Black Church Politics and the Million Man March William E
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Trotter Review Volume 10 Issue 2 The Black Church: Facing and Responding to Article 4 Social, Economic, and Political Challenges 6-21-1997 Black Church Politics and the Million Man March William E. Nelson Jr. Ohio State University - Main Campus Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.umb.edu/trotter_review Part of the African American Studies Commons, Christian Denominations and Sects Commons, Church History Commons, Cultural History Commons, Social History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Nelson, William E. Jr. (1996) "Black Church Politics and the Million Man March," Trotter Review: Vol. 10: Iss. 2, Article 4. Available at: http://scholarworks.umb.edu/trotter_review/vol10/iss2/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the William Monroe Trotter Institute at ScholarWorks at UMass Boston. It has been accepted for inclusion in Trotter Review by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at UMass Boston. For more information, please contact [email protected]. America and the deterioration of the social, cultural, and Black Church Politics moral fabric of the Black community, Black men came to Washington, in the words of the march's mission and the statement, "Committed to the ongoing struggle for a free and empowered community, a just society and a better Million Man March world." 6 Defining ingredients of the march's political agenda included challenges to the government to stop the by William E. Nelson, Jr. brutal assault against affirmative action, establish programs to provide affordable health care and housing, October 16, 1995 will be recorded as one of the most and pass legislation creating an economic bill of rights important days in the political history of African and a plan to rebuild America's declining cities. 7 One Americans in the United States. This day witnessed the aspect of this political agenda also sought to repair the largest mass political demonstration in the history of this negative, stereotypical image of Black men manufactured nation—the assemblage of more than 1 .2 million African- by the American media. Worldwide publicity surrounding American men in Washington, D.C. under the banner of the lives of Black men like Willie Horton, Mike Tyson, 1 the Million Man March. Both the size and the overt and O.J. Simpson stamped all Black men in America with political objectives of the march set it firmly apart from a demonized personality, and placed Black men on a war- the pallid, feeble demonstrations in Washington led by the like footing with white America: NAACP in the 1980s; in its size and character, the march echoed the focus on power and system level change that The emancipation of black men has been emerged as the hallmark of the 1960s Civil Rights abandoned. The communications with black Movement and the national mobilization against the war men have been cut off, which is what happens in Vietnam. when you're on a war footing with the enemy. One key political objective of the march was to place Talks break down and hostility begins. Their the issue of Black suffering back on the national policy books are seldom used in college courses agenda. 2 Since the Republican triumph in the November anymore. A variety of viewpoints from black 1994 midterm elections and the publicizing of the party's men are ignored by the white male-run media "Contract With America," the continuing and expanding who prefer athletes and criminals, and other social and economic crisis of the Black community had dopey people and use black and white virtually disappeared as an arena of public policy debate. feminists to blame all the social evils of society Republican political rhetoric papered over the most vital on black men, while theirs go unchecked. 8 dimensions of the crisis in international capitalism and blamed Black inner city victims for domestic economic To combat these negative stereotypes, and establish an woes that threatened to produce record deficits, massive enduring base of functional power for the entire Black unemployment, and uncontrolled inflation. 3 Absent from community, the leaders of the march realized that the the analysis was a realistic appraisal of Black social and march must be well organized and coordinated, economic decline: a poverty rate of over 40 percent; extraordinarily peaceful, and sufficiently inclusive to unemployment rates that averaged two times that of embrace the entire panoply of political interests in the whites; health and housing standards matching those of Black community. In this regard it should be noted that city dwellers in some of the world's poorest countries; the march was successful in drawing representation from median family incomes averaging 58 percent of white virtually every sector of the Black community. One study median family incomes. Statistics regarding the social and conducted by a research team from Central State economic status of Black men suggested that they were University found that the occupations of the marchers the special victims of American racial oppression. ranged from business owners to a wide variety of Environmental circumstances rendered the lives of young unskilled workers, paraprofessionals, professionals and Black men extremely perilous; homicide had become one skilled tradesmen. 9 The heavy representation of middle- of the leading causes of death among young Black men, class Black men at the march suggests that a broad with 72 Black men per 100,000 falling victim to homicide reservoir of racial consciousness continues to exist among 4 10 compared to 9.3 white men per 100,000. Aggressive law this important segment of the Black population. enforcement and prison building policies meant the The policy goals of the march contained a pronounced incarceration of young Black men in unprecedented political slant. Organizers of the march expressed the numbers, leaving a vacuum of political and family desire to see the mass mobilization in Washington result leadership that had a devastating impact on the sustained in highly successful voter education, registration, and growth potential of the Black community. 5 turnout campaigns in cities, towns, and hamlets across The Million Man March was, in part, Black America's America. Relying heavily on the concepts of Black response to these developments. Black men descended on nationalism and self-determination, march leaders sought Washington determined to bring the spiral of social and to establish grassroots networks in local communities economic erosion in the Black community to a halt. capable of creating permanent bases of functional power Expressing extreme concern for increasing racism in for the Black community in local, state, and national 10 political and governmental arenas. Thus, the Million Man Hycel Taylor ol Iwanston. Illinois and later reinforced by March was viewed as more than a one-day demonstration, conversations between Minister Farrakhan and Reverend but the pivotal foundation for a wider movement that James Bevel, a protege of Dr. Martin Luther King during would substantially transform the distribution of societal the heyday of Southern Christian Leadership Conference benefits and the workings of the governmental order." (SCLC). Eventually this idea crystallized into the concept of the Million Man March. Minister Farrakhan teamed Strategic Mobilization with Dr. Benjamin Chavis, former executive director of No project of the magnitude and ambition of the the National Association for the Advancement of Colored Million Man March could possibly succeed without People (NAACP) and director of the National African effective strategic plans for large scale mobilization. American Leadership Committee, to transform plans for Formal planning for the march began to unfold with the the march into a program of action. A formal call for the recognition of Minister Louis Farrakhan, head of the march was made at a summit meeting of Black leaders in Nation of Islam, as the leader and guiding spirit of the Washington, D.C. in November 1994. Under the guidance march. Minister Farrakhan's assumption of this role, while of Minister Farrakhan, a massive mobilization campaign controversial, was a logical extension of a political career was launched by the Nation of Islam. Across the country that has seen him emerge as one of the best known and Minister Farrakhan began holding huge rallies for Black most popular political figures in Black America. Minister men only. The enthusiastic response to the meetings by a Farrakhan is not a newcomer to the American political cross-section of the Black male population convinced scene. He first rose to prominence as a devout follower of Minister Farrakhan that the Million Man March in the Nation of Islam leader Elijah Muhammed, who took the nation's capital was very much within the realm of lead in denouncing Malcolm X as a traitor "worthy of possibility. death" when Malcolm broke from the ranks of the Nation Minister Farrakhan's efforts alone would not, of of Islam to form a new organization, the Muslim Mosque, course, be enough to assure the success of the march. The Inc. 12 Upon the death of Elijah Muhammed, Farrakhan pivotal key to the march's success would be the emerged as a major victor in a battle waged with Elijah generation of enthusiastic support for the march by Muhammed's son, Wallace Deen Muhammed, over the masses of Black men across the country. The process of resources and the political image of the Nation of Islam. grassroots mobilization was promoted at two levels. First, Clinging tightly to the mantel of Elijah Muhammed, a National Million Man March Organizing Committee Farrakhan rose to the summit of leadership within the was formed, composed of representatives of a wide Nation of Islam and ultimately within Black America as a assortment of national organizations, as well as whole. A critical step in this journey was the highly visible community activists and scholars.