to the Tenth Cen- turies, trans. Franciscus Verellen, 257-259. 35 GuangQLZ, 1116a. 36 I have changed 千惡 of P. 2483 to 十惡 of P. 3645. 37 Liu Yao et al., eds., Wutai shan lüyou cidian, 348-349. 136 chapter five

Buddhist literature as offerings, along with incense and flowers, as in this passage from the Wuliangshou jing: They cultivate good actions to a certain degree, restrain themselves, and observe the eight precepts adopted during the four periods of fasting, erect stūpas and images, give food to the śramaṇas, raise banners, light lamps, strew flowers, and burn incense, dedicating the merit of these actions to being reborn in this land.38 When Ennin visited the site where Buddhapāli met Mañjuśrī on the South- ern Terrace, he saw a banner commemorating the event, which had written upon it the Uṣṇīṣavijayā-dhāraṇī sūtra and Buddhapāli’s preface to the sūtra.39 However, the banners of this quatrain may not be banners of offering, but a divine manifestation. A banner appears in the final stanza of the previous “Eulogy on Mount Wutai”: The bodhisattva Mañjuśrī stands on the golden bridge with a banner in his hand to summon sentient beings to cross over into nirvāṇa. In the Wuliangshou jing, the bodhisattvas are depicted waving banners to spread the Buddhist doctrine: The gods Śakra and Brahmā had then begged and entreated each one of these bodhisattvas, requesting that he teach to the world the truth he had perceived, thus setting in motion the Wheel of Dharma. And each of these bodhisattvas, acting now as a buddha, wandered freely everywhere, roaring with the lion’s roar of a buddha—beating the drum of Dharma, blowing the conch of Dharma, wielding the sword of Dharma, raising the banner of Dharma, making the thunderbolt of Dharma roar, making the lightning of Dharma flash, pouring down the rain of Dharma, and spreading widely the gift of Dharma. With the sounds of Dharma each had continuously awak- ened many world systems.40 The holy lamps shine their illuminating wisdom on the pilgrims, and, as in Amitābha’s sūtra, the banners summon them to take refuge in the Buddhist doctrine. XVI. Mount Wutai is full of insects and wolves, The match for evil men walking the roads. If they see good men they flee, And even if they meet there are no obstacles. 五臺山內足蟲狼，惡人行路得相當。若見善人皆逃避，縱然逢遇亦無妨。

38 Luis O. Gómez, trans., The Land of Bliss, 188; Wuliangshou jing, T. 12.360:12.272b. 39 NGJG, 3:152. 40 Luis O. Gómez, trans., The Land of Bliss, 156; Wuliangshou jing, T. 12.360.266a. inconceivable light 137

The devout pilgrim, according to this stanza, has nothing to fear on Mount Wutai. This is a rare reference to the natural wildlife of the mountain; for the most part, the literature only describes the divine birds and beasts associated with the bodhisattva. The enlightened person, like the goddess Samādhi of the previous “Eulogy on Mount Wutai,” has power over the birds and beasts he encounters in his pilgrimage. From stanzas such as these, we can easily see that this eulogy is a mixture of serious religious exhortation and more popular issues that the average visitor might think about. The māras might seem to be a less immediate threat than a mountain wolf. XVII. The child of Wutai is called Nanda, With Sudāna he destroyed the Deva Māra. There are people whose wishes all are made manifest, I exhort you only to intone Amitābha. 五臺童子號難陀，善財同對滅天魔。有人心志皆來現，口中只勸念彌陀。 The two youths who led Fazhao into the conjured Temple of the Bamboo Grove were named Nanda and Sudāna, the cowherd of Buddhist legend and the youth of the last chapter of the Avataṃsaka sūtra. Nanda is usually referred to as an arhat, and Sudāna as a bodhisattva. Having attained enlightenment, they were able to destroy the demon. Under the guidance of Mañjuśrī, Sudāna embarked upon an elaborate spiritual quest, studying with a succession of fifty-three teachers before he attained buddhahood. Ordinary people in this degenerate age need only intone the name of Amitābha to achieve their aspirations for enlightenment. This stanza begins what is essentially the last part of the poem, which is entirely devoted to Fazhao and the teaching of the nianfo. VIII. I know you truly and sincerely come to seek the Dharma, Work hard to bring the Dharma everywhere in this sahā world.41 We can quickly realize the Dharma of the Tathāgata, The teachings are bestowed upon you without hesitation. 知汝真誠來求法，努力將法遍裟婆。42 我得如來疾證法，轉宣施汝莫蹉跎。

41 Sahā means “endurance,” and refers to this world of difficulties. 42 P. 2483 has the last two characters omitted; I have borrowed 裟婆 from P. 3645. 138 chapter five

The poet assures his listeners of their sincerity in visiting Mount Wutai; they are true spiritual seekers and not mere tourists. But he tells them that the Dharma can be quickly achieved by intoning the name of Amitābha. This quick path to enlightenment greatly contrasts with the gradual and more complicated Avataṃsaka tradition. This quatrain also has a proselytizing tone, as it encourages the pilgrim to spread the Dharma and urges him to intone the name of the Buddha. This attitude is almost entirely missing from the rest of the Mount Wutai poems. XIX. To cultivate truth, sleeping in the mountains is unsurpassed, The city god defends against chaos and many vexations. It cannot compare to passing through the gate to hear the prince, And neither coming nor going eternally without the māras.43 修真往寐山間勝，城隍閑亂事煩多。不如經門聞世子，44 不來不去永無魔。 This verse contrasts the effectiveness of the city god with that of the prince, or Śākyamuni Buddha. To pass through the gate of the Buddhist teachings is to be enlightened. To be enlightened is to be in a state of “neither coming nor going,” and to have destroyed the passions, or māras. Although the tranquility of the mountain is superior to the annoyances of the city, nothing compares to the teachings of the Buddha. XX. Sit upright and purify the mind, do not follow the world, Defilements and afflictions will not come over.45 Mount Wutai has true suchness, The devas and bodhisattvas all dwell in emptiness. 端坐澄心莫隨境，客塵煩惱非來過。五臺山裏有真如，諸天菩薩住虛空。 The poet states that Mount Wutai exists on a higher plane of reality, in which all the divine beings dwell. They live naturally and spontaneously in this pure land, which is inherently empty. For the visitor to achieve this

43 Bulai buqu 不來不去 (Skt. anāgamana-nirgama): neither coming nor going out of existence. 44 P. 2483 has 不如勸住山中囗. I have used the line from P. 3645 as above. 45 Kechen 客塵 (Skt. āgantu-kleśa): defilement. It enters the mind causing unhappi- ness and delusion. inconceivable light 139 state, travel through the mountains is not enough. The pilgrim must sit in meditation and purify his mind. This verse echoes the instructions Mañjuśrī gave to Fazhao in the Guang Qingliang zhuan: You should intently intone Amitābha’s name, Then you can peacefully dwell in the realm of the Buddha. If you can peacefully dwell in the realm of the Buddha, You are someone who can always see all the buddhas. If you can always see all the buddhas, Then you can perceive the nature of true suchness. If you can quickly cut off all afflictions, Then you can perceive the nature of true suchness. You will always be happy even if you are in the ocean of suffering, As the lotus flower does not belong in the water. If you purify your mind and emerge from the river of desire, Then you can quickly attain supreme enlightenment.46 XXI. Work hard and intently practice the effortless Dharma,47 And you will be reborn in the Western Kingdom and realize arhatship. The leader of the sages of the Five Terraces is Mañjuśrī, Universally the sages are empty, all in a state of transformation. 努力轉修無為法，來生西國證阿羅。五臺聖主號文殊，普聖同化裏中虛。 This stanza continues the poet’s entreaty for the listener to practice the effortless Dharma of the nianfo, paradoxically, by working hard. Then he will be reborn in Amitābha Buddha’s Pure Land, which is also called the Western Paradise. However, it reminds us that Mañjuśrī is the paramount figure on Mount Wutai, and that all sages are inherently empty in the sense that they are in a state of continual change. XXII. Ten thousand sages and worthies always protect this place, Buddhapāli’s body of emptiness dwells here. Fazhao from afar entered the mountain and made prostrations, A white light directly reflected on the dharmakāya body. 一萬聖賢常鎮此，佛陀波利空身居。法照遠投山頂禮，白光真照法身軀。

46 GuangQLZ, 1114c. 47 Wuwei 無為 (Skt. anabhisamskāra): a mind which is calm with no effort. This stanza only appears in P. 3645. 140 chapter five

This verse describes Fazhao entering Mount Wutai, and paying reverence to the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī upon his arrival. Buddhapāli’s empty body probably refers to his achievement of nirvāṇa. The dharmakāya body is that of Mañjuśrī in his actual form, and not in such disguises as an old man. Because of Fazhao’s karmic affinity with the bodhisattva, he was able to see Mañjuśrī in his true form when he followed the white ray of light from the Buddha Radiance Temple and was led into the conjured Temple of the Bamboo Grove. XXIII. Then he arose and followed the light to its location, Personally acknowledged by the Great Sage, he listened to the sūtras. Sighing at the extensive teachings, he intoned eulogies of the Buddha, Absolute reality is not full, and sets forth non-existence and existence.48 便起隨光行到彼，親承大聖聽經書。所歎私揚念佛讚，真實非滿陳虛有。49 This verse is clearly linked to the previous one. Fazhao followed the white light, met Sudāna and Nanda and was led to Mañjuśrī in the Temple of the Bamboo Grove. The Guang Qingliang zhuan does not specifically say that the Pure Land monk listened to the bodhisattva preach a particular scripture. However, Mañjuśrī did recite a verse which may have inspired the last line of this poem: All dharmas are the creation of the mind, Understand that the mind cannot be attained. Always to practice in accordance with this, Is called the mark of absolute reality.50 The poem’s last line may be a summary of what he has learned from Mañjuśrī’s teaching of the scriptures. XXIV. At that time Fazhao was on the terrace, As if in a dream the true man entered the palace of Mañjuśrī.51 He personally transmitted to him the teaching of intoning the Buddha, Exhorting him to recite the name himself. 法照其時到臺中，如夢真人文殊宮。親自口傳念佛教，勸稱名號至身中。

48 Zhenshi 真實 (Skt. tattava): absolute truth. 49 Below this line, P. 2483 has one line which does not appear to belong to this verse or the following one: 有緣須來相同學. 50 GuangQLZ, 1114c. 51 Zhenren 真人 : The man of truth, an arhat or a buddha. inconceivable light 141

This verse continues to speak of Fazhao and his experience within the conjured temple of the Bamboo Grove, and how Mañjuśrī instructed him in reciting the name of Amitābha Buddha. We have seen from the Guang Qingliang zhuan that Mañjuśrī plays a key role in the Pure Land sect by effectively endorsing the nianfo, which of course was already being recited by Fazhao. In both the shorter and longer versions of the Amitābha sūtras, the bodhisattva is prominently mentioned as the first bodhisattva in the assembly. Therefore Mañjuśrī was easily integrated into the Pure Land school. XXV. To attain high rebirth, intone Amitābha, Mañjuśrī everywhere bestowed merit on Fazhao.52 He works hard to bestow merit and transform, without sadness, And extensively moves sentient beings to intone the Buddha. 在生高念彌陀字，文殊處處法照回。努力回化莫悲哀，廣動眾生令念佛。 This verse says that the bodhisattva bestows his merit on all sentient beings, and uses his powers of transformation to save them. Mañjuśrī not only bestowed his merit on Fazhao, who recited the name of Amitābha, but he also exhorts all beings to intone the Buddha. This poem is rather ambiguous, as it could also mean that Fazhao himself is exhorting sentient beings to intone the Buddha. Regardless of who is the subject of the last two lines, the idea of be- stowal of merit is the chief point of the stanza, and an important concept in Pure Land thought. The virtue accumulated by realized beings is trans- ferable to the less fortunate. Amitābha Buddha is able to save countless beings because he bestows his merit upon them. The same is true of the bodhisattvas. The Wuliangshou jing states: “Each of these bodhisattvas had accumulated merit, and had become a field in whom others could plant the seed of merit and through whom others could increase their own merit.”53 XXVI. The rapid gate has long been shunned; people do not open it,54 He transmits the teaching spontaneously to all. He exhorts you, within your mind there is no coming or going, We met long ago in a previous existence.

52 Hui 回: the turning or transference of acquired merit to another so that he may be reborn in the Pure Land of Amitābha. 53 Luis O. Gómez, The Land of Bliss, 156-157; Wuliangshou jing, T. 12.360.266a. 54 P. 2483 has an extra line following this one: 金生再署坐花臺. 142 chapter five

疾門長閃人不開，諸人傳教無能志。勸汝心內無往來，前生早已曾相遇。 The quick path is that of the Pure Land, and the teaching of the nianfo is easy to acquire. It was believed that Śākyamuni Buddha taught the Amitābha sūtras spontaneously, unlike other scriptures which he taught upon request of his disciples. This lent importance to these sūtras, which have a message that the Buddha felt sentient beings should know. Even persons of inferior faith, without any merits, are able to be reborn in Amitābha’s pure land, if they can think of this Buddha for only one moment. The third line of the poem refers to the Buddhist concept that all dharmas are without origination or cessation; therefore so is the human mind. The final line of the poem implies that the speaker has some karmic relationship with the listener. If we read this verse keeping in mind the scene in the Guang Qingliang zhuan, where Mañjuśrī tells Fazhao his karma with him has ripened, then the speaker is the bodhisattva himself encouraging Fazhao to teach the nianfo. XXVII. You must not shirk the road of coming and going,55 If you turn back, you will not be saved, do not have any doubts. He wishes to entreat sentient beings to always intone [Amitābha], Together we’ll return to the Pure Land to the Buddha’s side. 汝須莫辭來去路，回還不救莫生疑。眾生想勸恒須念，同歸淨土佛邊期。 This verse can also be interpreted as being spoken by Mañjuśrī. The coming and going of this poem refers to the Pure Land path, in which the pilgrim achieves rebirth in the Land of Bliss through the spiritual power, or merit, of others. Then the pilgrim comes back to the human world to help others. This is the way of the bodhisattva. In Tanluan’s commentary to the Sukhāvatīvyūha, he explains: “Application” has two aspects. The first is the going aspect and the second is the returning aspect. What is the “going aspect”? One takes one’s own merit and diverts it to all the beings, praying that all together may go to be reborn in Amitābha’s Buddha’s Happy Land. What is the “returning aspect?” When one has already been reborn in that Land and attained to the perfection of concentration and insight, and the power of saving others through

55 This stanza does not appear in P. 2483. inconceivable light 143

convenient means, one returns and enters the withered forest of life and death, and teaches all beings to turn together to the Path of the Buddha.56 Therefore, the speaker says, if one retreats from this road he will not be liberated, and he asks the listener once again to intone the Buddha’s name. XXVIII. At that time Fazhao emerged from the mountain,57 Three times he made prostrations with weighty thoughts, He received the teachings of Jambūdvīpa and transformed the multitude, And did not cause the mansions of the devas to be tardy in meeting us. 法照其時出山裏，再三頂禮珍重意。奉教閻浮行化眾，莫令天堂相逢遲。 The poem ends with Fazhao leaving the mountain, presumably for Chang’an. This last verse parallels his arrival at Mount Wutai in the first stanza of this eulogy. The listener, presumably the pilgrim to Mount Wutai, is promised that Fazhao, having received the teachings, will quickly save him so he may be reborn in the Pure Land of Amitābha, among the celestial halls. In 840, Ennin made a pilgrimage to the Temple of the Bamboo Grove and noted Fazhao’s image there: After our meal, we circumambulated the monastery. There is a practice hall for pratyutpanna. Formerly, the monk Fazhao chanted the Buddha’s name (nianfo) in this hall. He was posthumously granted the title of Dawu 大悟 (Greatly Enlightened). He passed away about two years ago, and now they have erected a statue of him in the hall.58 Pratyutpanna-samādhi is also called the prolonged samādhi (changxing sanmei 常行三昧). The practice is outlined in the Pratyutpanna-samādhi sūtra. The practitioner walked for 90 days and nights around an image of Amitābha, meditating and chanting his name.59 In the summer of 766, Fazhao practiced this samādhi for the first time while residing on Mount Heng, the Southern Marchmont. After fourteen days, he experienced a vision in which Amitābha appeared and taught him the wuhui nianfo. The following year, he had his first vision of Mount Wutai.

56 William Theodore de Bary, ed., The Buddhist Tradition in India, China and Japan, 201; Tanluan, Wuliangshou jing youpotishe yuansheng jiezhu 無量壽經優婆提舍願生偈注, T. 40.1819.836a. 57 Both P. 3645 and P. 2483 end with this stanza. 58 NGJG, 2:428. 59 See Ennin, Ennin’s Diary: The Record of a Pilgrimage to China in Search of the Law, trans. Edwin O. Reischauer, 216. 144 chapter five

“Eulogy on Mount Wutai” instructs the pilgrim: As Fazhao experienced visions of Mañjuśrī and Buddhapāli on the mountain, so might the visitor to Mount Wutai. As Fazhao chanted the name of Amitābha, so too might the pilgrim enter the Pure Land. inconceivable light 145 146 chapter five

Figure 6. Buddhapāli Meets Mañjuśrī. Mount Wutai. Dunhuang Cave 61. Photograph: Dunhuang Research Academy. the gold-colored world 147

CHAPTER SIX

THE GOLD-COLORED WORLD: EULOGY ON THE HOLY REGIONS OF MOUNT WUTAI

The “Eulogy on the Holy Regions of Mount Wutai” (“Wutai shan shengjing zan” 五臺山聖境讚), consists of eleven poems by Xuanben, monk of the Golden Terrace 金臺釋子玄本, dating from the ninth century. The poems describe not only the most important miraculous sites on Mount Wutai, but significant Indian figures as well. The “Eulogy” demonstrates an extraordinary mix of Chinese and Indian motifs. Xuanben portrays the different realms of gods and men living side by side in a higher reality not seen by an ordinary person, a recurring theme in Mount Wutai literature. He envisions the gold-colored world of Mañjuśrī, describing a Chinese landscape bathed in golden light and transformed into a Buddhist paradise outside the boundaries of time and space. Xuanben takes us on a virtual journey through the five terraces following the traditional pilgrimage circumambulation route, but he also gives us a more profound look at the spiritual aspects of the Mount Wutai experience. The poet is equally com- fortable describing tangible mountain landscapes and abstract Buddhist concepts. “Eulogy on the Holy Regions of Mount Wutai” is found in three extant manuscripts: P. 4617, P. 4641, and P. 4504. Manuscript P. 4617, originally published by Luo Zhenyu in his 1909 Dunhuang shishi yishu, is the most complete.1 This manuscript consists of eleven poems, ten of which are actually seven-syllable regulated verse (lüshi 律詩). The eleventh poem is a seven-syllable quatrain (jueju 絕句), but it may be a fragment of a longer poem. The word zan is used in the title, and, as we have seen, it appears the term was used to indicate a great variety of poetic styles. Wang Fanzhou has noted that the greatest variety of zan, in terms of both style and content, appear in the Dunhuang manuscripts.2 It seems that the term “eulogy” refers more to the content of the poem than to a particular style of verse.

1 Texts of the poems appear in Luo Zhenyu, Dunhuang shishi yishu, np, and Du Doucheng, Dunhuang Wutai shan wenxian jiaolu yanjiu, 41-59. 2 Wang Fanzhou “Zan. Zhen,” in Dunhuang wenxue, 99–100. 148 chapter six

P. 4617 records the author’s name immediately after the title. Nothing is known about the Golden Terrace or the monk Xuanben, but the Golden Terrace evokes an image of a terrace bathed in golden light, similar to many of the visions experienced by pilgrims on Mount Wutai. A golden terrace appears in the opening lines of the Mañjuśrī-parinirvāṇa sūtra. None of the three manuscripts is dated, but based on references to historical personages in the poems, they cannot have been composed before the end of the Late Tang. The poem on the Central Terrace alludes to the notorious death of the monk Wuran 無染, which occurred between 836 and 840, as recounted in both the Guang Qingliang zhuan and the Song gaoseng zhuan.3 Whoever Xuanben was, he was a more elegant writer than the authors of other poems in the Wutai corpus. Although he uses some of the phrases found in other Wutai poetry and in the Gu Qingliang zhuan and Guang Qingliang zhuan, the poems reflect a more sophisticated aesthetic sensibility. They are full of complex Buddhist ideas and allusions. Xuanben’s poems follow the format of the “Songs of Mount Wutai” from chapter three, but his work is better crafted and more imaginatively organized. Xuanben composed a set of five poems on the five terraces similar to the “Songs,” but he also devoted over half of his eulogy to specific holy men and numinous traces. Before Xuanben celebrates the individual terraces, he devotes poems first to Mañjuśrī and then to Samantabhadra, with whom the bodhisattva is often paired. An invocation to the bodhisattva or bodhisattvas was apparently obligatory before climbing the mountain or expressing observations in a poem. Following these two poems are verses on each of the terraces, in a sequence suggesting an actual circumambulation of the region: The poet starts from the Eastern Terrace and proceeds to the North- ern, Central, Western, and Southern Terraces. After the set of poems on each terrace, Xuanben devotes a poem to the Vajra Grotto, the most important miraculous site on Mount Wutai. Two subsequent poems portray significant Indian figures associated with Mount Wutai: King Aśoka and Rāhula, son of Śākyamuni Buddha. The set concludes with a second poem on the Vajra Grotto. Variations of Xuanben’s poems on the Eastern and Western Terraces are among the verses recorded in the Xu Qingliang zhuan, and some of Zhang’s poems appear to be inspired by Xuanben’s work.4 The Qingliang shan zhi

3 GuangQLZ, 1116a-b. Zanning, Song gaoseng zhuan, T. 50.2061.988. 4 XuQLZ, 1130a. the gold-colored world 149 contains this same group of poems, with some minor changes, and attri- butes them to Zhang Shangying.5 Luo Zhenyu has noted that Zhang Shang ying is not the original author, and simply says they date to the Tang or Five Dynasties era.

Eulogy on the True Countenance of the Great Sage

In the golden spire, the true countenance appears, In the shining light, the flower treasury continually blooms. That devas and men meet is hard to know, That ordinary men and sages live together cannot be resolved. Five hundred dragon spirits face the moon palaces, Ten thousand bodhisattvas dwell on the divine terraces. The floating life is walking in the land of Clear and Cold, An inch of soil can dispel the misery of ten thousand kalpas. 讚大聖真容金剎真容化現來，光明花藏每常開。天人共會終難識，凡聖同居不可裁。五百神龍朝月殿，十千菩薩住靈臺。浮生踏著清涼地，寸土能消萬劫災。 This poem has a panoramic quality, surveying the mountain as a whole, similar to the introductory poem “Hall of the Great Sage” of the “Songs of Mount Wutai.” The verse begins with the true manifestation of the bodhisattva, as opposed to his appearance in one of his various disguises as a child, an old man, or an animal. The poem depicts the five hundred dragons and ten thousand bodhisattvas who serve as his retinue on the mountain, but, most importantly, it specifically describes the spiritual opportunities Mount Wutai offers to the pilgrim, and gives us a glimpse of the elaborate doctrine of the Avataṃsaka school. The “golden spire” alludes to a stūpa with a nine-ringed spire, whose purpose is to honor the buddhas. The sixth chapter of the Lotus sūtra, which predicts the destinies of four of Śākyamuni Buddha’s disciples, says that Maudgalyāyana will build stūpas with golden spires: After all the buddhas are extinct, He will erect seven-jeweled stūpas Displaying their golden spires in the distance. With flowers, incense and music, He will make offerings

5 QLSZ, 186–187. 150 chapter six

To the stūpas and temples of all the buddhas.6 On Mount Wutai, the golden spire represents an offering to Mañjuśrī. It may also refer to the gold-colored world, or to the bodhisattva’s pure land. We have seen that many manifestations of Mañjuśrī are described as taking place in temples bathed in gold-colored light. More specifically, it may refer to the stūpa containing relics of the bodhisattva said to have been built during the Northern Wei dynasty near the Temple of the Great Faith of the Numinous Vulture on the Central Terrace. By Xuanben’s time, this temple was known as the Great Flower Ornament Temple. The term “true countenance” probably refers to the legend surrounding the statue of Mañjuśrī in the Cloister of the True Countenance, which is related in the Guang Qingliang zhuan and in greater detail in Ennin’s diary. The incident is believed to have taken place around 710. Experiencing the true form of the bodhisattva may have been comparable to experiencing his pure land, recreated within the cloister. The Cloister of the True Countenance, like the aforementioned stūpa, was near the Great Flower Ornament Temple. Ennin visited the temple in 840, but referred to the cloister as the Cloister of the Bodhisattva Hall (Pusa tangyuan 菩薩堂院). This must have been an alternate name, as we can see from the Guang Qingliang zhuan’s description of the visit of the monk Changyu 常遇 in 1011: “In search of traces of the sage, he stopped at the Bodhisattva Hall of the Flower Ornament Temple to gaze with reverence upon the true countenance of the Great Sage.”7 This particular statue of Mañjuśrī was not only considered to be his true image, it was the prototype for many other images of the bodhisattva on the mountain. Ennin comments on the magnificence of the statue of Mañjuśrī seated on a lion, which seems to be alive and breathing. He meets an old monk who recounts the legend surrounding the image. It was cast six times, and each time it cracked. Finally, the master prayed to Mañjuśrī to appear to him so that he could copy the bodhisattva’s image more precisely: “My humble wish is that the Great Sage Mañjuśrī Bodhisattva personally manifests his true countenance to me. If I see his golden face, then I can make a copy of it.” After he had finished making this wish, he opened his eyes and saw appear before him Mañjuśrī Bodhisattva mounted on a golden lion. Before long, he flew away into the sky, riding on a five-colored cloud. The master, having seen the true countenance, was happy, but also cried sadly. He now knew that his past creations had been incorrect, and changed

6 Miaofa lianhua jing, T. 9.262.22a. 7 GuangQLZ, 1120b–c. the gold-colored world 151

the form [of the image], lengthening or shortening, increasing or decreasing its form so that it resembled the image that he had seen. The seventh time he made the statue it did not crack. Everything was easy to do, and all his wishes were answered. Afterwards, this image occasionally radiated light and repeatedly manifested divine omens.8 The Guang Qingliang zhuan recounts a different view of the events, but gives the date and name of the sculptor, and also explains why the statue came to be created at this particular temple: North of the Temple of the Great Faith of the Numinous Vulture was a small peak, with a level and treeless summit. Solitary and high, it resembled the Vulture Peak of the Western Region. Auspicious clouds often rose from the top, and the countenance of the Sage repeatedly appeared. The ancients called it the Terrace of the Transformations of Mañjuśrī (Hua Wenshu tai 化文殊臺). During the Jingyun era of the Tang (710–711), a monk named Fayun 法雲 dwelled at the Great Flower Ornament Temple. Each day the Great Sage manifested a transformation, but the region had no image to venerate, and visitors from the four directions had nothing to look upon with reverence. Thereupon he prepared a hall and summoned a workman to fashion an image. There was a recluse named Ansheng 安生, from an unknown region. One day, he answered the summons to make the image for Fayun. Fayun pressed a large payment on him, wishing to rush the workman. Ansheng said: “If I don’t see his true image, then I cannot be without doubt.” So he burned incense and made supplication. After a short time, the Great Sage suddenly appeared in the chamber. Ansheng jumped for joy and stamped on the ground, praying: “I vow to fast until I achieve a perfect model and a good form.” Then he modeled it. After a while, there was doubt in his mind. Every time he turned to look, he always saw Mañjuśrī by his side. After a year he finished, experiencing seventy-two manifestations. It was truly correct and perfect.”9 It was appropriate that the temple and the adjacent flower garden became famous both for repeated manifestations of Mañjuśrī and the constant blossoming of its flowers. Just as the Cloister of the True Countenance represents the gold-colored world of Mañjuśrī’s pure land, the flower garden of the Great Flower Ornament Temple represents the Flower Treasury World (huazang shijie 華藏世界), described in the Avataṃsaka sūtra as the pure land of Vairocana. The fifth chapter of the sūtra is devoted to an elaborate description of this world, in which the universe is composed of an infinite number of wind circles, shining with jewels. On top of the wind

8 NGJG, 3:3–5. 9 GuangQLZ, 1110a. 152 chapter six circles is a fragrant ocean.10 Blooming in the water is a thousand-petaled lotus containing an infinite number of worlds. In the center of this lotus is the Flower Treasury World, which embraces all worlds, or the great chiliocosm. This Flower Treasury contains oceans and continents, and is the abode of all the buddhas. The sūtra further states that the Flower Treasury World came into being through the activities of Vairocana. The Flower Treasury is a symbolic representation of the central tenet of the Avataṃsaka, the dharmadhātu (fajie 法界), the principle that all the dharmas in the universe arose simultaneously, that all dharmas are empty, and that this emptiness has two aspects: “noumenon” (li 理) and “phenomenon” (shi 事). These two aspects are interdependent and interpenetrating. Countless buddhas live in the universe, ornamenting or penetrating it with their omniscience, and all phenomena are located within the buddha worlds. This conception of the cosmos was ideally suited for Mount Wutai with its divine transformations and manifestations. Such a philosophy enabled gods and humans, sages and mere mortals to dwell on the mountain and interact in ways unfathomable to man. If the buddhas are everywhere, then the pilgrims dwelled within the buddha worlds. This could be more clearly seen in a place such as Mount Wutai, the dwelling place of the bodhisatt va Mañjuśrī, his retinue of ten thousand bodhisattvas, and five hundred dragons. Xuanben here describes the transcendence which results from a pilgrimage to the mountain. He contrasts the ordinary man with the sage, and the transitory nature of the “floating life” of the common man with the finality of spiritual liberation offered to the pilgrim. Mount Wutai is the gold-colored world, where Mañjuśrī may manifest his powers of transformation to any man, enabling him to become a sage or an enlightened being. The mountain is also the Flower Treasury World, with the illuminating power of Vairocana. Xuanben uses these images to suggest that ultimately the worlds of gods and ordinary men form a subtle relationship enabling the pilgrim to achieve transcendence on Mount Wutai. Although one lives an ordinary, mortal or “floating” life, when one walks in the pure land of the buddhas that is Mount Wutai, one can be released from the suffering of human existence. The soil of the mountain is so suffused with the divine power of the bodhisattva that it can liberate even someone who has suf- fered for eons. Through its sacred geography, the mountain can transport the pilgrim to a higher spiritual state. Huixiang, in the Gu Qingliang zhuan, writes of

10 Dafangguang Fo huayan jing, T. 10.279.39a–53c. the gold-colored world 153 his own personal experiences on Mount Wutai, besides describing those of other pilgrims. This example echoes Xuanben’s sentiment in the closing lines of his poem: I climbed straight to the top of the Central Terrace. Then I looked down on the ten thousand things, and I gazed to the side for one thousand li. I walked above the wind and thunder, my intentions fixed on the Milky Way. Sud- denly, it was as if I had cast away this floating life, as if I were far, far away, crossing the courtyard of Heaven.11

This first poem, “Eulogy on the True Countenance of the Great Sage” is a model for the poems which follow. Here we see a twist on the convention of denggao shi 登高詩: climbing to a high place to gaze upon the larger scale of things and obtain a revelation on the nature of time or history. For Xuanben, it is not height that allows the poet to see more clearly, but his own perception of the Avataṃsaka doctrine. Although the poet does climb the individual terraces, the miraculous sites and scenes of each terrace are downplayed. Instead, each terrace is portrayed as a paradise or pure land of the buddhas and bodhisattvas.

Eulogy on Samantabhadra

Samantabhadra goes to the oceans, responding to all potentialities, Mounted on an elephant, his divine power protects and helps all. The Ten Stages have causes and methods which can be seen, The Two Vehicles cannot be known without study. A fine hair and a mustard seed produce compassion and enlightenment, That one thought transcends the ordinary is most certain. Therefore Sudāna truly ascended to enlightenment, Quickly achieving fruition and completing the three timeless periods.12 讚普賢菩薩普賢到海應群機，象駕神通遍護持。十地有緣方得見，二乘無學豈能知。纖毫納芥因慈悟，一念超凡更不疑。由是菩才正登覺，暫時功課滿三衹。 This poem is entirely dedicated to the teachings of the Avataṃsaka sūtra and to Samantabhadra’s role in the scripture. Śākyamuni Buddha appeared

11 GuQLZ, 1096b. 12 The three timeless periods refer to three asaṃkhyeya kalpas, the incalculable period of time necessary for a bodhisattva to achieve Buddhahood. 154 chapter six as the Buddha Vairocana to teach the sūtra, assisted by his two attendants Mañjuśrī and Samantabhadra. By the tenth century, Samantabhadra was assigned his own mountain, but because he is such an important bodhisatt va in the Avataṃsaka sūtra he also played a significant role on Mount Wutai much earlier. Samantabhadra was the right-hand assistant of Śākyamuni Buddha, representing the quality of the Law (li 理), whereas Mañjuśrī was the left-hand assistant, representing the quality of Wisdom (zhi 智). Samantabhadra is portrayed as mounted on an elephant, while Mañjuśrī is depicted as seated on a lion. Fazang, the Third Patriarch, established Samantabhadra and Mañjuśrī as the first two patriarchs of the Avataṃsaka school.13 The third chapter of the Avataṃsaka sūtra is entirely devoted to Sa- mantabhadra, revealing that this bodhisattva cultivates the practices and vows of all the buddhas, and thereby is able to reveal their wisdom and enlighten all sentient beings: The disciple is able, with his universal body, To visit all the lands of the ten directions. To save the great oceans of sentient beings, There is no atom of the dharmadhātu that he cannot enter.14 As Xuanben writes, Samantabhadra attempts to enlighten all within the oceans of worlds, according to their potential for Buddhahood. The third and fourth lines of the poem refer to the Avataṃsaka sect’s program for achieving enlightenment. The Ten Stages are outlined in a chapter of that name in the Avataṃsaka sūtra, which explains the ten stages of the enlightenment of the bodhisattva in order to become a Buddha. The Two Vehicles refer here to becoming a śrāvaka or pratyeka-buddha, the first two steps on the path to enlightenment, which will result in a lesser nirvāṇa because they focus on individual liberation. Nonetheless, they are necessary steps on the path. The Avataṃsaka speaks of Three Vehicles, the third being that of the bodhisattva, which results in a greater nirvāṇa because it focuses on universal liberation. Xuanben is pointing out that even the lesser vehicles cannot be attained without practice. The following lines of the poem also refer to the thirty-third chapter of the Avataṃsaka, entitled the “Inconceivable Qualities of the Buddhas.” Here we learn that buddhas can “make appear in one atom a multitude of

13 In all, the sect had ten patriarchs, five Indian and five Chinese: Samantabhadra, Mañjuśrī, Nāgārjuna, Vasubandhu, Aśvaghoṣa, Fashun 法順 (557–640), Zhiyan 智嚴 (602–668), Fazang (643–712), Chengguan (738–839), and Zongmi (780–841). 14 Dafangguang Fo huayan jing, T. 10.279.34a. the gold-colored world 155 lands, as many as all the atoms in all the worlds, all with sublime ornaments.”15 They can also “place all the dharmadhātus…into a single pore for future kalpas.”16 Just as all worlds are contained within a single atom, all knowledge is contained within one thought, or instant: “All the buddhas in one instant can descend from Heaven in limitless worlds.”17 The sūtra more popularly associated with this idea is the Vimalakīrti sūtra. As Étienne Lamotte points out, the great sage Vimalakīrti is sum- marizing this section of the Avataṃsaka sūtra, but instead of speaking of buddhas, he speaks of bodhisattvas: Oh, Śāriputra, all the buddhas and bodhisattvas have a liberation called inconceivable. If a bodhisattva rests in this liberation, he can put a high broad mountain like Sumeru inside a mustard seed, without increasing the seed nor decreasing the mountain, and with Sumeru, king of mountains, maintaining its original form. This is why the four Deva Kings and the Devas of Trayastriṃśās neither know nor are aware Sumeru has entered it. Only those who have attained liberation can see Sumeru enter a mustard seed. This is called resting in the Dharma door of inconceivable liberation.18 Samantabhadra has an important role in the final chapter of the Avataṃsaka sūtra, the Gaṇḍavyūha. Mañjuśrī supervises the youth Sudāna in his quest for enlightenment, directing him to a succession of spiritual guides. His final teacher is none other than Samantabhadra, who leads him toward fruition (enlightenment) within a very short time. In his first two poems, Xuanben seems to be imitating the structure of the Gaṇḍavyūha, which begins with Mañjuśrī and ends with Samantabhadra.

The Eastern Terrace

Beyond the distant clouds I cross peaks and ridges, Gradually aware Heaven is below and the universe is wide. To the northeast, I clearly see the great ocean, To the southwest, I closely view Chang’an. The nimbus transforms into a thousand pearls, The red sun first emerges as a ball of fire. Whenever wind and rain rise from below the cliffs, Nārāyaṇa Grotto has coiled dragons.

15 Ibid., 243a. 16 Ibid., 249a. 17 Ibid., 242b. 18 Weimojie suoshuo jing, T. 14.475.546b. Also see Étienne Lamotte, L’Enseignement de Vimalakīrti, 250–251. 156 chapter six

東臺迢迢雲外涉峰巒，漸覺天低宇宙寬。19 東北分明瞻大海，西南咫尺見長安。20 圓光化現珠千顆，紅日初生火一團。21 風雨每從巖下起，那羅延窟有龍蟠。22 This poem, like “I Ascend the Eastern Terrace” from the “Songs of Wutai,” begins at the terrace summit and celebrates the view. Xuanben looks down at Heaven and the clouds below. He gazes at the ocean, and the image takes on a deeper Buddhist symbolism after appearing in the previous poem on Samantabhadra. The ocean is an important symbol in the Avataṃsaka sūtra, representing the infinite qualities and omniscience of the Buddha. In the thirty-seventh chapter, entitled “Manifestation of the Buddha,” Sa- mantabhadra recites the following verse: As the treasures of the ocean are limitless, So are sentient beings and the earth. The nature of water is to have one uniform flavor, From which each living thing benefits. The ocean of wisdom of the Tathāgata is also like this, It has no boundaries anywhere. People with learning and without learning All can obtain abundance from it.23 The view of the ocean is contrasted with a view of Chang’an, the Tang capital, as though the poet were comparing the transcendental to the mundane, or the eternal to the transitory. The ocean was about two hundred miles away, and Chang’an approximately five hundred miles away. Impos- sible for an ordinary mortal to see, such a landscape can only be witnessed by a divine being with extraordinary perception. The nimbus is reminiscent of one described in the Mañjuśrī-parinirvāṇa sūtra, where Mañjuśrī is surrounded by a nimbus filled with flaming pearls.24 It is contrasted with the rising sun, perhaps an inevitable image on a terrace which faces east. The two shining balls of light seem to neatly contrast as symbols of the eternal and the mundane, but the sun is also a symbol of the Buddha Vairocana.

19 XuQLZ has 水 for 外. 20 XuQLZ has 觀 for 瞻, and 望 for 見. 21 XuQLZ has 聳 for 紅, and 昇 for 生. 22 XuQLZ has 洞 for 延, and 裏 for 窟. 23 Dafangguang Fo huayan jing, T. 10.279.274b. 24 Foshuo Wenshu shili ban niepan jing, T. 14.463.481a–b. the gold-colored world 157

The Guang Qingliang zhuan lists the Ocean Gazing Temple (Guanhai si 觀海寺) as one of the fifteen ancient temples of the Eastern Terrace.25 It also gives an account of a vision of Vairocana in the ocean experienced by a group of pilgrims to this terrace: Ocean Gazing Temple is on the southern peak at the southern foot of the Eastern Terrace. Inside is the Bright Moon Pool (Mingyue chi 明月池), which is one li in circumference. The water is eighty feet deep. Even on the last or first day of the moon, its image still appears in it. On either side of the pool are two creeping pines, their branches entangled. The clear wind blowing through them sounds like the qin and the se 瑟. Wang Shiqi 王石琦 of Yanmen, Guo Shangxing 郭上行 of Taiyuan, Wei Facai 魏法才of Puzhou, Xue Sigong 薛思恭 of Fanzhi and over a thousand persons made a pilgrimage to the Eastern Terrace, and immediately came to this monastery. They encountered a great rainstorm which continued for seven days. Thereupon they made a sincere vow and the sky cleared, but the clouds did not disperse. Far to the east, the ocean was a vastness of one color, as flat as a great stream. In the middle appeared the image of Vairocana. Together they heard him preach the Dharma. Afterwards, Guo Shangxing and more than ten people became monks. They shaved their heads and dyed their clothes,26 maintaining a lofty chastity.27 Vairocana is the first of the Dhyāni-Buddhas. They represent the dharma kāya, or body of the Buddha, which preaches the esoteric doctrine. There- fore, this Buddha was especially important to the esoteric sects, such as the Avataṃsaka school. Vairocana’s name means “the Illuminator”; like light, he is all-pervasive. He is also called the Great Sun Tathāgata (Da’ri rulai 大日如來). In the last couplet of the poem, Xuanben returns to a description of Mount Wutai. We have already seen that the appearance of dragons is associated with inclement weather. The last line may refer to the statue of the coiled dragon within the Coiled Dragon Temple located on this terrace.28 It may allude to Nārāyaṇa sitting on a coiled serpent. This god is associated with the solar energy which produced the universe, which could account for his assignment of the Eastern Terrace.29 This poem has an elegant symmetry, not only in its use of parallelism in the second and third couplets, but also because the first and final couplets,

25 GuangQLZ, 1106a. 26 The color of monastic robes. 27 GuangQLZ, 1108b. 28 GuangQLZ, 1106a. 29 John Bowker, The Oxford Dictionary of World Religions, 684. 158 chapter six which describe the Eastern Terrace landscape, frame the second and third couplets which describe the view.

The Northern Terrace

The Northern Terrace is divine and strange, steep and rugged, Rain and hail crisscross and holy experiences are numerous. For nine summers the wind and snow have been unending, For a thousand years, the ice and frost have not worn away. Auspicious clouds transform themselves into towers and terraces, Lucky plants become brocades and embroideries. It is no wonder that the night is profound and the cold so severe, The Dragon King Palace and Hall fill the Heavenly River. 北臺北臺靈異嶮蟻峨，雨雹縱橫聖驗多。九夏風雪無斷絕，千年冰霜末銷磨。祥雲化作樓臺狀，端草翻成錦繡窠。莫怪夜深寒更切，龍王宮殿遍天河。 Xuanben’s poem on the Northern Terrace emphasizes the turbulent weather, rugged landscape, and the transformative powers of the plants and clouds. It is a place of intense storms and weird events, due to, it is implied, the overpowering presence of the Dragon King’s palace. Although this poem shares some similar imagery with “I Ascend the Northern Terrace” from the “Songs of Mount Wutai,” such as precipitous mountains and dazzling flowers, it has a darkness and coldness absent from that song. The influence of the dragons is more pronounced in this poem. The Qingliang shan zhi has a similar haunting tone in its general description of the Northern Terrace: The Northern Terrace is also called Joined to the Dipper Peak (Xiedou feng 叶斗峰). If one looks up from below, the peak rubs the Dipper handle. This is the reason for the name. Wind, clouds, thunder and rain emerge halfway up the foot of the mountain. Sometimes the region below has a violent storm, while above it is dry and clear. Each day the clouds of the four directions return at dawn and lodge here, hiding the Palace of the Dragon King. Sometimes the fierce wind and angry thunder are terrifying. Once there was a great wind which blew a man into a mountain torrent, as if he were a withered leaf. To the east, one looks upon the ocean, to the north one gazes at the desert, making one mournful. Those who ascend and descend look the gold-colored world 159

up and down at the great view, increasing their awareness that this life is unclear and illusory.30 In his poem, Xuanben plays on this alternate name for the terrace. Just as the Northern Terrace touches the Big Dipper, the Palace and Hall of the Dragon King, which were located on the summit of the terrace, seem to fill the Heavenly River, or Milky Way. The Dragon King’s Palace was covered by clouds during the day, but at night appeared linked with the stars. The thirteenth verse of the “Eulogy of Mount Wutai” of chapter four identifies the Dragon King of Mount Wutai as Sāgara, who appears in the twelfth, or “Devadatta,” chapter of the Lotus sūtra.31 The Palace of the Drag- on King is at the bottom of the ocean; Mañjuśrī travels there to preach the Lotus and convert the dragons. Ennin describes the Dragon King’s Hall as containing an image of the Dragon King who looks down on a pool filled with deep black water. He says also that the King and his fellow dragons were converted by Mañjuśrī.32 The transformative qualities of the Northern Terrace are also emphasized. Many Mount Wutai poems and much of the pilgrimage literature describe fields of flowers resembling brocade, and the healing properties of the plants. Some bring immortality, while others give rise to enlightenment; therefore they are “lucky.” The transformations of clouds into magical towers and terraces appearing as visions in the sky to the pilgrims are yet another example of the conjured temples which appeared on the terraces. The unsettled weather of the terraces may have originated from the dragon spirits who inhabited them, but it also heralded the arrival of the manifestations and transformations of the buddhas and bodhisattvas the pilgrims had traveled so far to experience. It was therefore not to be entirely avoided, or feared.

The Central Terrace

The Jade Flower flows hidden to the gate of the sea, On the four sides of the mountain the dawn’s power is different. Scattering dragons dwell in the region of a thousand waters, Whirling flowers fall in the winds of the nine heavens. The true countenance appears each day on the numinous terrace,

30 QLSZ, 24-25. 31 See Burton Watson, The Lotus Sutra, 182–189; Miaofa lianhua jing, T. 9.262.34b–35c. 32 NGJG, 3:48. 160 chapter six

Wuran personally experienced a conjured temple. Climbing high, he wandered many times on the extreme summit, As though riding a divine crane in the void. 中臺玉華潛瀉海門通，四面山朝勢不同。散漫龍居千處水，飄颻花落九天風。真容每現靈臺上，無染親經化寺中。高步幾回遊絕頂，似乘靈鶴在虛空。 The Central Terrace was a watery place, well known for its underground springs. The Qingliang shan zhi says the Central Terrace was the source of five springs, two of which flowed east into the Qing River 清河 and three of which flowed west under the Western Terrace and emerged at the mouth of a nearby valley.33 Ennin noted that cold water bubbled up out of the ground everywhere. Even though the earth was spongy beneath his feet, there was no mud because fine moss and tender grass thickly carpeted the earth.34 Dragons dwelled in the watery places and at the bottom of the Great Flower Pool, near the great flower garden of this terrace. As we have seen in the poem “I Ascend the Central Terrace” in chapter three, the Jade Flower Pool was on the grounds of the Jade Flower Temple on the Central Terrace.35 The first couplet describes the concealed mysteries of the Central Ter- race. The water is hidden on the terrace summit, but it emerges once it flows away from the mountain and empties into a river which courses to the sea. The pilgrim experiences a different dawn on each of the four sides of the summit, even though this terrace is centrally located. On Mount Wutai, things are not what they seem. The second couplet of the poem portrays the waters and winds of the mountains; they are as infinite as the waters of the cosmos and the winds of the heavens. These are no ordinary flowers or dragons the pilgrim is experiencing, but those of the omniscient, omnipresent universe. The nine heavens refer to the ninefold Heaven of ancient Chinese mythology. Of all of the Mount Wutai poets, Xuanben is most successful in his fusion of Chinese and Indian cosmological imagery. In his world, the Flower Treasury and the nine heavens can coexist success- fully. Yanyi noted in his account of the creation of the Mañjuśrī image at the Cloister of the Great Countenance that the Great Sage appeared every day

33 QLSZ, 28. 34 NGJG, 3:28. 35 GuangQLZ, 1109a–b. the gold-colored world 161 on the Central Terrace, at the Terrace of the Transformations of Mañjuśrī. As the terrace with the oldest temples, and the site of the original manifestation of the bodhisattva, it was visited by many monks in search of a glimpse of Mañjuśrī in his original form as a bodhisattva. The Guang Qingliang zhuan also gives the extraordinary story of the monk Wuran, whose religious devotion reached a dangerous intensity. He traveled to Mount Wutai in 791, inspired by the prophecy of the Avataṃsaka sūtra. After he had visited every terrace seventy times and had seen all the numinous traces, near the Central Terrace he had a vision of a conjured temple filled with over ten thousand Indian monks. Mañjuśrī appeared to him dressed as a monk and instructed him not to attain nirvāṇa, but to make offerings to all the monks of Mount Wutai. Wuran traveled throughout the terraces with a retinue of monks, nuns, and lay disciples until he had made offerings to ten million monks and had burned off all ten of his fingers as a record. Then he considered his vow fulfilled and immolated himself on the summit of Central Terrace as an offering to all the buddhas. It was the Kaicheng era (836–840), and he was seventy-four years of age. His disciple built a pagoda containing his relics south of Brahman Tran- scendent Mountain (Fanxian shan 梵仙山), where, long ago, five hundred transcendents ate chrysanthemums and attained the Dao.36 The poet imagines the Buddhist monk Wuran after his death as a transcendent, flying through the void on a magic bird. Of all of Xuanben’s poems, this work is the most complex. Each line of this poem can also be read as a symbol of a different experience on the mountain leading to enlightenment: concealment, variability, dispersion, impermanence, manifestation, transformation, aspiration, and, finally, transcendence. In the final image of the void, the poet gently points us towards the divine.

The Western Terrace

The jeweled terrace twists high, holy and auspicious, The lion footprints are beside the Eight Waters. Among the five-colored clouds, I wander in the upper realm, Beyond the ninefold Heaven, I see the Western Region. In the third season, rain sprinkles on the cold dragon palace, At the fifth watch, wind whirls round the scented cassia moon.37

36 GuangQLZ, 1116a–b. 37 The fifth watch corresponds to between three and five a.m. 162 chapter six

The purity of the soil and rocks dispels obstacles, The tireless bodhisattva shines his divine light. 西臺寶臺高迥足靈祥，師子遺蹤八水傍。38 五色雲中游上界，九重天外看西方。三時雨灑龍宮冷，五更風飄月桂香。39 土石盡能消障累，不勞菩薩放神光。40 The Western Terrace is associated with the moon and Vimalakīrti. The Qingliang shan zhi notes that an alternate name of the Western Terrace is Hanging Moon Peak (Guayue feng 掛月峰), because the moon sinks over the terrace like a suspended mirror.41 Huixiang writes of the Mysterious Woman Cliff on this terrace having high cliffs whose veins contain stones of five colors. This might be the jeweled terrace of the poem.42 As we have seen in chapter four, the monk Jin Guangzhao had a vision of Vimalakīrti here in 767.43 Ennin describes another Dragon Pool at the center of the summit, with a Dragon Hall in the middle of the pool, which contained an image of Mañjuśrī. Down the summit to the west was the numinous trace of the Footprints of the Lion, and a short walk away was the Pool of Eight Vir- tues.44 It was near here that Mañjuśrī and Vimalakīrti conversed. The poet ascends the terrace, passing the lion’s footprints, and reaches the summit, which is in the upper realm beyond Heaven. He gazes towards the west and sees the moon. In the autumn night at the fifth watch, he sees the Dragon Hall and feels he is in the pure land of the bodhisattva, who appears in a shining manifestation. Or perhaps the moonlight brightens and purifies the mountain. Xuanben is especially taken with the dragons of Mount Wutai. Of his five poems on the terraces, only one, “The Southern Terrace,” does not mention dragons. This poem appears to be set at night under the glow of the moon, as does “The Northern Terrace,” below the shining Milky Way. This nocturnal perspective is unusual among the Mount Wutai poems. Despite his use of some familiar motifs, Xuanben’s imagery is unique and unexpected, and his artistry brings the mountain alive.

38 XuQLZ has 峻 for 迥. 39 XuQLZ has 一夜 for 五更. 40 XuQLZ has 尚 for 盡, 罪障 for 障累, and 何 for 不. 41 QLSZ, 23. 42 GuQLZ, 1095c. 43 GuangQLZ, 1119c–1120a. 44 NGJG, 3:29. the gold-colored world 163

The Southern Terrace

The island of the immortals of Penglai cannot be superior, The sound of the bell of the upper realm is not far away. The fragrant flowers of Shu brocade bloom lustrous and bright, The palace halls of Mañjuśrī produce din and clamor. The climbing vine one hundred thousand feet high joins with the red sun, The cloud tree eight thousand feet tall shines in the blue empyrean. The Seven Buddhas come and go wandering here, And have crossed the conjured golden bridge. 南臺蓬萊仙島未能超，上界鐘聲停不遙。蜀錦香花開燦爛，文殊宮殿出喧囂。藤蘿萬丈連紅日，雲樹千尋映碧霄。七佛往來游歷處，曾經幾度化金橋。 Like the poet of “I Ascend the Southern Terrace” of the “Songs of Wutai,” Xuanben notes the cosmic qualities of the Southern Terrace by comparing it to Penglai, the legendary isle of the transcendents in the Eastern Sea. The Qingliang shan zhi notes that another name of the mountain was Transcen- dent Flower Mountain, because it was believed that transcendents lived at the foot of the terrace.45 As in the song, Xuanben mentions the holy bell, for which the terrace was also well-known, and the brocade flowers of Shu. According to the Qingliang shan zhi, near this terrace was Holy Bell Moun- tain (Shengzhong shan 聖鐘山), where long ago a divine bell had flown through the air and, hanging itself below the cliff, it began to ring. Yet another name of the terrace was Brocade Embroidery Peak (Jinxiu feng 錦繡峰) because of the profusion of delicate plants and flowers that covered the ground.46 The “din and clamor” of the palace hall refers to a temple ceremony in the temple in the pure land of Mañjuśrī. The Guang Qingliang zhuan describes the installation of the abbot of the Temple of the Great Faith of the Numinous Vulture during the reign of Emperor Ming of the Eastern Han: “There was an orchestra of a hundred virtuosos, playing pan-pipes, flutes, harps, pipa 琵琶, zheng 箏, and se. They blew conchs and shook drums. The hundred musicians made a clamor, and as they danced, their sleeves flew like clouds. Their songs stirred up the dust on the roof beams.”47

45 QLSZ, 20. 46 NGJG, 3:29. 47 GuangQLZ, 1107a. 164 chapter six

The Guang Qingliang zhuan lists a Seven Buddha Valley (Qi Fo gu 七佛谷) as one of the numinous traces of the Southern Terrace.48 Zhencheng describes a Seven Buddha Cave (Qi Fo dong 七佛洞), southwest of the terrace, in which seven Indian monks attained enlightenment. Seven buddha images were then erected there to commemorate the incident.49 The term Seven Buddhas generally refers to Śākyamuni Buddha and the six ancient buddhas who preceded him. They were believed to have visited the terrace. Ennin visited the area during a trip to the Southern Terrace and recorded in his diary a visit to the Cloister of the Teachings and Precepts of the Seven Buddhas (Qi Fo jiaojie yuan 七佛教戒院), and the nearby cave: Within a small grotto have been placed images of the Seven Buddhas. At the grotto entrance is a hall. On the south side of the hall is a small hut, and below the hall are two rooms. The place is in ruins and the courtyard is full of weeds and devoid of people. The Seven Buddhas appeared in front of this grotto in ancient times.50 The poem opens by comparing the Southern Terrace to the island of transcendents; Penglai, it says, is not superior. The bell is a manifestation of the bodhisattva, and the palace is his conjured temple. This Buddhist paradise is set amidst the awe-inspiring natural beauty of Mount Wutai. Not only is Mount Wutai the dwelling place of Mañjuśrī, it is also the home of the Seven Buddhas and the place where they crossed over to nirvāṇa. Xuanben probably shared the opinion of Huixiang, who wrote: I have inspected every famous mountain of this land. Although Mount Song and Mount Tai ward off evil, and Penglai and Yingzhou51 have grottos of transcendents, these affairs are compiled in vulgar books. They are local matters which did not emerge from the golden mouth [of the Buddha].52 Although the five sacred peaks and the three divine mountains in the sea are worthy of wonder, nonetheless they remain rooted in the local and the mundane, whereas the buddhas and bodhisattvas on Mount Wutai manifested here, according to the Gu Qingliang zhuan, at the request of Śākyamuni Buddha. Therefore, the events of Mount Wutai are both uni-

48 GuangQLZ, 1106c. 49 QLSZ, 22. 50 NGJG, 3:124. 51 Yingzhou, like Penglai, is a mythical mountain in the Eastern Sea that is home to transcendents. 52 GuQLZ, 1093a. the gold-colored world 165 versal and transcendent in a way the local gods and goddesses can never share.

The Holy Region of the Vajra Grotto

Mañjuśrī’s burning house is extraordinarily numinous, The subtle and profound region cannot be described. At Vajra Grotto, one always hears the sounds of Sanskrit,53 Towers and terraces manifest everywhere shining light. Fazhao of Nanliang traveled to the transcendent temple, The eminent monk of the Western Region entered the phantom city.54 Limitless sages and worthies all dwell in this place, Wandering beyond the clouds, good at moral cultivation. 金剛窟聖境文殊火宅異常靈，境界幽深不可名。金窟每時聞梵響，樓臺隨處現光明。南梁法照游仙寺，西域高僧人化城。無限聖賢都在此，逍遙雲外好修行。 As the Vajra Grotto is one of the most important sites on Mount Wutai, Xuanben gives it special prominence in his set of poems by devoting one poem entirely to its mysteries. We have already noted that the Vajra Grotto is Mañjuśrī’s home on the mountain, and that the bodhisattva had dwelled there as early as the birth of Śākyamuni Buddha. The “eminent monk of the Western land” refers to the Indian monk Buddhapāli. I have discussed his visit to Mount Wutai in chapter four, as he is featured in the sixteenth verse of “Eulogy on Mount Wutai.” Fazhao of Nanliang, the Pure Land monk, was discussed in chapter five. He visited Mount Wutai in 770, after having an extensive vision of the mountain’s towers and terraces. When Fazhao made a pilgrimage to the Vajra Grotto, Buddhapāli appeared and led him inside, where he saw a magnificent monastery of gold and jewels, and had an audience with Mañjuśrī.55 The transcendent temple of the poem possibly alludes to these visions. The poem begins with the image of a burning house, an allusion to a parable told in the third chapter of the Lotus sūtra.56 A father tries to get his children out of the burning house, but they refuse as they are too small

53 Presumably the sounds of chanting the Sanskrit text of the sūtras. 54 A symbol of incomplete enlightenment from the seventh chapter of the Lotus sūtra. See Burton Watson, The Lotus Sutra, 117–42. 55 GuangQLZ, 1114a-1116a. 56 Burton Watson, The Lotus Sutra, 47–79; Miaofa lianhua jing, T. 9.262.10b–16b. 166 chapter six to understand the consequences of fire. So he lures them out with prom- ises of new toys. The sūtra teaches that the Buddha considered the world to be a burning house and all living beings within to be his children. Be- cause they are so ignorant, he can only resort to expedient means to rescue them. The poet implies that, likewise, Mañjuśrī used expedient means to get Buddhapāli to translate the sūtra and Fazhao to build the temple so that more sentient beings could be saved. The phantom city of the Lotus sūtra is yet another example of expedient means. It is an illusory location that, though beautiful, is simply a resting place before the seeker moves forward on the path of enlightenment. The Buddha tells of a wise leader who, seeing that his followers are exhausted from their long journey, conjures up a great city in which they may rest. But when they have recovered, he tells them it is an illusion: “Now you must push forward— this is nothing more than a phantom city. I saw that you were weary and exhausted and wanted to turn back in mid-journey. Therefore I used the power of expedient means to conjure up this city for the moment. Now you must press forward diligently so that together you may reach the place where the treasure is.” I too do likewise, acting as leader to all beings. I see the seekers of the way growing disheartened in mid-journey, unable to pass over the steep road of birth and death and earthly desires, and therefore I use the power of expedient means and preach nirvāṇa to provide them with rest, saying, “Your sufferings are extinguished, you have carried out all there is to be done.”57 The Buddha concludes by saying that this nirvāṇa is a temporary nirvāṇa, that of the arhat, and that the ultimate goal is Buddha wisdom. The Vajra Grotto, which figures prominently in the legends surrounding both Fazhao and Buddhapāli, is a manifestation of the divine, and therefore is also utilized by the Buddha and Mañjuśrī to save beings. Fazhao made a special pilgrimage to the grotto to see the place where Wuzhuo had experienced his own vision of Mañjuśrī. On a later pilgrimage to the grot- to, Wuzhuo discovered a majestic group of capped and robed officials en-

57 Burton Watson, The Lotus Sutra, 141-142; Miaofa lianhua jing, T. 9.262.27a. the gold-colored world 167 tering the cave. When the monk inquired, he learned they were the ten thousand bodhisattvas who, when their term of office was over, were returning to the grotto to hear Mañjuśrī teach the Avataṃsaka sūtra. As for Buddhapāli, this poem implies that he had simply attained arhatship, and entered the grotto to pursue complete enlightenment. Although manifestations and transformations of the bodhisattva and other divine beings could be experienced anywhere on the five terraces, the grotto was considered the special dwelling place of Mañjuśrī. For the residents of the “burning house” and the “phantom city,” the Vajra Grotto offered a true means of salvation.

The Auspicious Stūpa of King Aśoka

The true stūpa of the Tathāgata King Aśoka shines, He distributed 80,000 in Jambūdvīpa. In Cīna, on the five peaks the holy transformations increased, In the Han court, seven suns emitted rays of light. In the cloud empyrean, we perceive a manifestation of towers and terraces, The temple lists the names of the virtuous residents. Limitless Indian incense envelops the monks and laymen, Under the Dragon Flower Tree, the three assemblies will arise. 阿育王瑞塔如來真塔育王明，分佈閻浮八萬成。震旦五峰添聖化，漢朝七日放光明。雲霄感得樓臺現，寶剎標題善住名。無限梵香諸道俗，龍花三會必同生。 As we saw in chapter two, the Indian monks who arrived at Mount Wutai during the Eastern Han had divinely perceived the stūpa of King Aśoka near Numinous Vulture Peak on the Central Terrace. Ennin described a two-story octagonal pagoda near the Cloister of the Bodhisattva Hall (the former Great Faith of the Numinous Vulture Temple), beneath which was buried King Aśoka’s stūpa. Buddhist legend says that the Indian king distributed 84,000 stūpas throughout his kingdom, one for each atom of Śākyamuni Buddha’s body. The Chinese Buddhists believed he had come to China and built several there, including one on Mount Wutai. The sixth century work Luoyang qielan ji 洛陽伽藍記 (A Record of Bud- dhist Monasteries in Luoyang) recounts that when Emperor Ming of the Eastern Han dreamt of the Buddha, he appeared golden-colored with his “neck and back shining the light of the sun and moon.” The author also says that even the scriptures in the White Horse Temple gave off a supernatural 168 chapter six light.58 Other texts speak of the illumination of China by the Buddha light, or radiance of the Buddha. In the introductory chapter of the Lotus sūtra, Maitreya questions Mañjuśrī as to why a ray of light shines from Śākyamuni Buddha’s ūrṇā: The Buddha has emitted a ray of light. I and the assembly See these lands and regions Of all kinds and special wonder. The divine power of the buddhas And their wisdom is rare to have. By emitting one pure ray of light They illuminate countless lands. When we see this, We attain something we have never had.59 The rays of light like seven suns may refer to light emitted by each of the Seven Buddhas of the Past, who shined their teachings on China for the first time during the Han dynasty. The poet is alluding to the scrambled legends about the birth of Buddhism in China. King Aśoka lived during the third century BCE, so the rays of light at the Han court cannot refer to Em- peror Ming’s vision in CE 67, if any causal relationship is to be assumed between the two events. Whatever the connection, the poet is saying that Buddhism appeared in China and on Mount Wutai simultaneously. And as he meditates upon this, presumably while viewing King Aśoka’s pagoda, he has his own vision of the buddhas and bodhisattvas, of terraces and towers, and of a monastery within which sages and worthies dwell, their names inscribed for all to see. The Indian incense perfumes all those who witness the vision, both monks and laymen. The poem concludes with a reference to a Buddhist prophecy about the Future Buddha, Maitreya, who will descend from Tuṣita Heaven and achieve enlightenment under the Dragon Flower Tree in the Flower Grove Park. At that time, he will hold three Dharma assemblies under the tree, enabling sentient beings to attain enlightenment. Maitreya was appointed by Śākyamuni Buddha as his successor, but he will not appear until thousands of years after Śākyamuni’s death, at the end of the period of the Final Dharma.

58 Yang Hsüan-chih, A Record of Buddhist Monasteries in Lo-yang, trans. Yi-t’ung Wang, 173. 59 Miaofa lianhua jing, T. 9.262.3b–c. the gold-colored world 169

Xuanben implies that the Buddhist doctrine erases the boundaries of time and space because it is an eternal and universal teaching. The incense of India envelops the Chinese pilgrims, the way the teachings have illuminated the land. The poem begins with images of the past, King Aśoka and the arrival of Buddhism at the Han court, then describes the visions of the pilgrims in the present, and ends on a hopeful note, with the promised arrival of the future Buddha who will release those who follow.

Eulogy on the Physical Body of Rāhula

Venerable Rāhula transformed his body and was born, Twelve years inside his mother’s womb.60 Previously, there were secret practices cultivated in the royal palace, Today, there are infants in ordinary homes.61 The auspicious cliffs are the uṣṇīṣa of a thousand sages, As the true countenance appears on the Five Terraces. He can grant limitless fortune to sentient beings, And mankind offers up its treasures and wealth. 讚肉身羅睺羅睺尊者化身來，十二年中在母胎。昔日王宮修密行，今時凡室作嬰孩。瑞巖肉髻同千聖，相好真容現五臺。能與眾生無限褔，世人咸共拾珍財。 The Qingliang shan zhi briefly notes that Rāhula Temple (Luohou si 羅睺寺), which was constructed during the Tang Dynasty, was the site of a manifestation of a divine lamp. It was located in the middle of the five peaks. This monastery is not mentioned by Huixiang, Ennin, or Yanyi. Zhang Shangying mentions visiting the Hall of Rāhula’s Footprint (Luohou zuji tang 羅睺足跡堂) between the Northern and Eastern Terraces.62 The Indian monk Puhua of P. 3931 also records he paid reverence to Rāhula.63 Rāhula, the eldest son of Śākyamuni, and one of his ten great disciples, was born after six years in the womb, on the night his father attained Bud-

60 Buddhist tradition holds Rāhula spent six or seven years inside his mother’s womb, not twelve. 61 The meaning of this couplet is unclear. Another possible interpretation is: “Previ- ously, he cultivated secret practices in the royal palace, / Now, he is an infant in an ordinary home.” 62 XuQLZ, 1127c. Robert M. Gimello, “Chang Shang-ying on Wu-t’ai shan,” in Pilgrims and Sacred Sites in China, ed. Susan Naquin and Chün-fang Yü, 104. 63 Richard Schneider, “Un Moine Indien au Wou-t’ai chan: Relation d’un Pèlerinage,” 34. Du Doucheng, Dunhuang Wutai shan wenxian jiaolu yanjiu, 222. 170 chapter six dhahood. He was said to be born during a lunar eclipse caused by the snake Rahu, hence the meaning of his Sanskrit name. He became a monk at fifteen and achieved renown among the ten disciples as “the first in the secret practices” (mixing diyi 密行第一), referring to those practices known only to Śākyamuni Buddha himself. In the ninth chapter of the Lotus sūtra, Śākyamuni Buddha predicts that his son will become the Buddha called the Tathāgata Who Steps on Seven-jeweled Flowers (Dao qibaohua Rulai 蹈七寶華如來). He says in verse that Rāhula will be the eldest son of all the buddhas in worlds to come, and adds: The secret practices of Rāhula, I alone can know. At present he is my eldest son, Manifested to all sentient beings.64 The term mixing is generally interpreted to mean to practice the Buddhist precepts in a strict manner, and it refers to Hīnayāna and Mahāyāna practices in general. But certain schools, such as the Tiantai sect, understand the term as it is described in the above passage of the Lotus sūtra, as alluding to a special doctrine that the Buddha preached exclusively to the bodhisattvas. Buddhist tradition holds that Śākyamuni Buddha transmitted these practices to his son. The third line of the poem alludes to this transmission. The secret practices previously associated with Rāhula’s life within the royal palace are contrasted with the mortal babies now found in ordinary homes. And just as there are divine conceptions and mundane ones, the peaks of Mount Wutai are in reality the physical bodies of the sages. Expanding upon the popular belief that the five peaks represent the five topknots on Mañjuśrī’s head, Xuanben says that the thousands of cliffs in the Wutai range are in reality the uṣṇīṣa of a thousand sages. An uṣṇīṣa is the flesh topknot, or crown protuberance, of the Buddha. Just as Rāhula is the human incarnation of Śākyamuni Buddha’s secret teachings, Mount Wutai is the terrestrial manifestation of these very teachings. As Śākyamuni changed his son, Mañjuśrī transformed the mountain.

A Vision of Sūtra Recitation by the Vajra Grotto65

Numerous silver lamps appear among the clouds, A nimbus shines inside the room.

64 Miaofa lianhua jing, T. 9.262.30a–b. 65 In P. 4617, this poem is written as a continuation of the previous poem, with the title as the subsequent line. the gold-colored world 171

In the golden grotto I meditate, perceiving the conjured temple, And constantly hear the bodhisattva reciting the sūtra. 金剛窟邊念經感應銀燈數盞雲中現，一顆圓光室內明。金窟定知通化寺，常聞菩薩念經聲。 The key to understanding this poem lies in the title, specifically in compre- hending the term ganying 感應. Raoul Birnbaum translates it as “stimulus and response,” or “spiritual resonance.”66 If a person is sensitive to the divine forces, they will appear to him. Due to karmic affinity, or spiritual development, he sees and hears what the ordinary mortal cannot. There- fore, this poem celebrates the pilgrims who have had visions of manifestations and transformations on Mount Wutai. It is unclear if the poem refers to the experiences of the author or to the visions of other pilgrims. Some of the incidents in the poem are reflected in the accounts of the monks Wuzhuo and Fazhao in the Guang Qingliang zhuan, who both encountered the bodhisattva and witnessed conjured temples at the grotto. But many pilgrims went to the Vajra Grotto, hoping to hear Mañjuśrī chanting the scriptures. When Fazhao meets Mañjuśrī within the grotto, the bodhisattva in- forms him that he has had this experience because his karma with Mañjuśrī has ripened. When Wuzhuo encounters the old man outside Vajra Grotto, he is similarly told that he has karma with this place. For those pilgrims fortunate enough to have an affinity with Mount Wutai, the wonders of the mountain will be revealed as holy lamps, nimbi, or perhaps even the appearance of the bodhisattva himself in disguise or in his true form. Accord- ing to the Guang Qingliang zhuan, many eminent monks visiting Mount Wutai saw Mañjuśrī in the form of an old man, who subsequently appeared as the bodhisattva, flying through the clouds with his entourage. The golden grotto refers to the bodhisattva’s gold-colored world, but also to the transformed appearance of the Vajra Grotto during a vision. As we saw in chapter four, when the monk Wuzhuo entered the cave, he saw that the conjured buildings inside were all made of gold.67 With this quatrain, Xuanben concludes his set of eulogies. It serves as a kind of coda, reminding the pilgrim that the wonders of the previous ten poems are available to him if he has the appropriate nature. The set of

66 Raoul Birnbaum, “The Manifestation of a Monastery: Shen-ying’s Experiences on Mount Wu-t’ai in T’ang Context,” 136–37. 67 GuangQLZ, 1112a. 172 chapter six poems, which leads us through the five terraces and Vajra Grotto, is framed by eulogies to four Indian figures, the two bodhisattvas Mañjuśrī and Sa- mantabhadra, and the historical figures of King Aśoka and Rāhula. The poems as a group are more concerned with the visions of some of the famous monks of the Tang. This coda serves to emphasize their experiences, but it also celebrates, in a more intimate tone, the nature of personal revelation. the gold-colored world 173 174 chapter six

Figure 7. The Realm of Blue Vaiḍūrya. Mount Wutai. Dunhuang Cave 61. Photograph: Dunhuang Research Academy. word and image 175

CHAPTER SEVEN

WORD AND IMAGE: The Mount Wutai WALL-PAINTING at Dunhuang

Mount Wutai is a destination to be ascended and worshipped in word and image. In both the wall-painting in cave 61 at Dunhuang and in the Mount Wutai poems, the mountain is a synthesis of geography and iconography, and of matter and spirit, simultaneously representing both the mundane and transcendental worlds. When the Meditation Master Daoyi encountered Mañjuśrī at Mount Wutai, he asked the bodhisattva what the Bud- dhist teachings were like on the mountain. The Great Sage replied: “Here the Buddha Dharma is the ordinary and divine dwelling together. It does not exist in name or form. It is the following of affinities to benefit things. That is the Mahāyāna.”1 As the Japanese monk Ennin remarked: “When one enters the region of the Great Sage and sees a vulgar person, one dares not look down upon him. If one encounters a donkey, one also should have doubts as it perhaps is the manifestation of Mañjuśrī! One has the feeling everything before one’s eyes is a transformation of Mañjuśrī.”2 The panoramic wall-painting of Mount Wutai in cave 61 in the Dun- huang caves dates from 947 to 951,3 close to the era in which the Mount Wutai poems were composed. It is significant that the poems were found in the library cave at Dunhuang; this suggests not only that the mountain and cave might share a pilgrimage route, but also that they serve a similar function as portrayals of the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī’s pure land in China and the site of his many transformations and manifestations. Like the Mount Wutai poems, the wall-painting incorporates both terrestrial and celestial elements.4

1 GuangQLZ, 1113c. 2 NGJG, 2:461. 3 A profusely illustrated monograph of the mountain was published in 1995 by the Dunhuang Research Institute: Dunhuang yanjiu suo 敦煌研究所 and Jiangsu meishu chubanshe 江蘇美術出版社, eds., Dunhuang shiku yishu. Mogao ku di liu yi ku (Wu dai) 敦煌石窟藝術. 莫高窟第六一窟 (五代), 12. 4 Although cave 61 contains the most important of the Mount Wutai murals at Dun- huang, the mountain is also depicted on a lesser scale in six additional caves dating from the Tang and Five Dynasties era: caves 9, 144, 159, 222, 237 and 361. See Du Doucheng, Dun- huang Wutai shan wenxian jiaolu yanjiu, 113, and Zhang Huiming 張惠明, “Dunhuang 176 chapter seven

Map or Painting?

There has been considerable debate whether the wall-painting in cave 61 is a map or a painting with a religious theme. In Chinese, both map and painting are designated by the word tu 圖, compounding the difficulty of distinguishing between the two in ancient texts. According to Zhang Hui- ming, the first reference to a picture or map of Mount Wutai occurs in the Gu Qingliang zhuan.5 Huixiang describes how a delegation of monks from Chang’an visited Mount Wutai during the Longshuo era (661-663) to investigate the numinous traces of the sage, and, having encountered many transformations and manifestations of the bodhisattva, returned to the capital with a written record of their experiences which included a picture of the mountain (shantu 山圖) painted by a local artist.6 No further description is given of the work. The anonymous pilgrim of Dunhuang manuscript P. 4648 briefly records commissioning a picture of Mount Wutai in Taiyuan: “On the twenty- eighth day of the second month, I had painted a map of Terrace Mountain (Taishan tu 臺山圖); on the twenty-ninth day the great painting (chang- hua 長畫) was finished.”7 In his diary, Ennin mentions consulting a map, which described another mountain on the road to Mount Wutai: “The southern peak of the monastery is called Dragon Terrace. It alone emerges from a group of peaks. The map (ditu 地圖) records that a dragon danced on its summit, and this was reported to the throne. The name was then changed to Dragon Terrace Monastery.”8 Ennin’s map, with its local lore and legends, seems designed for visitors to the region. He does not mention using it again while visiting Mount Wutai. After leaving the mountain for the nearby town of Taiyuan fu, Ennin describes commissioning a painting of Mount Wutai: In the rooms of the South Indian Tripiṭaka Master Fada 法達, I wrote down the stele inscriptions for the numinous transformations of Mount Wutai. On the eighteenth, we were to depart for Chang’an, but the dhūta monk Yiyuan 義圓 hired a master and personally provided the material to paint

‘Wutai shan huaxian tu’ zaoqi diben de tuxiang jiqi laiyuan” 敦煌《五臺山化現圖》早期底本的圖象及其來源 in Dunhuang yanjiu 敦煌研究 4 (2000): 2. 5 Zhang Huiming, “Dunhuang ‘Wutai shan huaxian tu’ zaoqi diben de tuxiang jiqi laiyuan,” 3. 6 GuQLZ, 1098b. 7 See Du Doucheng, Dunhuang Wutai shan wenxian jiaolu yanjiu, 141; Richard Sch- neider, “Un Moine Indien au Wou-t’ai chan: Relation d’un Pèlerinage,” 29. 8 NGJG, 2:349. word and image 177

a picture (tu 圖) of the transformations and manifestations of Mount Wutai… [A week later] when the painting was completed, the dhūta said: “I am pleased to have met the Japanese Tripiṭaka Master, to have accompanied you to Mount Wutai, and together with you to have seen the transformation and manifestation of the Great Sage. Now I have commissioned a picture of the manifestations and transformations of the Great Sage for you. I ask that you present it as an offering when you return to Japan, so that those who gaze upon it take vows and those who have affinities form a connection, and together are reborn in Mañjuśrī’s great assembly.”9 In his Nihonkoku jōwa gonen nyūtō gūhō mokuroku 日本國承和五年入唐求法目錄 (Catalog of a Pilgrimage to China in Search of the Law, the Fifth Year of the Jōwa Era), Ennin does not record this picture. He does list “An abridged record of Clear and Cold Mountain in one scroll” (Qingliang shan luezhuan yi juan 清涼山略傳一卷),10 but does not describe this item further in his diary. This record may refer to a document mentioned by Hui xiang: a monograph which included a painting or map of Mount Wutai.11 This document was produced about 661 by pilgrims on an official visit ordered by Empress Wu. The picture commissioned at Taiyuanfu clearly has a religious function, since its goal is to create devotion and karma in the viewer. Although it depicts the major numinous traces and important temples that a pilgrim might wish to visit, it is considerably more than a visitor’s map or a souvenir of a pilgrimage to the mountain. Its function is therefore similar to that of the sūtra representations found in the Dun- huang caves: it was painted to serve as an aid on the path to enlightenment. As Wu Hung has remarked with regards to the depiction of the Amitā yurdhyāna sūtra (Foshuo guan wuliangshou Fo jing 佛說觀無量壽佛經) in cave 172, these paintings “functioned as stimuli for the reconstruction of the Pure Land through meditation and visualization.”12 Hibino Takeo and Dorothy Wong view the wall-painting in cave 61 more as a religious object, despite its cartological aspects.13 Its symmetrical,

9 NGJG, 3:178-182. Like Fada, Ennin was staying in the Lower Avataṃsaka Temple in Taiyuanfu. He explained that all the monks of the Great Avataṃsaka Temple stayed here when they left Mount Wutai. They were brought to the monastery by the monk Yiyuan. 10 Nihonkoku jōwa gonen nyūtō gūhō mokuroku, T. 55:2165.1075b. 11 GuQLZ, 1098c. 12 Wu Hung, “Reborn in Paradise: A Case Study of Dunhuang Sutra Painting and its Religious, Ritual and Artistic Context,” Orientations 23 (May 1992): 57. 13 Hibino Takeo's views are discussed in Ernesta Marchand, “The Panorama of Wu-t’ai shan as an Example of Tenth Century Cartography,” Oriental Art, New Series 22.2 (1976): 158-73. Dorothy C. Wong, “A Reassessment of the Representation of Mt. Wutai from Dun- huang Cave 61,” Archives of Asian Art 46 (1993): 27-52. 178 chapter seven maṇḍala-like composition supports this theory, as well as its placement as the dominant wall-painting in a cave surrounded by bianxiang 變相 (transformation tableaux), episodes from the Buddhist sūtras and scenes from the life of the Buddha. The wall-painting of Mount Wutai stands opposite the doorway of the cave on the west wall and is bisected by the cave’s central pillar against which once stood a large statue of Mañjuśrī riding on his lion. The painting occupies three-quarters of the wall, measuring 3.50 meters high and 15.50 meters wide. Directly opposite on the east wall is a wall-painting of the Vimalakīrti sūtra, featuring Mañjuśrī’s inquiry about Vimalakīrti’s illness. The north wall depicts five sūtras, from west to east: the Gaṇḍavyūha sūtra,14 the Devatā sūtra,15 the Bhaiṣajyaguru-vaiḍūrya-prabhāsa-pūrva praṇidhāna-viśeṣavistara sūtra,16 the Avataṃsaka sūtra, and the Brahma viśeṣacintīparipṛcchā sūtra.17 The south wall depicts five additional sūtras, from east to west: the Bao’en sūtra,18 the Lotus sūtra, the Sukhāvatīvyūha sūtra, the Maitreya sūtra,19 and the Laṅkāvatāra sūtra.20 Surrounded by sacred scriptures, the Mount Wutai wall-painting depicts a holy mountain outside the boundaries of time and space. It yields no chronology of the historical figures depicted; neither does it appear geographically accurate. Despite its fantastic appearance, it alone in the cave represents an actual Chinese location. Although the mountain has been transformed into a pure land of the bodhisattva, the wall-painting also depicts the everyday activities of pilgrimage. The wall-painting is customarily divided into thirds. The top third of the painting consists of divine and extraordinary beings: Buddhas, bodhisattvas, dragons, and deities are portrayed amid multicolored clouds floating in the heavens and presiding over the extraordinary and ordinary activities

14 Dacheng miyan jing 大乘密嚴經, trans. Divākara, T. 16.681; trans. Amoghavajra, T. 16.682. For all images on this wall, see Dunhuang Cave 61, Main Chamber, North Wall 947-951 (Five Dynasties), Dunhuang Research Academy, ARTstor: MIDA_101446, http:// www.artstor.org. 15 Tian qing wen jing 天請問經, trans. Xuanzang, T. 15.592. 16 Yaoshi liuliguang rulai benyuan gongde jing 藥師琉璃光如來本願功德經, trans. Xuanzang, T. 14.450. 17 Siyi Fantian suowen jing 思益梵天所問經, trans. Kumārajīva, T. 15.586. 18 Dafangbian Fo bao’en jing 大方便佛報恩經, T. 3.156. For all images on this wall, see Dunhuang Cave 61, Main Chamber, South Wall, 947-951 (Five Dynasties), Dunhuang Research Academy, ARTstor: MIDA_101450, http://www.artstor.org. 19 Foshuo Mile xiasheng jing 佛說彌勒下生經, trans. Dharmarakṣa, T. 14.453-455. 20 Lengjia abaduoluo bao jing 楞伽阿跋多羅寶經, trans. Guṇabhadra 求那跋陀羅, T. 16.670. Ru Lengjia jing 入楞伽經, trans. Bodhiruci 菩提流支, T. 16.671. Dacheng ru Lengjia jing 大乘入楞伽經, trans. Śikṣānanda, T. 16.672. word and image 179 of the mountain. The middle third of the painting depicts the five terraces of Mount Wutai and its monasteries, hermitages, and huts along with various manifestations witnessed by laypeople and monks, their hands clasped in prayer. In the bottom third, one sees the two major pilgrimage routes, from Zhenzhou in the east and Taiyuan in the south. Here, Chinese and foreign pilgrims travel by foot, horse, and even camel; they stay in seven inns which are scattered near the roads. Above is the sacred, below is the mundane. They are linked by the five terraces which serve as the spiritual ground that one must traverse to encounter the Great Sage and his manifestations. The five mountain terraces are spread out across the middle third on a horizontal plane from right to left as the Eastern, Northern, Central, West- ern and Southern Terraces. In that order, the pilgrim can proceed in a counter-clockwise direction when approaching Mount Wutai from the east, the customary method for circumambulating Buddhist sites. Two of the manuscripts of the “Songs of Mount Wutai” arrange the poems in the same sequence. The poems on the five terraces in the “Eulogy on the Holy Regions of Mount Wutai” also follow this order. A Chinese scroll is customarily read from right to left, corresponding to the order of the mountains both in the poems and the wall-painting. The terraces are portrayed at an equal distance from one other, but in reality, they are not. As Ennin observed: The Western Terrace and Northern Terrace are quite close to the Central Terrace. If one descends the Central Terrace and climbs up the slope to the north, that is the southern edge of the Northern Terrace. And if one descends the Central Terrace and climbs up the slope to the west, that is the eastern edge of the Western Terrace. The three terraces are closely connected. [However,] both the Eastern Terrace and Southern Terrace are more than fifty li from the Central Terrace.21 “I Ascend the Southern Terrace” of the “Songs of Mount Wutai” states that this terrace’s “woods and peaks are set apart.” Although this deliberate dis- tortion might support the view that the Mount Wutai wall-painting is not a map since it is not to scale and is painted in a variable perspective, Cordell D.K. Yee has thoughtfully stated: ...Chinese cartography often partook of the principles of painting and poetry. In many cases, the same person might practice cartography, painting and poetry. In such a person’s mind, it seems likely that the principles

21 NGJG, 3:28. 180 chapter seven

governing these activities would not have made up three disparate sets of rules, but would have blended together to form a complex whole. We need to keep this in mind in order to appreciate early Chinese maps. The best map from the Chinese standpoint will not necessarily tell us how to get from point A to point B, and to criticize or evaluate it in those terms is to miss the point. The best map, however, will give us a sense of place mapped —its appearance and the mood it evoked.”22

Iconography and Imagery in Cave 61

The Mount Wutai wall-painting has 195 cartouches of which 193 are legi- ble.23 The poems share forty-seven of them. Forty-nine cartouches detail the mountain’s numinous sites, and describe various transformations and manifestations of Mañjuśrī.24 The remaining cartouches are mostly Bud-

22 Cordell D.K. Yee, “Aesthetics and Traditional Chinese Mapmaking,” The Portolan: Journal of the Washington Map Society 20 (Winter 1991): 22. 23 For a numbered chart see Dunhuang yanjiu suo and Jiangsu meishu chubanshe, eds., Dunhuang shiku yishu. Mogao ku di liu yi ku (Wu dai), 2-4. Some of the 193 cartouches are duplicates. I have used the chart to identify the cartouches, along with a close examination of the wall-painting from a visit to cave 61. For all images on this wall, see Dun- huang Cave 61, Main Chamber, West Wall, 947-951 (Five Dynasties), Dunhuang Research Academy, ARTstor: MIDA_101448, http://www.artstor.org. 24 The cartouches for the manifestations include: 1250 bodhisattvas in the clouds 菩薩一千二百五十雲現 (appears seven times); 250 poisonous dragons in the clouds 大毒龍二百五十雲 (appears twice); 150 arhats in the clouds 雲現羅漢百五十俱 (appears twice); 125 arhats 阿羅漢一百二十五人俱 (appears twice); the assembly of Guanyin bodhisattva 觀音菩薩赴會; the Great Sage Mañjuśrī bodhisattva rides a gold lion amid auspicious clouds, mysterious sounds and dragon cries 大聖文殊師利菩薩乘金色獅子駕現祥雲玄音響同龍吼; Samantabhadra bodhisattva rides a holy [lacuna] in the clouds in the [lacuna] Hall of Mount Wutai 普賢菩薩像駕神囗雲中囗會五臺之囗赴囗堂; the Great Sage Vaiśravaṇa attends the assembly of Samantabhadra 大聖毗沙門天赴普賢會; Vajra-mahārāja 大力金剛現; Lakṣmī 功德天女現; the true body of the Great Sage Samantabhadra 大聖普賢真身; the true body of the Great Sage Mañjuśrī 大聖文殊真身; the Dragon King Sāgara 婆竭羅龍王現 (appears twice); Buddhapāli comes from Kashmir seeking the terrace peaks; he then sees Mañjuśrī as an old man who inquires why he has come 佛陀波利從罽賓國來尋臺峰/ 遂見文殊化老人身路問其由; Buddhapāli sees Mañjuśrī as an old man and asks for the scriptures of the Western land 佛陀波利見文殊化老人身問西國之梵; the golden Buddha head in the clouds 金佛頭雲中現; the Buddha hand in the clouds 佛手雲中現; the holy Buddha foot 聖佛足現; the jilin in the clouds 騏驎雲中現; the lion in the clouds 獅子雲中現; the blue lion 青獅子現; the white crane 白鶴現 (appears twice); the holy lamps 聖燈化現; the numinous birds 靈鳥現; thunder and hail in the clouds 雷雹雲中現; thunder and lightning 雷電現; manifestation of the body of radiance 通身光現; manifestation of the five-colored radiance 五色光現; the golden dragon in the clouds 金龍雲中現 (appears twice); the conjured golden bridge 化金橋現處; the golden bell 金鐘現; the golden stūpa 金塔現; the gold-colored world 金色世界現; the manifestation of golden Wutai 金五臺之化現; and the stūpa of King Aśoka 阿育王端現塔. word and image 181 dhist structures, and include twenty-five temples25 (si 寺), twenty meditation huts (an 菴), nineteen hermitages (lanruo 蘭若), fourteen stūpas or pagodas (ta 塔), twelve cloisters (yuan 院), and five halls (tang 堂 and dian 殿). These structures are scattered throughout the terraces, and, like the mountains themselves, are relatively uniform in design. The great variety of imagery appears primarily in the depiction of the manifestations associated with the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī. Some cartouches are not tied to any particular manifestation and appear to refer to Mount Wutai in general. Tucked behind some small peaks between the Western and Southern Terraces on the wall-painting is a temple structure labeled with a cartouche which reads: “Realm of Blue Vaiḍūrya,” another name for Mañjuśrī’s pure land. In the Mañjuśrī-parinirvāṇa sūtra, Mañjuśrī transforms into an image made of vaiḍūrya. Śākyamuni Buddha then states that whoever thinks of the image of Mañjuśrī will think foremost of the vaiḍūrya image, and he will be continually be reborn in the Buddha families.26 In the second verse of the “Eulogy on Mount Wutai” of chapter four, we read: “From the Eastern Terrace one gazes on the land of Vaiḍūrya,/From the Western Terrace one turns to see Jetavana.” Although Vaiḍūrya may be interpreted as referring to the Ryūkyū Islands, one can also view it as referring to Mañjuśrī’s pure land, not only because of the description in the sūtra, but also because vaiḍūrya appears in many Wutai visions of the Tang monks, such as Jin Guangzhao,27 Wuzhuo,28 and Fazhao, who is featured in this eulogy.29 Immediately below this cartouche is an indeterminate figure surrounded by a colored nimbus and seated on a multicolored cloud. The accom-

25 Great Temple of the Bamboo Grove 大竹林之寺; Great Blessing and Sacred Tem- ple 大福聖之寺; Great Buddha Radiance Temple 大佛光之寺; Great Clear and Cold Temple 大清涼之寺; Great Dharma Flower (Lotus) Temple 大法華之寺; Great Flower Ornament Temple 大華嚴之寺; Great Temple of Peace and Health 大建安之寺; Great Temple of the Golden Pavilion 大金閣之寺; Temple of the Golden Realm 金界之寺; Great Temple of the Prince 大王子之寺; Great Virtuous Temple 大賢之寺; Holy Temple of Great Brightness 廣明之聖寺; Jade Flower Temple 玉花之寺; Snow Peak Temple 雪峰之寺; Temple of Good Fortune 會應福寺; Temple of Great Transformation 弘化之寺; Temple of Heavenly Long Life 天壽之寺; Temple of Responding to Principle 應理之寺; Temple of Iron Restraint 鐵勒之寺; Temple of the Numinous Response 靈應之寺; Tem- ple of the Past, Present, and Future Realms 三世法界之寺; Temple of the Treasure Hall 寶殿之寺; Vinaya Temple of the Southern Stūpa 南塔律寺; Vulture Peak Temple 鷲峰之寺; 1000 [lacunae ] Grotto Temple 千囗囗窟寺. 26 Mañjuśrī-parinirvāṇa sūtra, T. 14:463:481a. 27 GuangQLZ, 1119c-1120a. 28 Ibid., 1112a-1112b. 29 GuangQLZ, T. 2099:51, 1115a-b. 182 chapter seven panying cartouche reads: “manifestation of the body of radiance” (tongshen guang xian 通身光現). Another cartouche refers to a “manifestation of the five-colored radiance” (wuse guang xian 五色光現). Fazhao, accompanied by several disciples, had a similar experience on the Eastern Terrace on the thirteenth day of the ninth month of the twelfth year of the Dali era (777): “One time there was a black cloud in the overcast sky. Short- ly thereafter the cloud opened and they saw a five-colored body of radiance (wuse tongshen guang 五色通身光). Within the light were a red nimbus and the great sage Mañjuśrī riding a blue lion.”30 Zhang Shangying experienced lights in many shapes and colors on the terraces, and called them “the radiance that arises from the repletion of all the qualities of the fruition of Buddhahood” (zhu Fo guode yuanman zhi guang 諸佛果德圓滿之光).31 These cartouches may be referring to the buddha radiance, or foguang, which is the inconceivable light of the bodhisattva. As in Zhang Shangying’s experiences, this light appears in many shapes and forms in the wall-painting, and in a variety of descriptions in the poems. Many visions of Mañjuśrī are not associated with any particular terrace, but some manifestations are tied to specific sites. For example, a lion appears near the summit of the Western Terrace, labeled the “manifestation of the blue lion.” Ennin describes the Footprints of the Lion as one of the numinous traces on this terrace, as does the Guang Qingliang zhuan.32 The monk Xuanben mentions them in his poem on the Western Terrace in the “Eulogy on the Holy Regions of Mount Wutai.” The poem on the Western Terrace from the “Songs of Mount Wutai” states that the “footprints of the lion are deeply and permanently imprinted” on the terrace. At the foot of the Southern Terrace, another lion appears on a five-colored cloud, with the cartouche, the “manifestation of the lion in the clouds.” Kneeling on the ground are two monks, their hands pressed together in worship and prayer. Although the lion’s footprints are associated with the Western Ter- race, Mañjuśrī may appear anywhere with or without his mount. Indeed, the bodhisattva appears between the Northern and Central Terraces, riding his lion and surrounded by attendants, floating high in the sky on a multicolored cloud above a group of dragons. The accompanying cartouche reads: “The great sage Mañjuśrī bodhisattva rides a gold lion amid auspicious clouds, mysterious sounds, and dragon cries.”

30 Ibid., 1115c. 31 Robert M. Gimello, “Chang Shang-ying on Wu-t’ai shan,” in Pilgrims and Sacred Sites in China, ed. Susan Naquin and Chün-fang Yü, 113. XuQLZ, 1131a. 32 NGJG, 3:29. GuangQLZ, 1106a. word and image 183

Like vaiḍūrya, gold is an important trope both in the wall-painting and the poems. A cartouche above the Eastern Terrace reads: “manifestation of the gold-colored world,” yet another name for Mañjuśrī’s paradise. The preface of the Gu Qingliang zhuan observed that the visitor to Mount Wutai “eternally dwells in the gold-colored world.”33 The Guang Qingliang zhuan uses the term twice. Yanyi quotes from a gāthā in the Mañjuśrī-ratnagarbha- dhāraṇī sūtra stating the bodhisattva’s dwelling place is a five-peaked mountain; he concludes that the gold-colored world, Mañjuśrī’s pure land, exists on Mount Wutai because of the favorable conditions there.34 He also records the vision of the monk Changyu who saw the “so-called gold-colored world of ancient times” of the Tang monk Jin Guangzhao at Mysteri- ous Woman Cliff on the Western Terrace.35 Likewise, the monk Fazhao saw the gold-colored world near the Vajra Grotto,36 an event to which Ennin refers in his diary.37 The Japanese monk visited the Hall of Mañjuśrī and Hall of Samantabhadra near the Vajra Grotto, where the vision was said to have taken place. Another cartouche is labeled “the transformation and manifestation of golden Wutai” next to a group of five peaks suspended in the air near the summit of the Northern Terrace. Close by, also suspended in the air, is the manifestation of a golden stūpa, an image seen in the first poem of the “Eulogy on the Holy Regions of Mount Wutai”: “In the golden spire, the true countenance appears.” Other references to gold in the wall-painting include: the Temple of the Golden Realm and the Great Temple of the Gold- en Pavilion, the “manifestation of the golden Buddha head in the clouds,” the “manifestation of the golden dragon in the clouds,” the “manifestation of the golden bell,” and the “manifestation of the conjured golden bridge.” This golden bridge to nirvāṇa is depicted as floating on a multicolored cloud near the Temple of the Clear and Cold at the foot of the Southern Terrace. One of the most significant manifestations in the literature about Mount Wutai, it is recorded three times in the Guang Qingliang zhuan in the visions of Fazhao,38 Daoyi,39 and Wuran.40 Daoyi had a vision of the

33 GuQLZ, 1092c. 34 Mañjuśrī-ratnagarbha-dhāraṇī sūtra, T. 20.1185b.803c. GuangQLZ, T. 52.2099.1103b. 35 GuangQLZ, 1120c. 36 Ibid., 1114b. 37 NGJG, 3:64. 38 GuangQLZ, 1113b. 39 Ibid., 1114b. 40 Ibid., 1116a. 184 chapter seven

Golden Pavilion after he saw the golden bridge: “The towers and pavilions were gold in color and their brightness dazzled his eyes.”41 The bridge is mentioned in three different sets of poems. In the “Songs of Mount Wutai,” it appears on the Western Terrace. The eighteenth poem of the “Eulogy of Mount Wutai” of chapter four gives no specific location for the bridge, but reflects the image on the wall-painting: “Disciple,/In the five-colored cloud is the conjured golden bridge.” The bridge appears on the Southern Terrace in the “Eulogy on the Holy Regions of Mount Wutai,” where the “Seven Buddhas come and go,/And have crossed the conjured golden bridge.” In the wall-painting, the monk Daoyi appears in dialogue with Mañjuśrī in a temple next to a cartouche for his hermitage between the Southern and Western Terraces. In his vision, he had tea with the bodhisattva in a conjured temple on the Central Terrace.42 At the center of the painting, just below the summit of the Central Ter- race, is a temple complex with a cartouche labeled the “Hall of the Great Sage Mañjuśrī in his dharmakāya Form.” A large image of Śākyamuni Bud- dha sits on a lotus throne at the center. Mañjuśrī is to his right, seated on his lion next to a cartouche labeled “the true body of the Great Sage Mañjuśrī.” Samantabhadra is to his left, seated on his elephant next to a cartouche labeled “the true body of the Great Sage Samantabhadra.” The temple name is reminiscent of the introductory poem of the “Songs of Mount Wutai,” and its opening lines: “The Hall of the Great Sage/ is not an ordinary place.” Dorothy Wong has noted that the original name for the cave was the Hall of Mañjuśrī, according to a tenth-century document, Laba randeng fenpei ku kan mingsu 臘八燃燈分配窟龕名數 (List of Names of Caves and Niches Allotted the Lighting of Lamps on the Eighth Day of the Twelfth Month), dated by Jin Weinuo 金維諾 to 1011. He notes that cave 61 is the only Dunhuang cave with Mañjuśrī as the central icon, and the text indicates two lamps were lit inside on Buddha’s Birthday.43 The “Eulogy on the Holy Regions of Mount Wutai” also reflects this scene, as it begins with an introductory poem, “Eulogy on the True Coun- tenance of the Great Sage,” in which “true countenance” may allude to the “true body” or dharmakāya of the bodhisattva. The “Eulogy on Samanta bhadra,” which follows, further reinforces his significance at Mount Wutai

41 Ibid., 1113b. 42 Ibid., 1114a. 43 Dorothy Wong, “A Reassessment of the Representation of Mt. Wutai from Dunhuang Cave 61,” 31. word and image 185 as the Second Patriarch of the Avataṃsaka school, whereas Mañjuśrī was considered the First Patriarch. Mount Wutai is therefore the Hall of the Great Sage Mañjuśrī, where pilgrims come to pay reverence to the bodhisattva and perhaps see him in one of his numerous manifestations during their pilgrimage to the five terraces. According to the Mañjuśrī-parinirvāṇa sūtra, Mañjuśrī “has countless divine powers and countless transformations which cannot be described.”44 Very few are privileged to see the bodhisattva in his true or dharmakāya form. Most pilgrims would see him in his nirmāṇakāya form; these transformations of Mañjuśrī are portrayed in both in the poems and wall-painting. “The Hall of the Great Sage,” the first poem of the “Songs of Mount Wutai,” says: “The bodhisattva manifests in many numinous and extraordinary ways.” In the Mount Wutai wall-painting, the sky above the terraces is crowded with ten thousand bodhisattvas and hundreds of arhats, as well as images of Mañjuśrī, Samantabhadra, Guanyin, and Vaiśravaṇa. All are surrounded by multicolored clouds. The tenth verse of the “Eulogy on Mount Wutai” of chapter four declares: “Eulogies sound from the ten thousand bodhisatt vas,/As if transformations are emerging from the clouds.” In the wall-painting, five hundred poisonous dragons also hover over the terraces. The first verse of the “Eulogy on Mount Wutai” says: “Poisonous dragons send down rain, making a great sea,/What Mañjuśrī has protected cannot be overturned.” “I cannot stop for long,/Because the dragon spirits are angry” appears in “I Ascend the Northern Terrace” from “Songs of Mount Wutai.” The “Eulogy on the True Countenance of the Great Sage” from the “Eulogy on the Holy Regions of Mount Wutai” advises us that “Five hundred dragon spirits face the moon palaces,/Ten thousand bodhisattvas dwell on the divine terraces.” Near the summit of the Northern Terrace in the wall-painting looms the giant Dragon King, Sāgara. Below him is a representation of five peaks, presumably symbolizing Mount Wutai. At the top of the Northern Terrace is a pool containing a single dragon, flanked by two additional groups of smaller dragons. A cartouche is labeled: “Hall of the Poisonous Dragons.” The thirteenth verse of the “Eulogy of Mount Wutai” of chapter four reads: “On the summit of the Northern Terrace is the Dragon Palace. /Tremendous thunder shakes the mountain forests./Sāgara sits within the Palace of the

44 Mañjuśrī-parinirvāṇa sūtra, T. 14:463.481a. 186 chapter seven

Dragon King./The young Dharma protector brings on the thunder and wind.” As we have seen, the Guang Qingliang zhuan paraphrases a passage from the Śūraṅgama-samādhi sūtra that describes Mañjuśrī as the King of the Dragon Kind. Ennin likewise describes how the bodhisattva subdued and converted the five hundred poisonous dragons of Mount Wutai. The Mount Wutai poems are full of references to the dragons’ relationship to Mañjuśrī, such as in the third verse of the “Eulogy on Mount Wutai” of chapter four: “The Great Sage Mañjuśrī protects the Five Terraces,/He truly is the Supreme Tathāgata of the Dragon Kind.” Significantly, the Devadat- ta chapter of the Lotus sūtra, which describes the conversion of the Dragon King’s daughter, is one of the chapters depicted on the south wall of cave 61. Subdued by the bodhisattva, the dragons are potential buddhas and bodhisattvas themselves. The temples in the Mount Wutai wall-painting all look relatively uniform, and they are not always located accurately on the terraces. Although twenty-four Buddhist temples appear on cartouches in the wall-painting, only three are mentioned by name in the Mount Wutai poems. All appear in the “Eulogy on Mount Wutai” of chapter four: the Temple of the Numi- nous Region in verse eight, the Buddha Radiance Temple in verse nine, and the Temple of the Clear and Cold in verse ten. Only the last two are named in the cartouches. According to Nancy Shatzman Steinhardt, the image of the Buddha Radiance Temple in cave 61 is the earliest known painting of the temple. She has noted there was no reason to think the cave painters had ever seen the monastery since it is not an accurate representation. Steinhardt further remarks that Buddha Radiance Temple is the only temple with “a seated monk receiving obeisance from other figures. His medi- tational pose—legs crossed on the chair so that the space beneath the chair is empty—most often indicates either that the monk depicted is important or that he is someone once associated with the monastery who has departed from this earth.”45 The eighth verse of “Eulogy on Mount Wutai” depicts the Chan master Jietuo as sitting “cross-legged” and “faintly smiling” after he attained nirvāṇa at Buddha Radiance Temple. A cartouche labeled “Hut of the Monk Jietuo” appears in the Mount Wutai wall-painting between the Central and Northern Terraces, a considerable distance from the Buddha Radiance Temple. The Temple of the Clear and Cold is depicted on a cartouche in

45 Nancy Shatzman Steinhardt, “The Tang Architectural Icon and the Politics of Chi- nese Architectural History,” The Art Bulletin 86.2 (June 2004): 236-238. word and image 187 the Mount Wutai wall-painting as being at the foot of the Southern Terrace, although the pilgrimage records indicate it was near the Central Terrace. The tenth verse associates the temple with the manifestations and transformations of thousands of towers and pavilions, and the eulogies of ten thousand bodhisattvas. These apparitions are not portrayed near the temple in the wall-painting. Ennin mentions the giant rock in the courtyard of the Temple of the Clear and Cold, but this is neither mentioned in the poems nor depicted in the wall-painting.46 Like the Buddha Radiance Temple, the courtyard of this temple contains the seated figure of a monk. However, his feet are placed on the ground. One figure is paying him homage, with another off to the side. As for the Temple of the Numinous Region, it is not mentioned in Hui xiang’s Gu Qingliang zhuan. Yanyi mentions it in the Guang Qingliang zhuan as one of the temples built since the Tang, along with the Blessing and Sacred Temple (Fusheng si 福聖寺) and the Dharma Flower Temple (Fahua si 法華寺), both of which have cartouches on the wall-painting. However, between the Central and Western Terraces there is a cartouche for the “mighty Vajra,” presumably Vajrapāṇi from his pose and fierce de- meanor. Ennin visited the Temple of the Numinous Region in 840 during his stay on Mount Wutai. He records a famous manifestation of three “holy Vajra bodhisattvas,” echoed in the eighth verse of the “Eulogy on Mount Wutai”: “Inside the Temple of the Numinous Region are the holy Vajra.”47 In addition to the monk Jietuo, several prominent figures portrayed in the poems are also found in the wall-painting, either by depiction or reference. Most prominent is the Indian monk Buddhapāli. His encounter with Mañjuśrī on Mount Wutai is depicted in the wall-painting and marked by two unusually detailed cartouches, in which Buddhapāli sees Mañjuśrī disguised as an old man wearing a white robe. The first cartouche is located between the Central and Western Terraces. It reads: “Buddhapāli came from Kubha (Kabul) in search of the Terrace peaks. He then saw Mañjuśrī transformed into an old man who asked him the reason for his visit.” The second cartouche, located between the Eastern and Northern Terraces, reads: “Buddhapāli saw Mañjuśrī transformed into an old man and asked for the Sanskrit [i.e. scripture] of the Western Region.” Buddhapāli visited the mountain twice, which may account for the two cartouches. The first cartouche refers to Buddhapāli’s initial visit. The second describes Buddhapāli’s return to Mount Wutai. Although the cartouches refer to dif-

46 NGJG, 3:95 47 Ibid., 3:125-126. 188 chapter seven ferent events, the depiction is essentially the same, with the exception of an additional third figure, presumably a servant, in the second cartouche. Ennin writes in his diary that he viewed a picture of Buddhapāli arriving at Mount Wutai and meeting an old man when he visited the Temple of the Bamboo Grove,48 and he visits the site of the legendary meeting near the Southern Terrace, where a banner was placed commemorating the event.49 There are two specific references to Buddhapāli in the Mount Wutai poems. The sixteenth verse of the “Eulogy on Mount Wutai” of chapter four depicts Buddhapāli in meditation inside the Vajra Grotto, which Ennin mentions as well. The Indian monk also appears in the twenty-second verse of the “Eulogy on Mount Wutai” of chapter five, which declared that Buddhapāli’s body of emptiness dwelled on the mountain: “Ten thousand sages and worthies always protect this place,/Buddhapāli’s body of emptiness dwells here.” A third possible reference occurs in the “Songs of Mount Wutai.” The poem entitled “The Hall of the Great Sage” refers to “the true monk(s) of the Western land” coming from afar to pay reverence to Mañjuśrī. Other famous monks and historical personages appear in both the painting and poems. A cartouche depicts the meditation hut of the monk Fazhao, who is the subject of the “Eulogy on Mount Wutai” in chapter five. Also the subject of a cartouche is the “manifestation of the Auspicious Stūpa of King Aśoka.” The “Eulogy on the Holy Regions of Mount Wutai” has an entire poem devoted to the king and his structure, though it does not give its location. Ennin locates this stūpa within an octagonal pagoda inside the Great Avataṃsaka Temple on the Central Terrace. In contrast, the wall-painting portrays it as outside the confines of the nearby temple.50 Yet another cartouche depicts the Korean Royal Envoy, which might refer to the visit of the Silla prince of verse five in the “Eulogy on Mount Wutai” from chapter four. The poems and wall-painting do share some of the geographical sites associated with Mañjuśrī on Mount Wutai, although, like the temples, they are often not situated according to their traditional locations. Anavatapta Lake has a cartouche, as do the Nārāyaṇa and the Vajra Grottos. On the wall-painting, the cartouche for Anavatapta is located at the top of the Eastern Terrace, whereas in the “Songs of Mount Wutai” the lake appears in a poem devoted to the Western Terrace. Ennin notes in his diary that

48 Ibid., 2:428. 49 Ibid., 3:152. 50 Ibid., 3:5. word and image 189 there was no pool or surface water atop the Eastern Terrace: all he saw was tall grass.51 Anavatapta was usually associated with the Great Flower Pool on the Central Terrace, one of the numinous traces noted by Yanyi in the Guang Qingliang zhuan;52 it was also described by Huixiang in the Gu Qing liang zhuan.53 Despite its significance, it is not mentioned in the Mount Wutai poems. Instead, we see the Jade Flower Pool mentioned in four different Mount Wutai poems: in “I Ascend the Central Terrace” from the “Songs of Wutai,” in the twelfth verse from “Eulogy on Mount Wutai” of chapter four, in the fourth verse from “Eulogy on Mount Wutai” of chapter five, and in “The Central Terrace” from the “Eulogy on the Holy Regions of Mount Wutai.” All locate the Jade Flower Pool on the Central Terrace. As we have seen in chapter three, this pool was located within the grounds of the Jade Flower Temple. On the wall-painting, the Jade Flower Temple is located near the Eastern Terrace and no pool is to be seen. There is a lake at the summit of the Central Terrace but it has no identifying cartouche. This could be the Great Flower Pool, but it is odd that such an important numinous trace is not identified on the wall-painting. One can suspect that the painter was not entirely familiar with Mount Wutai. According to Yanyi, the Vajra Grotto was located below the summit of the Northern Terrace. On the wall-painting it is depicted to the right of the Eastern Terrace. The “Eulogy on the Holy Regions of Mount Wutai” devotes two poems to this grotto, but does not give its whereabouts. It is mentioned in the sixteenth verse of the “Eulogy of Mount Wutai” of chapter four without a specific location. Yanyi gives the location of the Nārāyaṇa Grotto as the Eastern Terrace,54 as does Ennin.55 In the “Songs of Mount Wutai” it also is described as being on the Eastern Terrace. In the “Eulogy on the Holy Regions of Mount Wutai,” it is likewise associated with the Eastern Terrace and coiled dragons. Ennin describes it as having a high tower on the cliff where the opening should be. None is depicted on the wall-painting, where it is portrayed as a walled enclosure with a figure dressed in the manner of a bodhisattva standing within its courtyard. Vimalakīrti, who appears in three of the four sets of the Mount Wutai poems, is not represented in the wall-painting of Mount Wutai. In the poems, Vimalakīrti’s famous dialogue with Mañjuśrī takes place on the West-

51 Ibid., 3:58. 52 GuangQLZ, 1105c. 53 GuQLZ, 1099. 54 GuangQLZ, 1120a. 55 NGJG, 3:58. 190 chapter seven ern Terrace in the “Songs of Mount Wutai.” The eighth verse of the “Eulogy on Mount Wutai” of chapter five locates his hut on the Eastern Terrace. While Vimalakīrti is not depicted in the wall-painting of the mountain, the eastern wall of cave 61 is devoted exclusively to the Vimalakīrti sūtra.56 This is the only wall of cave 61 portraying an entire sūtra. Numerous scholars have noted that the Chinese identification of the layman Vimalakīrti with the enlightened gentleman scholar, or junzi 君子, has contributed to the popularity of this depiction in Chinese Buddhist art.57 The figure of Vimalakīrti is equal in size to that of Mañjuśrī on the same wall. The eastern wall is separated into three vertical sections by the doorway. Mañjuśrī’s inquiry into Vimalakīrti’s illness from chapter five is the featured episode, and twelve other chapters of the sūtra are also represented in smaller paintings scattered around the wall. Above the door is a depiction of the “Buddha Lands,” the first chapter of the Vimalakīrti sūtra, depicting Śākyamuni Buddha lecturing in the city of Vaiśālī. He is seated in the center, flanked by his disciples Śāriputra and Kāśyapa and numerous bodhisattvas and heavenly guardians. The topic of his lecture is how to purify the Buddha Lands, or to lead all beings in all lands to enlightenment. The Buddha says: “…the bodhisattva’s acquisition of the pure land is wholly due to his having brought benefit to living beings.” He goes on to say that an upright mind is the pure land of a bodhisatt va, and that the failures of sentient beings keep them from seeing the pure lands.58 The position of this chapter over the doorway is significant. As the pilgrim leaves the cave he sees a reminder that his own imperfections are the only obstacle to viewing Mount Wutai as the pure land of Mañjuśrī. To the left and right of the doorway is the famous meeting of Vimalakīrti with Mañjuśrī in the Vimalakīrti sūtra. Mañjuśrī is portrayed on the right, surrounded by a large entourage of bodhisattvas and sages in the robes of scholar-officials. To the left, Vimalakīrti is dressed in the robes of a Chinese scholar. Ennin describes an image of Vimalakīrti that he encountered on the Western Terrace, near the cliffs where the layman and the bodhisattva held their discussion. His description is similar to the portrait of Vimalakīrti

56 For all images on this wall, see Dunhuang Cave 61, Main Chamber, East Wall, 947- 951 (Five Dynasties), Dunhuang Research Academy, ARTstor: MIDA_101451, http://www. artstor.org. 57 For a study of the depiction in art of Vimalakīrti’s debate with Mañjuśrī, see Judy C. Ho, “The Perpetuation of a Model,” Archives of Asian Art 41 (1988): 32-46. For a discussion of Vimalakīrti’s importance to Chinese Buddhism, see Richard B. Mather, “Vimalakīrti and Gentry Buddhism,” The History of Religions 8.1 (August 1968): 60-73. 58 Burton Watson, The Vimalakīrti Sutra, 26; Weimojie suoshuo jing, T. 14.475.538a-538b. word and image 191 on the wall. He is depicted as an old man sitting on a square seat. His hair is tied in a knot atop his head. His robe is white and he has a shawl made of leopard or tiger fur. He holds a fan in his left hand. His mouth is open and he appears to be talking to Mañjuśrī, who is positioned facing him on the other side of the doorway.59 This scene is also depicted in the eleventh verse of the “Eulogy on Mount Wutai” of chapter four: “Mañjuśrī talked for a long time with Vimalakīrti…” and in the eighth stanza of the “Eulogy on Mount Wutai” of chapter five: “On the Eastern Terrace is Vimalakīrti’s ten foot square hut,/On the Western Terrace was briefly realized the preaching of the Dharma.” The two largest cartouches of the fifty-eight which appear on the wall are concerned with chapter eleven of the Vimalakīrti sūtra, “The Buddha of Accumulated Fragrance.” Here Vimalakīrti uses his spiritual power to conjure a Buddha and his paradise to feed Mañjuśrī’s assembly with an inexhaustible bowl of fragrant rice. The paradise of the conjured Buddha is reminiscent of the transformations and manifestations of Mount Wutai: “In this world all things were formed by fragrances: towers and pavilions. The walkways were made of fragrant earth. The parks and gardens were all fragrant. Their food had a fragrant aroma, which streamed in the ten directions to measureless worlds.”60 When Vimalakīrti asks the bodhisattvas of the Fragrant Land how their Buddha teaches the Dharma, they reply that he does not use words to teach, but instead uses the numerous fragrances of his pure land to lead sentient beings to follow the Buddhist precepts. By sitting under a tree and inhaling its fragrance, all beings can achieve samādhi.61 On Mount Wutai, Fragrant Mountain is a numinous trace on the Western Terrace, and alludes to the site of Mañjuśrī’s final nirvāṇa. It also appears as a cartouche on the wall-painting. But in a general sense, Mount Wutai is described in the poems as a land suffused with the fragrance of flowers and trees. The conjured Fragrant Land of Vimalakīrti, then, is no different from the conjured Mount Wutai of Mañjuśrī. And the goal of both pure lands is the same, although the paintings are quite different in their execution.

59 NGJG, 3:29. 60 Weimojie suoshuo jing, T. 14.475.552a. 61 Ibid., 552c. 192 chapter seven

Mountain as Icon

It is useful for our understanding of the wall-painting of Mount Wutai to compare it to the paintings on the remaining walls of cave 61. As we have noted above, the eastern, northern and western walls consist of bianxiang, illustrating various episodes of the Buddhist scriptures. Therefore, they are narrative paintings which tell a coherent story in which the buddhas and/ or bodhisattvas participate. Julia Murray defines a narrative painting as one which “must depict or refer to a story, where the ‘story’ means the presentation of one or more events that occur in a sequence of time and bring about a change in the condition of a specific character.”62 Wu Hung argues that not all bianxiang are narratives, and that from the High Tang, the term bianxiang was “mainly associated with complex sūtra illustrations and never with individual icons, even painted ones.”63 By this definition, the wall-painting of Mount Wutai is neither a narrative painting, nor a bianxiang. It is not retelling a story, nor illustrating a sūtra. It portrays an actual location which exists in time and space, yet, due to its spiritual as- sociations, it transcends them. It is similar to a traditional landscape painting, with temples and people scattered in its midst engaged in worldly and otherworldly activities, while it also resembles a religious painting, particularly with its images of Mañjuśrī and Samantabhadra at its center. The Mount Wutai wall-painting consists of a series of disassociated images, such as Buddhapāli meeting Mañjuśrī as an old man, or the golden bridge, or holy lamps, with their only unifying factor being the spiritual power of the mountain itself. The activities on the mountain are based on legends and pilgrimage sightings, not on Buddhist texts. As we have seen, the Chinese scriptures were rewritten to designate Mount Wutai as a pure land. The treatment of time and space in the wall-painting can also be compared with the sūtra narratives on the remaining walls. For example, although Vimalakīrti and Mañjuśrī’s discussion from chapter five is the primary focus of the eastern wall, the events of other chapters are scattered about the scene. We do not see a sequential presentation of the sūtra across the wall. However, we can still glean the general themes of the text, as all the figures are associated with Vimalakīrti and Mañjuśrī. By contrast, in the Mount Wutai painting we see little or no relationship between any of

62 Julia Murray, “What is ‘Chinese Narrative Illustration’?” The Art Bulletin 80.4 (December 1998): 608. 63 Wu Hung, “What is Bianxiang?—On the Relationship between Dunhuang Art and Dunhuang Literature,” HJAS 52.1 (1992): 117-118. word and image 193 the figures or events depicted. Instead we see highlights of the manifestations and transformations on the mountain. Although the figures of Mañjuśrī and Samantabhadra occupy the center of the painting, they are dwarfed by the five terraces of the mountain. Wu Hung has noted that all bianxiang are iconic representations, and he defines them as “a symmetrical composition centered on an icon — a Buddha or a bodhisattva. The visual centralization is not only apparent in the icon’s extraordinary size and solemnity, but is also reinforced by surrounding figures and the architectural setting, which guide the viewer’s gaze toward the central icon.”64 Can we consider the mountain itself to be an icon, as it dominates our gaze? If we continue using Wu Hung’s definition, indeed we can: “The central icon, portrayed frontally as a solemn image of majesty, ignores the surrounding crowds and stares at the viewer outside the picture. The composition is not self-contained; although the icon exists in the pictorial context within the composition, its significance relies on the presence of a viewer or worshipper outside it.”65 The mountain, then, is not the backdrop to a story, but instead moves to the forefront as an object of veneration, and the instigator of events. The mountain is the story, although more properly we can call it, as Dorothy Wong has observed, a “pictorial poem.”66 The lack of a narrative in the wall-painting is echoed in the Mount Wutai poems, which are certainly not bianwen, or narratives of a Buddhist scripture. In the poems, events also do not always unfold chronologically. Like the painting, the Mount Wutai poems have a variable perspective regarding time and space. For this reason, both painting and poetry are hard to fit into a particular genre, whether secular or religious. The wall-painting is a not bianxiang and the poems are not bianwen, despite the mountain’s close association with Mañjuśrī, and neither do they adhere to the conventions of traditional Chinese landscape painting or poetry. The difficulty lies perhaps in us, who have a more limited view of the relationship between man and nature, or, as Paul Kroll terms it, “the religious potency of the living world.”67

64 Ibid., 129-130. 65 Ibid., 130. 66 Dorothy Wong, “A Reassessment of the Representation of Mt. Wutai from Dunhuang Cave 61,” 37. 67 Paul W. Kroll, “Lexical Landscapes and Textual Mountains in the High T’ang,” T’oung-Pao 84 (1998): 65. 194 chapter seven

Figure 8. Buddha Radiance Temple. Mount Wutai. Dunhuang Cave 61. Photograph: Dunhuang Research Academy. poetry as a buddhist matter 195

CHAPTER EIGHT

POETRY AS A BUDDHIST MATTER: CONCLUSION

The literary motifs of the Mount Wutai poems reflect the religious themes of popular Chinese Buddhism. The poems also articulate the extraordinary characteristics associated with Mount Wutai as the dwelling place of the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī. As the foremost and oldest Buddhist mountain in China, Mount Wutai became a model sacred mountain for other Buddhist sites, including Mount Emei, Mount Putuo and Mount Jiuhua. This model includes: (1) A specific bodhisattva who serves as a medium for enlightenment and empowers the pilgrim; (2) A unique geographical location transformed into a pure land or paradise for the bodhisattva; (3) A variety of numinous sites projected upon the landscape, primarily associated with activities of the bodhisattva in the Buddhist scriptures; (4) Extraordinary natural phenomena including unusual weather, clouds and lights, healing waters, unearthly sounds, and rare flora and fauna; (5) A place remote from ordinary human society that involves an arduous journey leading to personal revelation. As Victor Mair has remarked in his discussion of bianwen and bianxiang, the chief protagonist and catalyst for spiritual change in popular Chinese Buddhist literature is always a Buddhist figure: The creative agent who causes the transformational manifestation may be a Buddha, a Bodhisattva, or a saint such as Maudgalyāyana or Śāriputra. Highly skilled storytellers and actors—with the help of visual aids, gestures, and music—were thought to be able to replicate transformational acts of creation. The ultimate religious purpose of such transformations was the release of all sentient beings from the vicious cycle of death and rebirth (saṃsāra). By hearing and viewing these transformations and reflecting upon them, the individual could become enlightened.1 The pilgrim to Mount Wutai would similarly see, hear and even smell the transformations and manifestations of the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī, resulting in a higher awareness, or even enlightenment. As we have seen, the Bud- dhist concept of transformation and manifestation, or bianxian 變現, is

1 Victor Mair, Tun-huang Popular Narratives, 2-3. 196 chapter eight the chief theme of the Mount Wutai poems. Mañjuśrī is the creative agent in the Mount Wutai literature. He appears on every mountain terrace, and in each set of poems, as the Great Sage, the True Countenance, the Tathāgata of the Dragon Assembly, the true bodhisattva, or in disguise in a variety of human and nonhuman forms. Didactic in nature, the poetry of Mount Wutai generates feelings of faith and devotion, planting a seed that may eventually lead to nirvāṇa. The poems encourage the listener to visit the unique site of Mount Wutai in hopes of encountering the bodhisattva who will then take the necessary means to save him. Some of the poems are more strident than others, but all continuously remind the listener that he has the rare opportunity to experience Mañjuśrī’s pure land on Chinese soil. As we have seen in chapter two, the Tang monk Huixiang observed it was unnecessary to visit India to experience the Buddhist doctrine. The universality of the Buddhist teachings and the principle of expedient means allow the creation of a pure land on a Chinese mountain such as Mount Wutai. The Mount Wutai poems are therefore important not only because they depict the various sacred characteristics of the mountain, but because they also reflect the process un- dergone by Mount Wutai to become Mañjuśrī’s paradise by the end of the Tang dynasty. As we have seen in chapters one and two, Chinese mountains already had spiritual and political legitimacy through the activities of the legendary rulers and the early Daoists; they were integrated into Chinese cosmology and the Chinese empire long before Buddhism came to China. It was perhaps inevitable that Mount Wutai would become the home of a bodhisattva, as the mountain was already the dwelling place of spirits and transcendents from legendary times. Daoists inhabited the mountain when it was Purple Palace Mountain before the fourth century ce, and, even during its Buddhist incarnation as Mount Wutai, ingestion of certain flowers and herbs was said to convey immortality, as in the “Song of the Meditation Master Sengming” in chapter two. The mountain’s location in the northeast, near the center of imperial power, was also beneficial to its development as a Buddhist center. As a paradise or pure land, Mount Wutai is a religious icon to be worshipped, since its sacred soil is the dwelling place of Mañjuśrī. The first verse of the “Eulogy on Mount Wutai” from chapter four declares that the mountain is a bodhimaṇḍala, a spiritual arena for the Buddhist pilgrim to achieve enlightenment through his encounters with the manifestations of Mañjuśrī and the thousands of bodhisattvas, arhats, sages, and worthy men. The traveler may also meet the Dragon King Sāgara and the dragon poetry as a buddhist matter 197 assembly that Mañjuśrī has subdued, either in their true form or through the storms they create. He may encounter the towers and terraces of a conjured temple or a conjured golden bridge as entrances to the realm of realization. The pilgrim may also visit the numinous sites associated with the bodhisattva, such as the rock where he debated Vimalakīrti. He may go to the Vajra Grotto, which Buddhapāli entered and into which he subsequently vanished, or view the footprints of Mañjuśrī’s lion. The pilgrim may experience the extraordinary natural phenomena of the mountain itself, which are suffused with the spiritual power of Mañjuśrī. He may inhale the fragrance of rare flowers or see the ice that never melts in summer. Most notable are the repeated sightings of five-colored clouds, auspicious clouds, multicolored clouds, haloes, nimbi, and holy lamps. Especially remarkable are the rays of light known as the foguang, which were responsible for the construction of the oldest surviving Buddhist temple on Mount Wutai, the Buddha Radiance Temple, established by the Pure Land Patriarch Fazhao. He saw the foguang as a single ray of white light, but other pilgrims viewed it as a golden, purple or multicolored light, sometimes directed in a single spot, at other times illuminating the entire landscape. Judging from the imagery of both the Mount Wutai poems and the wall- painting in Dunhuang cave 61, the traveler could encounter a variety of light experiences on the terraces, depending on his karmic predisposition and other more mundane factors. As Raoul Birnbaum has noted in his essay “Light in the Wutai Mountains,” the pilgrim’s experience might be individual or communal, private or public. It might be the result of a vision or a dream, or experienced when fully awake.2 Although some might attribute these light phenomena to natural forces, Zhang Shangying addressed these doubts in his record. One evening at the Temple of the Golden Pavilion, Zhang saw a golden bridge in the sky, along with a golden circle of light with a purplish interior: But he harbored doubts about these visions, thinking they might be just the effects of the sort of color that is produced when clouds catch the rays of the setting sun. Later, however, when it had grown quite dark, three columns of rosy light arose directly in front of the mountain, and his doubts abruptly vanished.3

2 Raoul Birnbaum, “Light in the Wutai Mountains,” in The Presence of Light, ed. Mat- thew T. Kapstein, 196-197. 3 Robert M. Gimello, “Chang Shang-ying on Wu-t’ai Shan,” in Pilgrims and Sacred Sites in China, ed. Susan Naquin and Chün-fang Yü, 104. XuQLZ, 1127c. 198 chapter eight

As a pure and holy place, Mount Wutai was a place to withdraw from the corrupt and dusty world of human society. The Mount Wutai poems follow a long tradition of reclusion in Chinese poetry, from the admonitions of the Classic of Poetry not to walk beside the big carriage and get involved in the affairs of this corrupt world, to those of the Six Dynasties poet Ruan Ji, who wrote of giving up the Confucian classics and a career as a scholar- official to live surrounded by nature. The Wutai poems promise not only transcendence, but nirvāṇa: total extinguishment. “I Ascend the Southern Terrace” of the “Songs of Mount Wutai” states, “The dust and toil of the past are now extinguished.” The nineteenth verse of the “Eulogy on Mount Wutai” from chapter five says, “To cultivate truth, sleeping in the mountains is unsurpassed.” Realization of the Dao through nature, a theme of Dark Learning verse, is extended in these Buddhist poems to the pilgrim’s attainment of nirvāṇa via a journey to the sacred realm of Mañjuśrī. The Mount Wutai poems are clearly poems of pilgrimage. The literary convention of ascending a mountain to better comprehend one’s existence, understand history, or attain transcendence is an ancient one in Chinese literature. The Mount Wutai poems, particularly the “Songs of Mount Wutai” and “Eulogy on the Holy Regions of Mount Wutai,” contain verses that depict the pilgrimage of an individual climbing the mountain, almost to the edge of Heaven, in search of truth. Both sets of poems entitled “Eulogy on Mount Wutai” urge the listener to climb the mountain to encounter the divine. Some poems seem to refer to a personal journey, such as “I Ascend the Southern Terrace” from “Songs of Mount Wutai,” which ends with the pilgrim’s wish that he may accumulate enough merit and live long enough to see Mañjuśrī. In the monk Xuanben’s poem “The Western Terrace,” the light of the bodhisattva shining in the darkest hour of the night, and the very purity of the soil, remove the obstacles keeping him from enlightenment. The Mount Wutai poems echo the direct experience of the numinous portrayed in such records as the Gu Qingliang zhuan, the Guang Qingliang zhuan, the Xu Qingliang zhuan, and the diary of the Japanese monk, Ennin. The poems, records, and the wall-painting in cave 61 describe a unified vision of the mountain with a collective set of transformations and manifestations. These events, which echo images from the Buddhist sūtras, bestow spiritual legitimacy on Mount Wutai, as they are universal and timeless. A personal interaction with the divine forces of Mount Wutai makes pilgrimage necessary as enlightenment must be obtained in this very body. The journey is difficult and dangerous but is necessary in pursuit poetry as a buddhist matter 199 of enlightenment. Through the journey, the pilgrim develops his higher nature. As the poet proclaims in the “Songs of Wutai,” the mountain is the Hall of the Great Sage, and it must be paid reverence by those wishing to be saved by Mañjuśrī.

Transmission of the Vision

What you have seen are the precincts of Mount Wutai. Why do you not faithfully record it and publish it widely among all beings for the sake of their great benefit? Which would you rather do, avoid scandal or effect blessings? If you transmit your message to a hundred persons and just one comes to believe, then transmitting it to a thousand will produce ten believers, and transmitting it to ten thousand will generate a hundred believers. Among a hundred persons who believe it, perhaps only one will practice it, but even this is enough to destroy heretical doctrines and sustain the true dharma. How much more could one expect if a hundred persons were to practice?4 Here a monk is encouraging the Pure Land monk Fazhao to record his visions from the Temple of the Bamboo Grove. Fazhao was hesitating as his experiences might seem improbable and even controversial, but the monk persuaded him that his writing would still be beneficial from a spiritual perspective. Zhang Shangying was told this story when he, in turn, was being urged to write of his experiences on the mountain.5 We can imagine that much Buddhist literature in China was created in a similar manner: to spread the teachings as experienced by the Chinese themselves in their own temples and mountains. When Buddhism entered China during the Han dynasty, the translation of the sūtras began. In India, the scriptures were preached, not read, and addressed to the illiterate or semi-literate and not the elite. In China they were translated from Sanskrit into semi-vernacular Chinese. Then these translations were copied endlessly for widespread dissemination. Copying the sūtras was believed to be the transfer of merit, or the performance of good works for the benefit of others. Buddhist tales and legends were also translated and rendered into vernacular poetry and prose, the most famous of which appears in the Dunhuang manuscripts: Maudgalyāyana, or Mu- lian 目蓮, the compassionate monk who rescues his mother from Hell, a

4 Robert M. Gimello, “Chang Shang-ying on Wu-t’ai shan,” in Pilgrims and Sacred Sites in China, ed. Susan Naquin and Chün-fang Yü, 112. 5 XuQLZ, 1129c. 200 chapter eight tale which particularly resonated in China because of the secondary theme of filial devotion.6 This literature contributed greatly to the development of vernacular popular literature in China. As the influence of Chinese Bud- dhism declined, so did the popularity of Chinese Buddhist literature, but it had made its contribution to the development of Chinese popular literature, particularly in the Tang dynasty. The fact that numerous copies of the Mount Wutai poems were found in the Dunhuang caves suggests they were popular among the pilgrims of that time. The question remains how the Mount Wutai poems came to Dunhuang. Perhaps Buddhist monks and laypersons went to the mountain on pilgrimage and brought back the poems or composed them upon their return to Dunhuang. In Life Along the Silk Road, Susan Whitfield retells the story of the Kashmiri monk Chudda who made a pilgrimage to Mount Wutai in 855, losing his servant along the way. When he passed through Dunhuang, he saw paintings of Mount Wutai: Chudda’s renewed enthusiasm for his pilgrimage had been kindled by the sight of paintings of Wutai mountain in the cave temples outside Dun- huang… Chudda stayed at Wutai mountain for several months, visiting all the different temples, shrines and other sites, including a famous hexagonal revolving bookcase. There were always sutra lectures to attend and he was often invited to vegetarian feasts, arranged by patrons for the monks or in commemoration of special events. He also saw an ordination ceremony where young novices took the full set of vows. Neither had he forgotten his own vow. ‘He moistened the brush’ of several local artists and scribes, and the resultant paintings and sutras were all dedicated to his lost companion.7 The numerous copies of the Mount Wutai poems found in the Dunhuang library cave may testify to their popularity, to the number of pilgrims who visited both Dunhuang and Mount Wutai, or to their value as religious texts. The Chinese characters in the manuscripts have many variants and errors, indicating that some of the scribes were not well-educated. The language of the Mount Wutai poems is a mixture of classical and vernacular, and, as we have seen, the poems vary in sophistication and quality. It is also possible that the poems were written not by visitors to the mountain, but by those who read or heard accounts by actual pilgrims. Similarly, the wall-painting in cave 61 may have been based on pilgrimage maps or religious paintings of Mount Wutai that found their way to Dunhuang.

6 See Victor Mair, Tun-huang Popular Narratives, 87-121; Y.W. Ma and Joseph S.M. Lau, eds., Traditional Chinese Stories, 443-455; Arthur Waley, Ballads and Stories from Tun- huang, 216-235. 7 Susan Whitfield, Life Along the Silk Road, 134-136. poetry as a buddhist matter 201

Ennin describes the great variety of people who visited the mountain in the ninth century: monks and laypeople, men and women (some with babies), nobles and commoners, and rich and poor.8 One can presume the authors and audience of the Mount Wutai poems were similarly diverse. This helps to explain the great variety of styles and language used in the poems, from the straightforwardly religious eulogies of chapters four and five to more personal visionary poems in chapter six. The poems attributed to Xuanben, the monk of the Golden Terrace, are more refined, and written in a glittering ornamental style reminiscent of the literati verse of the Late Tang. Xuanben knew his Buddhist scriptures, but he also seems to comprehend the literary conventions of the Tang with his use of parallelism and his images of a scented cassia moon or a divine crane in the void. Xuanben may be an example of a monk writer like Huixiang, or Yanyi. The anonymous author of the “Songs of Mount Wutai” found in chapter three may be a professional storyteller similar to the authors of the bianwen. These songs, in the quzi form, have an irregular number of syllables per line and were set to music, as in traditional Chinese drama. Even though I have translated this group in the voice of an individual, they also could have been presented in a communal voice. The eulogies to Mount Wutai in chapters four and five are both in seven-syllable verse, with rhymes on the even-number lines, the same as the verse sections of the bianwen. This heptasyllabic line is seen in the Chinese translations of the Buddhist scriptures, such as the Kumārajīva translation of the Vimalakīrti sūtra, where the verse sections, or gāthā, contain seven characters. In chapter seven, we saw phrases similar to the poems repeated in the cartouches on the wall-painting of Mount Wutai in Dunhuang cave 61. Were the poems and painting of Mount Wutai created by those who had actually visited the mountain, or were they based on legends circulating in China at that time? We have seen that the location of temples and numinous sites on the terraces is occasionally incorrect. This could be due to faulty memories, or perhaps the creators never made the pilgrimage. Just as the Dunhuang artists envisioned the pure lands of the various Buddhist scriptures, their paintings of Mount Wutai could have been the product of their imaginations, inspired by the legends surrounding the mountain.

8 NGJG, 3:96. 202 chapter eight

Literati Poets and Mount Wutai

Poetry in its myriad forms must have been widely written on Mount Wutai. Ennin viewed a fairly rustic verse in four lines and seven syllables, written on a plank and nailed to the wall of a cloister. It was composed by Zhensu 貞素, a monk from Pohai 渤海, to commemorate the death of Reisen 靈仙, a Japanese priest, who died on the mountain.9 We also saw poems in the travel records of the mountain. Some monk poets were famous like Zhidun, while others were unknown. They probably were not isolated from the literary elite. Many Tang poets journeyed to Buddhist temples on Chi- nese mountains and wrote poems on Buddhist themes. We can speculate that these poets associated with the kinds of monks and disciples who wrote the Mount Wutai poems and other Buddhist-inspired popular verses. Indeed, the Quan Tang shi contains hundreds of poems by Buddhist monks. The most prominent was the poet-painter Guan Xiu 貫休 (832- 912), who wrote several poems about monks visiting Mount Wutai. In “See- ing Off a Monk Traveling to the Terraces” (“Song seng you tai” 送僧游臺), he wrote: “I envy the Master’s trip to the Five Peaks, /Being a mendicant is worth a year of wealth.” 羨師遊五頂，乞食值年豐。10 He also wrote “Five Poems on Encountering a Monk from the Five Regions of India Who Entered Wutai” (“Yu Wu Tian seng ru Wutai wu shou” 遇五天僧入五台五首). In the final couplet of the last poem, he refers to the most famous Indian visitor of all, who disappeared into the Vajra Grotto: “You must resemble Buddhapāli,/Whom in another year could not be found.” 必似陀波利，他年不可尋。11 As for the literati poets, there are only a few references to the mountain. Du Fu’s poem, “Written with Affection After Hearing Xu Shiyi Recite a Poem at Night” (“Ye ting Xu Shiyi songshi ai er you zuo” 夜聽許十一誦詩愛而有作), celebrates a friend who studied Buddhism on Mount Wutai in 755.12 The Qingliang shan zhi contains a poem by Li Bai to an Indian monk named Sangha who had lived on Mount Wutai during the Tianbao era (742-755).13 According to Zhencheng, Sangha refused to enter people’s homes, but slept in the forest. He carried a bottle full of Buddha relics which glowed at night. He entered samādhi in the wilds of the Central

9 NGJG, 3:125. 10 Quan Tang shi, 833.5, vol. 23, 9393. 11 Ibid., 832.1, vol. 23, 9380. 12 Ibid., 216.34, vol. 7, 2263. 13 QLSZ, 168-169. poetry as a buddhist matter 203

Terrace. Li Bai met this monk, a master of Mañjuśrī’s five-character dhāraṇī,14 in Chang’an on his way back to India. Song to Sangha The true monk’s Dharma name is Sangha, Sometimes he discusses the three carts with me.15 When I ask him to speak, he recites several thousand dhāraṇī, His words are as numerous as the sands of the Ganges. This monk originally lived in India, For the Dharma he has become a mendicant and come to this land.16 His precepts are as wide as heaven and as bright as the autumn moon,17 His mind is like a blue lotus in the world.18 His thoughts are clear and pure, his appearance awe-inspiring, He neither decreases nor increases.19 In his vase are one-thousand-year-old relics, In his hand is a ten-thousand-year-old rattan staff. I sigh, disheartened for a long time in the district of the Yangtze and Huai,20 It is rare to meet a true monk to speak of nonexistence and existence. One word of repentance will get rid of the most serious sins,21 Repeated worship will completely cast away lesser transgressions.22 僧伽歌真僧法號號僧伽，有時與我論三車。問言誦咒幾千徧，口道恆河沙復沙。此僧本住南天竺，爲法頭陀來此國。戒得長天秋月明，心如世上青蓮色。意清淨，貌稜稜，亦不減，亦不增。瓶裏千年鐵柱骨，手中萬歲胡孫藤。嗟予落魄江淮久，罕遇真僧說空有。一言散盡波羅夷，再禮渾除犯輕垢。

14 A Buddhist mantra, or incantation. 15 Sanche 三車 (Skt. triyāna). An allusion to the third chapter of the Lotus sūtra. The father offers his children three carts to persuade them to leave their burning house: the goat cart, symbolizing the śrāvakas; the deer cart, symbolizing the pratyeka-buddhas; and the ox cart, symbolizing the bodhisattvas. 16 Skt. Dhūta 頭陀: the rules of frugal living for Buddhist monks. 17 An allusion to King Yongyang of the Chen dynasty 陳永陽王, Jiejiang shu 解講疏: “The precepts and the autumn moon are bright, meditation and the spring pool are clear.” 18 An allusion to the Avataṃsaka sūtra: “The bodhisattva’s mind is like a lotus flower unstained by defilements.” 19 An allusion to the Heart sūtra: “All the dharmas are empty and have form. They neither are born nor are extinguished, they are neither defiled nor pure, and they neither decrease nor increase.” 20 A region north of the Yangtze in Jiangsu province. The Huai river is located on the plain between the Yellow and Yangtze rivers. 21 Pārājika: The section of the Vinaya with the rules for expulsion from the monastic order. It refers to the most serious sins a monk can commit. 22 Li Bai, Li Taibo quan ji, ed. Wang Qi, vol. 1, 405-408. 204 chapter eight

For the Purpose of Salvation

Among his many Buddhist activities, Bo Juyi 白居易 (772-846) studied the Avataṃsaka sūtra with Daozong 道宗, a monk well known for his poetry among the literati of Chang’an. Bo defended him from accusations that he was writing poetry to gain worldly prestige and power. In 828, he composed “Ten Rhymes on the Subject of the Monk Daozong with Preface” (“Ti Daozong shang ren shi yun bing xu” 題道宗上人十韻并序), explaining in the preface that Daozong’s poems are created for “the purpose of righ- teousness, for the purpose of the Dharma, for the purpose of expedient means, for the purpose of salvation and not for the purpose of poetry.” Therefore, Bo Juyi wrote the following twenty lines to explain the monk’s intentions: The Tathāgata speaks hymns and eulogies, The bodhisattvas write discourses. For this reason the Vinaya Master Daozong Takes poetry to be a Buddhist matter. His one voice is without differentiation,23 His four lines have commentaries. They wish to cause the one flow, They all know there aren’t two meanings. Their pure spirit receives the precept body,24 Their leisurely tranquility conceals the flavor of meditation.25 Naturally, his words are given free rein, Soaring, the art of writing is abandoned. Aside he engages the accomplished of the nation, Above he reaches the nobility of royalty. First he pulls them in with lines of poetry, Later he causes them to enter the Buddha wisdom. Many people love the Master’s lines, I alone know the Master’s meaning. He does not resemble the monk Xiu, In the great emptiness, contemplating blue clouds. 如來說偈讚，菩薩著論議。是故宗律師，以詩為佛事。一音無差別，四句有詮次。欲使第一流，皆知不二義。精潔沾戒體，閑淡藏禪味。從容恣語言，縹緲離文字。

23 Yiyin jiao 一音教 the totality of the Buddha’s doctrine. From chapter one of the Vimalakīrti sūtra: 佛以一音演說法，眾生隨類，各得解脫。“The Buddha preaches the Dharma with a single voice and each sentient being, according to its kind, understands it.” 24 The precepts as embodied in the mind of the recipient: in this case, Daozong. 25 The sensation experienced by one entering meditation. poetry as a buddhist matter 205

旁延邦國彥，上達王公貴。先以詩句牽，后令入佛智。人多愛師句，我獨知師意。不似休上人，空多碧雲思。26 This poem can serve as a literary manifesto for the Mount Wutai poems. Daozong and other monks like him elevated Buddhism above poetry, but recognized the usefulness of poetry in influencing a culture that regarded poetry as the highest art form. The “four lines” refer to Daozong’s hymns and eulogies which Bo Juyi regards as commentaries on the Buddhist scriptures. The goal of his verse is the “one flow,” or unity of the teachings, and to go beyond the “two teachings,” or duality in Buddhism which renders it incomplete. Following the principle of expedient means, monks such as Zhidun used their poems to enlighten and edify the layman. As Bo Juyi points out in the concluding lines of his poem, Daozong’s poetry was not the enigmatic nature poetry of the Chan tradition, but a far more doctrinal poetry, concentrating more on religious tenets than aesthetics. It was similar to the verses of Xuanben. Like the sūtras and their commentaries, poetry can be utilized to save those who prefer literature to a sermon. In the concept of expedient means, if a poem can be a sermon, a mountain can be a pure land. For the aspiring Buddhist, Mount Wutai is a place of enlightenment—a daochang 道場, or bodhimaṇḍala. As we have seen with the wall-painting in Dunhuang cave 61, it serves as a visual aid to the attainment of enlightenment. The conjured temples and other magical images arising in the pilgrim’s mind lead him to nirvāṇa. When the monk Wuzhuo went to Mount Wutai, he encountered the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī at the Vajra Grotto, who recited a gāthā: If a man sits peacefully even for a moment, He creates as many seven-jeweled stūpas as the sands of the Ganges. The jeweled stūpas in the end will destroy the dust, A thought purifies the mind and one achieves perfect enlightenment. 若人靜坐一須臾，勝造恒沙七寶塔。寶塔畢竟壞微塵，一念淨心成正覺。27 These images are meditation aids, similar to the conjured temples. They allow the pilgrim to visit Mañjuśrī’s pure land, and, as Yanyi phrased it, cause the ordinary world to stop.28 Mount Wutai is a Buddhist cosmos in the poems and wall-painting. The numinous sites of the mountain, along with the human and divine figures, all exist outside the confines of ordi-

26 Bo Juyi, Bo Juyi ji, ed. Gu Xuejie, vol. 2, 470-471. 27 GQLZ, 1112b. 28 GQLZ, 1109a. 206 chapter eight nary time and space. The multiple worlds of medieval Chinese Buddhism, particularly those reflected in the cosmology of the Avataṃsaka sūtra, create a world without boundaries between “unreal” and “real,” or divine and profane. Although the beauty of the landscape aids in self-realization, Xiaofei Tian notes: “Indeed, without the right state of mind, the beauty of the landscape would not have been revealed to them.”29 This is essentially the teaching of the first chapter of the Vimalakīrti sūtra, which is featured over the doorway of Dunhuang cave 61. The pure land of Mañjuśrī is before one’s eyes, but if one’s mind is corrupt one will only see the most mundane layer of the world. Layer upon layer of myth, history and spiritual belief transform Mount Wutai and are reflected in the poems, which are the product not only of an individual mind and a Buddhist world view, but also of a culture which regards mountains as a path to the truth. From the peaks and terraces, the clouds serve as a vehicle to take one beyond the empyrean. “I clung to a floating cloud to ride aloft on” declared the poet of “Far- off Journey” from the Verses of Chu.30 “In the distance I see the transcendents on the colored clouds,” observed Li Bai in “A Song of Lu Mountain.” “The Holy Region of the Vajra Grotto” in chapter six, ends: “Limitless sages and worthies all dwell in this place,/Wandering beyond the clouds, good at moral cultivation.” The “Eulogy of Mount Wutai” of chapter four observed, “Each day he [Mañjuśrī] descends the mountain to receive offerings,/ When he leaves, he returns riding on a five-colored cloud.” On Mount Wutai, the cloud, long associated with immortality and transcendence, becomes five-colored, a manifestation of the mountain’s most important inhabitant: the Bodhisattva of Wisdom himself. It appears repeatedly throughout the Mount Wutai poems as an auspicious and sacred image that every pilgrim aspires to experience and ultimately go beyond.

29 Tian Xiaofei, “Seeing with the Mind’s Eye: The Eastern Jin Discourse of Visualiza- tion and Imagination,” Asia Major 18. 2 (2006): 67-102. 30 Qu Yuan, Songs of the South: An Ancient Chinese Anthology of Poems by Qu Yuan and Other Poets, trans. David Hawkes, 196. Qu Yuan, Qu Yuan ji jiaozhu, 695. bibliography 207

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INDEX

Amitābha 3, 13, 35, 88, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, Buddha Radiance Mountain 98 126, 127, 128, 136, 137, 138, 139, 141, 142, Buddha Radiance Temple 28, 32, 98, 99, 143, 144 100, 101, 125, 129, 140, 186, 187, 197 Amitābha sūtra 54, 122, 141, 142 Amitāyurdhyāna sūtra 177 Camel Precipice 71, 73, 74, 108, 109 Amoghavajra 34 Cave of the Seven Buddhas 95 Ānanda 42 Central Terrace 30, 31, 34, 60, 67, 69, 74, 75, Anavatapta Lake 39, 78, 79, 188, 189 76, 77, 78, 79, 94, 96, 98, 99, 101, 102, Ancient Great Faith Temple 99 104, 105, 124, 128, 130, 132, 148, 150, 153, An Lushan Rebellion 34, 124 159, 160, 161, 167, 182, 184, 187, 188, 189 Annotated Waterways Classic 29 Chang’an 30, 33, 34, 35, 50, 112, 121, 124, 143, Ansheng 151 155, 156, 176, 203, 204 Arhat Hall 94 Changyu 150, 183 Arhat Terrace 71, 72, 74, 107 Chan School 3, 22, 36 Arising Wind Grotto 69 Chengguan 29, 35, 40, 80 Aśoka 23, 31, 32, 47, 148, 167, 168, 169, 172, Chŏngsin 93 188 Chudda 200 Avalokiteśvara. See Guanyin Classic of Changes 4 Avataṃsaka School 3, 29, 33, 34, 35, 36, Classic of History 3, 4 149, 154, 185 Classic of Mountains and Seas 5 Avataṃsaka sūtra 29, 33, 35, 36, 38, 39, 40, Classic of Poetry 13, 14, 15, 198 41, 54, 61, 63, 64, 88, 95, 99, 105, 106, Clear and Cold Mountain 30, 31, 39, 63, 65, 118, 137, 151, 153, 154, 155, 156, 161, 167, 106, 111, 114 178, 204, 206 Cloister of the Bodhisattva Hall 150, 167 Avīci Hell 45 Cloister of the Teachings and Precepts of the Seven Buddhas 164 Bao’en sūtra 178 Bhadrapāla 42, 43, 45 Cloister of the Ten Thousand Bodhisattvas Bhaiṣajyaguru-vaiḍūrya-prabhāsa- 68 pūrvapraṇidhāna-viśeṣavistara sūtra Cloister of the True Countenance 36, 60, 178 70, 78, 150, 151 bianxian 195 cloud lantern(s) 100 Blessing and Sacred Temple 187 Coiled Dragon Temple 61, 157 bodhimaṇḍala 90, 196, 205 Confucius 4, 20 Bodhiruci 39 conjured temple(s) 67, 83, 102, 103, 105, Bodhisattva Temple 77 133, 159, 160, 161, 164, 171, 184, 197, 205 Bo Juyi 204 Buddha Radiance Temple 125 Brahmacārin Wang 22 Prajñā Temple 116 Brahman Transcendent Mountain 161 Temple of the Bamboo Grove 105, 126, Brahmaviśeṣacintīparipṛcchā sūtra 178 137, 140, 141 Bright Fruit Temple 51, 99 Temple of the Golden Pavilion 105, 183 Bright Moon Pool 157 Brocade Embroidery Peak 163 Daochuo 124 Buddhabhadra 39, 40 Daoxuan 28, 51, 67, 76, 100, 105 Buddhapāli 63, 89, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, Daoyi 34, 79, 102, 103, 105, 116, 117, 175, 183, 115, 118, 127, 128, 136, 139, 140, 165, 166, 184 167, 187, 188, 192, 197, 202 Daozong 204 220 index

Dark Learning 5, 6, 16, 21 Dunhuang literature (cont.) verse 16, 17, 53, 198 jiangjingwen 10 Degan 101 quzi 11 denggao shi 153 quzi ci 57 Devatā sūtra 178 śloka 11 dharmadhātu 152, 154 yazuowen 11 Dharma Flower Temple 187 yuanqi 11 Dharmakāra 122 zan 11, 12, 21, 23, 49, 87, 88, 89, 147 dharmakāya 100, 123, 139, 140, 157, 184, 185 Dunhuang manuscripts 10 Dharmarakṣa 8, 38 P. 2483 121 Dharmaratna 31 P. 3360 57, 58 Diamond sūtra 10, 68 P. 3645 110, 121, 128 Divine Tortoise 51, 52 P. 3849 13 Dizang 7 P. 3931 28, 169 Dragon Flower Tree 167, 168 P. 3973 28 Dragon Gate 77 P. 4504 147 Dragon Hall 60, 159, 162 P. 4617 147 Dragon Pool 108, 162 P. 4641 147 dragon(s) 77 P. 4648 28, 176 coiled dragons 59, 61, 155, 157, 189 S. 0370 121, 129 Dragon Assembly 79 S. 0397 28, 100 Dragon King 38, 60, 61, 159 S. 0467 57 Dragon King Sāgara 89, 106, 107, 159, S. 0797 9 185, 196 S. 2080 57 Dragon King’s daughter 38, 186 S. 2985 57 dragon mother 52, 53 S. 4012 57 dragon palace 161 S. 4172 9 dragon son 52 S. 4429 89 dragon spirits 51, 53, 66, 67, 72, 74, 92, 131, 132, 149, 159, 185 Eastern Terrace 61, 66, 67, 70, 88, 91, 92, 93, golden dragon in the clouds 183 99, 104, 130, 132, 148, 155, 157, 158, 182, poisonous dragons 60, 61, 74, 90, 91, 131 183, 188, 189, 190, 191 Du Fu 202 Emperor Chengzong (Yuan) 36 Dunhuang 8, 9 Emperor Daizong (Tang) 34, 35, 102, 124 and Mount Wutai 12 Emperor Dezong (Tang) 35, 135 bianxiang 178, 192, 193, 195 Emperor Gaozong (Tang) 33, 111, 112 history of 8 Emperor Ming (Eastern Han) 31, 163, 167, Mogao Grottos 8 168 Dunhuang caves Emperor Shun 3 cave 17 9 Emperor Suzong (Tang) 34 cave 61 12, 23, 107, 175, 176, 177, 180, 184, Emperor Taizong (Song) 36 186, 190, 192, 197, 198, 200, 201, 205, Emperor Taizong (Tang) 33, 35, 65, 97 206 Emperor Wen (Sui) 32 cave 172 177 Emperor Wu (Western Han) 8 Dunhuang literature Emperor Wu (Northern Zhou) 50 bianwen 10, 11, 193, 195, 201 Emperor Wuzong (Tang) 35, 36 changwen 10 Emperor Xiaowen (Northern Wei) 32, 75, daqu 58 98 Foqu 10, 11, 57, 58 Emperor Xuanzong (Tang) 34, 57, 65 gāthā 11 Emperor Yang (Sui) 33 ge 49 Emperor Yao 41 geci 87 Emperor Yingzong (Yuan) 36 index 221

Emperor Zhenzong (Song) 36 Golden River 77, 79 Emperor Zhongzong (Tang) 34 Golden Sand Bank 74, 77 Ennin 28, 35, 46, 47, 60, 62, 70, 74, 77, 80, Golden Sand Spring 77 81, 84, 95, 97, 98, 107, 112, 113, 118, 134, golden spire 149, 150, 183 136, 143, 150, 160, 164, 167, 175, 176, 179, golden terrace 23, 42, 147, 148, 201 190, 198, 201, 202 Golden Well 106 Nihonkoku jōwa gonen nyūtō gūhō Gṛdhrakūṭa 31 mokuroku 177 Great Avataṃsaka Temple 188 Nittō guhō junrei gyōki 28 Great Flower Ornament Temple 34, 35, 65, Qingliang shan luezhuan yi juan 177 68, 69, 100, 125, 127, 134, 150, 151 expedient means 13, 62, 66, 132, 133, 166, Great Flower Pool 39, 76, 77, 79, 160, 189 196, 204, 205 Great Goodness Promoting Temple 34 Great Pagoda Temple 32, 75 Faxian 8, 48 Great White Dagoba 36 Fayun 151 Grotto of the Holy Bell 84, 98 Fazang 29, 33, 34, 61, 64, 99, 101 Guang Qingliang zhuan 27, 30, 40, 41, 48, Fazhao 13, 35, 79, 96, 101, 105, 114, 116, 117, 49, 51, 54, 62, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 72, 76, 121, 124, 139, 140, 141, 143, 165, 171, 181, 77, 78, 80, 83, 101, 105, 107, 108, 109, 182, 183, 188, 197, 199 110, 115, 116, 117, 125, 135, 139, 140, 150, feng sacrifice 4 151, 157, 161, 163, 171, 187, 198 Final Dharma 2, 50, 122, 124, 133, 168 Guan Xiu 202 First Emperor of the Qin dynasty 32 Guanyin 7, 42, 185 five-colored cloud(s) 1, 75, 78, 80, 81, 101, Guo Pu 16 115, 117, 118, 125, 150, 161, 182, 206 Gu Qingliang zhuan 27, 29, 30, 32, 41, 47, Five Marchmonts 4, 6, 7, 18, 20, 21, 34 48, 52, 60, 61, 63, 67, 77, 83, 94, 98, 99, Flower Ornament Peak 73, 109 108, 110, 113, 152, 162, 164, 176, 183, 187, Flower Treasury World 151, 152 189 foguang 98, 129, 168, 182, 197 Gushe Mountain 5, 15 Footprints of the Lion 70, 79, 81, 161, 162, 182, 197 Haidong 40 Fragrant Mountain 39, 45, 47, 62, 78, 80, Hall of Mañjuśrī 183, 184 82, 113, 191 Hall of Rāhula’s Footprint 169 Fusang tree 66 Hall of the Great Sage 59, 60, 184, 185, 199 Hall of the Poisonous Dragons 185 Gaṇḍavyūha sūtra 35, 38, 155, 178 Hanging Moon Peak 162 Gandhamādana 39, 47, 62, 80 Hanshan 22, 53 gandoderma 17 Heavenly Well 73, 110 Ganges 130, 132, 203, 205 Hiraṇyavatī River 77 ganying 171 holy bell(s) 84, 97, 98, 163 Gaoseng zhuan 29 holy lamp(s) 1, 47, 65, 95, 96, 127, 135, 136, gāthā 22, 116, 183, 201, 205 170, 171, 192, 197 Gayāśīrṣa sūtra 38 Holy Mound of the Dragon Palace 53 Ge Hong 6 holy Vajra 97, 187 Godaisan 94 Huixiang. See Gu Qingliang zhuan gold-colored world 2, 48, 147, 150, 151, 152, Huiyuan 6, 19, 123, 124 171, 183 Hyo-myŏng 93 golden bell 183 Hyoso 93 golden bridge 78, 79, 82, 84, 102, 117, 126, 136, 163, 183, 184, 192, 197 Ilyŏn 93 golden Buddha head 183 Golden Flower Temple 69 Jade Flower Pool 74, 76, 104, 105, 159, 160, golden grotto 171 189 222 index

Jade Flower Spring 130 Mañjuśrī (cont.) Jade Flower Temple 76, 105, 160, 189 encounter with Fazhao 126, 127 Jambūdvīpa 72, 77, 143, 167 encounter with Jietuo 99 Jambū River 77 encounter with Lingxiu 72 Jetavana 41, 42, 91, 105, 114, 181 encounter with Vimalakīrti 81 Jianglong 94 encounter with Wuzhuo 69, 115 Jiaofang ji 57 image of vaiḍūrya 44 Jiaoran 22 on Snow Mountain 39, 43 Jietuo 89, 98, 99, 100, 101, 186 parinirvāṇa 39 Jin Guangzhao 68, 104, 162, 181, 183 symbol of prajñā 37, 117 Joined to the Dipper Peak 158 true countenance 65, 70, 149, 150, 159, Jōjin 28, 78 169, 183, 184, 196 Jueyi 102 Mañjuśrī-dharma-ratnagarbha-dhāraṇī sūtra 39, 40, 41 Kangxi emperor (Qing) 37 Mañjuśrī-parinirvāṇa sūtra 38, 39, 41, 45, Kāśyapa 113, 114, 190 62, 65, 71, 80, 117, 148, 156, 181, 185 Kāśyapa Mātaṅga 31 Mañjuśrī-ratnagarbha-dhāraṇī sūtra 183 King Mu (Zhou) 31 Mañjuśrī Temple 60 Kṣitigarbha 7 Māra 134, 137 Kubilai Khan 36 Maudgalyāyana 32, 41, 149, 195, 199 Kumārajīva 39, 62, 122, 201 mixing 170 Mount Emei 7, 40, 195 Laṅkāvatāra sūtra 178 Mount Heng (Northern Marchmont) 4, 30 Li Bai 20, 202, 206 Mount Heng (Southern Marchmont) 4, “A Dream Visit to Tianmu” 21 125, 143 “A Song of Lu Mountain for Censor Lu Mount Hua (Western Marchmont) 4 Xuzhou” 20 Mount Jiuhua 7, 195 “Song to Sangha” 203 Liezi 31 Mount Kunlun 5, 15, 91 Liu Xie 87 Mount Lu 6, 19, 20, 123 Living Hell 72, 74, 107, 108 Mount Putuo 7, 40, 195 Lokakṣema 38 Mount Song (Central Marchmont) 4, 164 Lotus sūtra 10, 38, 54, 88, 99, 106, 107, 149, Mount Sumeru 13, 82, 105, 155 159, 165, 166, 168, 170, 178, 186 Mount Tai (Eastern Marchmont) 4, 14, 20, Luoyang 31, 32, 34, 50 164 Luoyang qielan ji 167 Mount Tianmu 20 Luo Zhenyu 9, 147 Mount Tiantai 17, 18, 20, 28 Lu Yu 22 Mysterious Woman Cliff 104, 162, 183

Mahācīna 40 Nai River 71, 74, 103 Maitreya 42, 168 Nanda 126, 128, 137, 140 Maitreya sūtra 178 Nārāyaṇa Buddha 61, 70, 157 Mañjuśrī Nārāyaṇa Grotto 61, 66, 67, 70, 84, 104, 109, and the number five 40 114, 155, 188, 189 as Supreme Tathāgata King of the nianfo 124, 126, 137, 139, 141, 142, 143 Dragon Kind 61, 62, 91 Nie Daozhen 38, 39 as the Great Sage 59 nimbus 43, 78, 80, 155, 156, 170, 181, 182 as the Wonderfully Bright Bodhisattva ninefold Heaven 1, 20, 159, 160, 161 38 Nine Springs Mountain 69 birth of 43 nirmāṇakāya 2, 46, 185 encounter with Buddhapāli 110 Nirvāṇa sūtra 77 encounter with Daoyi 102 Northern Dipper 66 index 223

Northern Terrace 60, 61, 71, 72, 73, 74, 92, Ruan Ji 16, 198 100, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 130, 131, 132, Ryūkyū Islands 91, 181 133, 158, 159, 179, 183, 185, 189 numinous traces 2, 52, 54, 58, 61, 62, 67, 72, Sahā Temple 50, 53 74, 76, 77, 80, 81, 82, 84, 89, 104, 107, sahā world 123, 137 111, 114, 122, 148, 161, 162, 164, 176, 177, Śākyamitra 63, 64 182, 189, 191 Śākyamuni Buddha 13, 21, 31, 36, 37, 39, 40, Numinous Vulture Peak 31, 32, 167 47, 62, 70, 77, 79, 91, 114, 117, 122, 138, 142, 148, 149, 153, 164, 165, 167, 168, 170, Ocean Gazing Peak 67 181, 184, 190 Ocean Gazing Temple 157 Samādhi, goddess 73, 89, 108, 109, 117, 137 Oldenburg, Sergei 9 Samantabhadra 7, 23, 37, 82, 104, 125, 126, Ōtani, Kōzui 9 127, 129, 132, 153, 154, 155, 183, 184, 185, 192, 193 Palace of the Dragon King 60, 72, 73, 84, Samguk yusa 93 106, 158, 159, 185 Sangha 202 Pañcaśikha 40 Śāriputra 41, 42, 45, 100, 155, 190, 195 Pavilion of the Good Life 65 Sengming 50, 53, 196 Pavilion of the Great Sage Mañjuśrī to Seven Buddhas 95, 163, 164, 168, 184 Protect the Nation 34 Seven Buddha Valley 164 Pelliot, Paul 9 Shandao 124 Penglai 16, 17, 18, 163, 164 shanshui shi 16 Piṇḍola 34 Shenzhou 48 Poch’ŏn 93 Shuowen jiezi 3 Pool of Eight Virtues 79, 81, 162 Śiksānanda 33, 39, 40, 61 prajñā 37, 52, 116, 117 Silk Road 8 Prajñā Cloister 68, 126 Silla kingdom 93 Prajñā School 21 Silla prince 89, 93, 94, 188 pratyutpanna-samādhi 143 Sima Qian 4 Pratyutpanna-samādhi sūtra 123, 143 Song gaoseng zhuan 29, 110, 148 Preach-the-Dharma Terrace 69 Southern Terrace 41, 46, 47, 51, 52, 53, 80, Puhua 28, 65, 76, 81, 94, 169 82, 83, 84, 95, 96, 97, 98, 112, 130, 132, Pure Land 128, 139, 142, 177 136, 163, 164, 179, 181, 182, 183, 184, 187, Pure Land School 6, 35, 36, 54, 121, 122, 123, 188 141 Stein, Aurel 9 Purple Palace Mountain 29, 30, 196 Stone Fissure 51, 52 Puxian. See Samantabhadra stotra 49 stūpa(s) 33, 45, 136, 149, 150, 181, 183 Qianlong emperor (Qing) 37 Aśoka 31, 32, 47, 167, 188 Qingliang shan zhi 29, 35, 36, 53, 61, 67, 74, Jianglong 94 76, 77, 95, 98, 108, 109, 148, 158, 160, Silla prince 94 162, 163, 164, 169, 202 Sudāna 38, 126, 137, 140, 153, 155 Quan Tang shi 202 Sukhāvatī 122, 126 Qu Yuan 15 Sukhāvatīvyūha sūtra. See Wuliangshou jing Rāhula 23, 65, 148, 169, 170, 172 Sun Chuo 17, 21 Rāhula Temple 169 śūraṅgama samādhi 43, 45 Rama Śrīnivāsa. See Puhua Śūraṅgama-samādhi sūtra 44, 62, 92, 186 Ratnakāraṇḍavyūha sūtra 38 Reisen 202 Taiyuan 27, 33, 97, 157, 176, 179 Rock of the Conversation of the Two Sages Taiyuan Temple 33 81 Tanluan 124, 142 224 index

Temple of the Bamboo Grove 35, 79, 105, Verses of Chu 5, 15, 18, 53, 67, 206 112, 124, 125, 126, 128, 133, 137, 140, 141, Vimalakīrti 38, 81, 82, 103, 104, 117, 130, 162, 143, 188, 199 189, 190, 192, 197 Temple of the Clear and Cold 32, 34, 64, Vimalakīrti’s ten foot square hut 132, 191 101, 102, 183, 186, 187 Vimalakīrti sūtra 38, 81, 82, 100, 103, 123, Temple of the Golden Pavilion 34, 79, 80, 155, 178, 190, 191, 201, 206 102, 105, 183, 197 Vulture Peak 13, 31, 65, 106, 151 Temple of the Golden Realm 183 Temple of the Great Faith of the Wang Fanzhi 22 Numinous Vulture 31, 32, 33, 60, 76, Wang Guowei 9 150, 151, 163, 167 Wang Jin 102 Temple of the Numinous Region 84, 97, Wang Renjun 9 98, 186, 187 Wang Wei 20, 53, 102 Temple of the Prince 94 Wang Yuanlu 9 Temple of the Vajra Prajñā 127 Wanli emperor (Ming) 36 Temple of Western Brightness 112 Wenshu shili wen pusa shu jing 38 Terrace of the Transformations of Wenxin diaolong 87 Mañjuśrī 151, 161 Western Region 31, 47, 59, 63, 64, 111, 112, Thousand Autumn Festival 65 113, 151, 161, 165, 187, 188 Thousand-Year-Old Ice Grotto 75, 77 Western Terrace 62, 68, 70, 72, 78, 79, 80, Tiantai School 3, 18, 28, 54, 170 81, 82, 91, 103, 104, 130, 132, 148, 160, Transcendent Flower Mountain 53, 83, 163 161, 162, 179, 181, 182, 183, 184, 187, 188, Transcendent Palm 69 190, 191, 198 White Horse Temple 31, 167 transcendent(s) 5, 6, 20, 30, 51, 161, 165 White Water Pool 73, 110 in Verses of Chu 15 wuhui nianfo 124 in Zhuangzi 5 Wuliangshou jing 122, 129, 136, 141, 178 on Mount Lu 6 Wuran 117, 148, 160, 161 on Mount Tianmu 21 Wu Zetian 33, 89 on Mount Tiantai 18 Wuzhuo 68, 115, 126, 166, 171, 181, 205 on Penglai 17 on Purple Palace Mountain 29 Xie Lingyun 19, 20, 21 on the Five Marchmonts 20 Xi Kang 16 Xuanben 23, 147, 198, 201 uṣṇīṣa 169 Xuanzang 8 Uṣṇīṣavijayā-dhāraṇī sūtra 110, 111, 112, 113, Xu gaoseng zhuan 29, 50 136 Xu Qingliang zhuan 27, 48, 79, 100, 148, 169, 182, 197, 199 vaiḍūrya 42, 44, 67, 77, 104, 115, 116, 126, 128, 181, 183 Yanyi. See Guang Qingliang zhuan land of 91 Yao Xiaoxi 48 Realm of Blue Vaiḍūrya 181 Yingzhou 164 Vairocana 151, 152, 154, 156, 157 Vaiśravaṇa 185 zan 87 Vajra bodhisattvas 97, 187 Zhang Qian 48 Vajra Grotto 23, 69, 70, 73, 84, 96, 106, 109, Zhang Shangying. See Xu Qingliang zhuan 110, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 126, 127, 129, Zhencheng. See Qingliang shan zhi 130, 148, 165, 167, 170, 171, 183, 188, 189, Zhensu 202 197, 202, 205, 206 Zhidun 21, 49, 50, 53, 202, 205 Vajrapāṇi 187 Zhiyi 18 Vajra-prajñā sūtra 127 Zhuangzi 5 Vajra waters 130, 132 Zhu Bian 27 Valley of the Holy Bell 98 Zongmi 36