DOCSLIB.ORG

Slavery, Segregation, and the African American Quest For

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Slavery, Segregation, and the African American Quest For THE END OF RACE AS WE KNO\V IT: SLAVERY, SEGREGATION, AND THE AFRICAN AMERICAN QUEST FOR REDRESS By Paul Anthony Dottin A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of The Dorothy F. Schmidt College of Arts and Letters In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Florida Atlantic University Boca Raton, Florida December 2002 Copyright by Paul Anthony Dottin 2002 11 Tiffi END OF RACE AS WE KNOW IT: SLAVERY, SEGREGATION, AND THE AFRICAN AMERICAN QUEST FOR REDRESS by Paul Anthony Dottin This dissertation was p1epared under the direction ofthe candidate's dissertation advisor, Dr. Stanford M. Lyman, Robert J. Morrow Eminent Scholar and Professor of Social Science, and has been approved by the members of his supervisory committee. It was submitted to the faculty of the Dorothy F. Schmidt College of Arts and Letters and was accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. ,,,,~,....... Date lll ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I thank Dr. Stanford M. Lyman, chair of my doctoral committee, for his inspired stewardship of this study. His exceptional erudition, intellectual openness, exemplary mentorship, and enthusiastic :friendship helped tum my dream into a dissertation. I thank fellow doctoral committee members Dr. Nannetta Durnell-Uwechuwe and Dr. Stephen D. Engle for their respective expertise in the areas of communications and history. Their emphasis on both disciplinary rigor and interdisciplinary innovation helped forge the unique insights of this dissertation. I thank the Florida Atlantic University Foundation for their generous research assistantship. This funding enabled me to concentrate fully on my research. I thank Dawn M. Smith, Associate Librarian and Head of Reference and Government Documents, and Steven C. Matthew, Audio-Visual Specialist and Head of the Media Center at Florida Atlantic University for the professional dedication and unending patience they gave me in support of my undergraduate teaching and doctoral research. I also wish to thank Phyllis Bischof, Librarian of African and African American Collections at U. C. Berkeley for providing my initial grasp of the field of comparative slavery. I thank my late grandfather, Mitchell Livingstone Thorpe, for his moral rectitude and emphasis on excellence. He taught me the power of a principled mind. IV I thank my mother, Maurelle Dottin, for her compassion and emphasis of education. She taught me the value of knowledge and showed me how to share it. I thank her for teaching me how to read before entering school and beginning my life­ long love affair with learning with a set of encyclopedia I thank my father, Claude Dottin, for his charisma. He showed me the power of passion and taught me to express my opinions powerfully and persuasively. I thank my wife, Cardum Stacey Dottin, for her endless endurance. She taught me that capacity equals commitment every long day I labored on this study. Truly she is the most spiritually enlightened and enabling person I know. I thank my brother, Charles Dottin, for his entrepreneurial spirit. He taught me that initiative achieves the incredible. I thank my brother, Michael Dottin, for his mass media insights and advice. He taught me grace under the glare of studio lights. I thank my uncle, Dr. Trevor Anthony Thorpe, for his intellectual example. He is the earliest embodiment of science I knew. I thank my brother-in-law, Ya-Sin Norrise, for always lending me logistical support when I was so far away from home. I thank Ms. Stefanie Gapinski, Coordinator of Public Functions of the Dorothy F. Schmidt College of Arts and Letters at Florida Atlantic University, for her warm-hearted friendship. Her philanthropic work and selfless support of the students of the Public Intellectuals Program is limitless and legendary. I am a better person having witnessed and benefited from her quiet quest to make the world a better place to live. v I thank Mrs. Shelley Anisman, Executive Secretary of the Dean's Office, for being a quintessential lady. Her voice was the first great impression I had of Florida Atlantic University. I thank Paul Mocombe, a brilliant doctoral student in the Public Intellectuals Program, and for his steadfast fellowship and brotherhood. I like to thank fellow graduate students Holly Larson, Natalia Giannini, Caren Neile and Lynn Bentley-Kemp for every kindness they showed me. They are the huge humble hearts of the Program. Finally, I thank Tracy Hayes, Kurt Carrington, Eric Escobar, Julio Cavero and Ronald Antonin for being such good friends to their most preoccupied buddy. I promise to be a better one in the future. VI ABSTRACT Author: Paul Anthony Dottin Title: The End of Race As We Know It: Slavery, Segregation, and The African American Quest For Redress Institution: Florida Atlantic University Dissertation Advisor: Dr. Stanford M. Lyman Degree: Doctor of Philosophy Year: 2002 This is a study of one of the most controversial public matters concerning race in America today: the African American reparations movement for slavery and segregation. This issue is hotly contested because racial identity and the relative status and well-being of ethnic groups in America, a configuration I refer to as "race as we know it," is inextricably linked to matters of prejudice, pride, property, and public policy both presently and historically. Any substantial shift in the relative position of blacks and whites, America's most iconically opposed groups, promises to alter fundamental dynamics between these two populations, effectively ending "race as we know it," if not racism and racial hierarchy per se. Randall Robinson, author of The Debt, the most important work advocating reparations for African Americans, sees reparations as the means by which to break the historical "habit" of American society of locking most blacks and whites into positions of inferiority and superiority respectively. David Horowitz, author of VII 'U_ncivil Wars, the most famous refutation of Robinson's argument, sees reparations as an all-out attack on America's "heritage" of racial progress because it threatens today's allegedly "color-blind consensus" with "reverse-racism." So put, these opposed positions express the fundamental fears of many whites and the highest hopes of many blacks. Hence, the conflict over reparations, a struggle over the economics and ethics of equality, is simultaneously and inseparably no less a struggle over the future of race in America. With the societal stake so high, the present study constitutes a much-needed critical scholarly attempt to "save" this public matter from the ideological excesses of these powerfully opposed manifestos. This study will analyze their respective arguments by using a multidisciplinary and comparative framework employing data, concepts, and theories from the disciplines of anthropology, economics, cultural studies, history, political science, and sociology. Its comparative orientation juxtaposes different forms of human bondage, class composition, racial identity and community formation, and political movements. A critical analysis of primary and secondary sources using qualitative and quantitative methods will also be employed. Vlll CONTENTS Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION.. 1 2. RACE AS WE KNOW IT IN BLACK AND WHITE . 7 The New Nadir The Limits and Limiting ofAffirmative Action The Institutional Incorporation ofBlack Politics Black Reparations as an Emergent Formation Early £mergences ofBlack Reparations .Modern £mergences ofBlack Reparations Randall Robinson and the Politics ofReparations 3. THE HYDRA OF HOROWITZI~""J HISTORY: THE MOBILIZATION OF SCHOLARSHIP AGAINST BLACK REPARATIONS........................................... 46 First Head: African Enslavement ofAfricans Second Head: Arab Enslavement ofBlack Africans Third Head: White Abolitionism Fourth Head: White Slavery Fifth Head: Non-Slave Owning Whites Sixth Head: Free Blacks Seventh Head: Black Slave Owners Eighth Head: Slavery's Class Legacy 4. RANDALL ROBINSON AND THE END OF RACE AS WE KNOW IT. 135 Social Movement Frame Analysis Micromobilization and The Debt 5. CONCLUSION . 148 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY................................ 150 lX To my wife, Cardurn, and my mother, Maurelle INTRODUCTION Now one of the chief errors of thought is to continue to think in one set of forms categories, ideas, etc., when the object, the content, has moved on, has created or laid premises for an extension, a development of thought. C. L. R. James, Notes on Dialectics This is a study of one of the most controversial public matters concerning race in America today: the African American reparations movement for slavery and segregation. This issue is hotly contested because racial identity and the relative status and well-being of ethno-racial groups in America, a configuration I refer to as "race as we know it," is inextricably linked to matters of prejudice, pride, property, and public policy both presently and historically. Any substantial shift in the relative group position of blacks and whites promises to alter the internal dynamics and external relations between these two populations, effectively ending "race as we know it," if not racism and racial hierarchy per se. In addition to the economic redress aspect of the movement, black reparationism is simultaneously what sociologists Michael Omi and Howard Winant would refer to as a racial reformation project that, if successful, could drastically, if not completely, change the historico-economic foundations of"race as we know it." Omi and Winant's theory
Load more

Recommended publications
  • O N E Man's March
    black politics once again gained the initiative, which Negro race in America and the world ... either a lunatic they managed to retain for decades, even afler the black or a traitor." A. Philip Randolph's Messenger described nationalist revival of the late 1960s. Only now, after Garvey as "the supreme Jamaican jackass," "an unques- twenty years of aimlessness and defeat, do those ctirrents tioned fool and ignoramus." By contrast, many of today's find themselves cut off from much of their supposed wotild-he Du Boist's and Randolphs have either deluded constituency, giving Farrakhan his golden opporttinity. themselves about Farrakhan, concluded that they can Bringing htmdreds of thotisands of black men to Wash- manipulate him, or (at least temporarily) lost their nerve. ington does not, on its own, mean that Farrakhan's neo- Some of them marched; others came up with exctises for (iarvcyisin will stistain a mass movement. The throngs on not marching; still others stayed silent. If the march's the Mall displayed little immediate interest in Joining tlu; newfangled Garveyism was a piece of old historical news, Nation of Islam; it remains tinclear how much of Far- the complicity of so many veteran black democrats and rakhan's message they acttially botight. Still, history integrationists marked a genuine rupture with the past. offers little comfort to those saddened by Farrakhan's There were, of course, some notable dissenters: female sudden success. In the 1920s, American liberalism was at leaders like Mary Frances Berry, along with the black low ebb, btit there were at least some signs of revival, like feminists and gays, some of whom excoriated Farrakhan Robert La Follette's Progressive Movement; and, even so, for his views on race as well as on gender; intellectuals it would take decades tor the libetal departtires that like Stanley Crouch (who, sounding like a reborn Ran- began with the New Deal to embrace fully the black strug- dolph, denounced the march as an effort led by "a racist, gle for ci\il rights and economic improvement.
    [Show full text]
  • Presidential Documents
    Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Monday, July 13, 1998 Volume 34ÐNumber 28 Pages 1311±1361 1 VerDate 25-JUN-98 07:34 Jul 15, 1998 Jkt 010199 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 1249 Sfmt 1249 W:\DISC\P28JY4.000 INET01 PsN: INET01 Contents Addresses and Remarks Interviews With the News Media China, business community in the Hong Kong Exchange with reporters in the Rose Special Administrative RegionÐ1312 GardenÐ1328 Compliance with the Health Insurance News conference in the Hong Kong Special Portability and Accountability Act, Administrative Region, China, July 3 (No. memorandum signingÐ1331 162)Ð1317 Congressional Medal of Honor, presentationÐ1354 Joint Statements Florida, firefighters and relief workers in Daytona BeachÐ1351 Joint Statement on South AsiaÐ1311 Georgia Joint Statement on U.S.-Polish RelationsÐ Democratic Senatorial Campaign 1356 Committee luncheon in AtlantaÐ1347 National youth antidrug media campaign in Meetings With Foreign Leaders AtlantaÐ1344 China, President JiangÐ1311 Gun safety and responsibilityÐ1334 Poland, Prime Minister BuzekÐ1356 Medicare and the legislative agendaÐ1328 ``Presidential Dialogue on Race'' on PBSÐ Statements by the President 1336 Radio addressÐ1327 Death of M.K.O. Abiola of NigeriaÐ1334 Senate action Communications to Congress Higher education reauthorization Emigration policies of certain former Eastern legislationÐ1356 bloc states, letter transmitting reportÐ1354 India-Pakistan sanctions legislationÐ1354 Libya, continuation of national emergency, Internal Revenue Service reform letter reportingÐ1330
    [Show full text]
  • Million Man March" (16 October 1995) Jill M
    Hollins University Hollins Digital Commons Communication Studies Faculty Scholarship Communication Studies 2007 Minister Louis Farrakhan, "Million Man March" (16 October 1995) Jill M. Weber Hollins University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.hollins.edu/commfac Part of the Gender, Race, Sexuality, and Ethnicity in Communication Commons, and the Speech and Rhetorical Studies Commons Recommended Citation Weber, Jill M. "Minister Louis Farrakhan, 'Million Man March' (16 October 1995)." Voices of Democracy 2 (2007): 170-188. Hollins Digital Commons. Web. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Communication Studies at Hollins Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Communication Studies Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Hollins Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Voices of Democracy 2 (2007): 170‐188 Weber 170 MINISTER LOUIS FARRAKHAN, "MILLION MAN MARCH" (16 OCTOBER 1995) Jill M. Weber The Pennsylvania State University On October 16, 1995, an estimated 837,000 black men traveled to Washington, D.C., to attend the "Million Man March," a political protest organized to promote change within the black community.1 The march's messages of hope, self‐improvement, and commitment to family generated support from many Americans. According to an ABC News/Washington Post poll, 76 percent of all respondents said that they supported the demonstration and about 84 percent of the blacks surveyed "said they think it's a good idea."2 The same respondents answered less positively when asked about the protest's controversial leader, Minister Louis Farrakhan.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction
    Notes Introduction 1. See, e.g., Jones, The Black Panther Party Reconsidered; Cleaver and Katsiaficas, Liberation, Imagination, and the Black Panther Party; and Brown, Fighting for US, The Black Power Movement. 2. See, e.g., Henderson, “War, Political Cycles, and the Pendulum Thesis,” 337–74. 3. Dawson, Black Visions; Brown and Shaw, “Separate Nations,” 22–44; and Davis and Brown, “The Antipathy of Black Nationalism,” 239–52. 4. The use of the term “gender power” here is inspired by Anne McClintock’s use of the term, as well as her discussion of nationalism in Imperial Leather. See McClintock, “No Longer in a Future Heaven,” 352–89. 5. Glaude, Is It Nation Time?, 2. 6. Adeleke, UnAfrican Americans. 7. Robinson, Black Nationalism in American Politics and Thought. Robinson argues that gender is important, but is a part of all nation- alisms, and, therefore, cannot be seen as that which makes Black nation- alism distinct; for Robinson, the defining characteristic of Black nationalism is its mutually constitutive relationship to White American nationalism, “its apparent inability to diverge from what could be con- sidered the ‘normal’ politics of its day” (1). This argument is incomplete, however. Race, class, and gender have always been part of the warp and woof of U.S. politics. To the extent that Black nationalism is a derivative discourse, race, class, and gender politics, too, have marked it. This argu- ment may seem merely tautological, but is significant because it speaks to the important conceptual and analytical shift that is afforded with the adoption of a Black feminist perspective.
    [Show full text]
  • Browse the Africana Collection
    Africana Collection ˜ ° ˛ ˝ ˙ ˜ ˆ ° ˇ ˙ ˘ ° ˘ ˘ ˝ ˇ ˜ S P E C I A L C O L L E C T I O N S R E S E A R C H C E N T E R Sunday School, St. Mary 's Church, 1907. From the Foggy Bottom Collection. A Guide to Africana Resources in the Special Collections Research Center Special Collections Research Center Gelman Library, Suite 704 Phone: 202-994-7549 Email: [email protected] http://www.gelman.gwu.edu/collections/SCRC This and other bibliographies can be accessed online at http://www.gelman.gwu.edu/collections/SCRC/research-tools/bibliographies-1 AFRICANA 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY ............................................................. 3 ART & MUSIC ...................................................................................................... 4 BLACK ELITE ........................................................................................................ 5 CIVIL RIGHTS ...................................................................................................... 6 EDUCATION ....................................................................................................... 7 EMPLOYMENT .................................................................................................. 11 FEDERAL GOVERNMENT ................................................................................. 14 FOGGY BOTTOM /GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY ............................ 15 GENEALOGY .................................................................................................... 16 GENERAL
    [Show full text]
  • Pro-Line Is the Nation's Stantly Protect Democracy
    Carpenter elected president United WASHINGTON, D C . 'Zeta 70.000 members Negro Fund located in 6(X College surpasses Phi \U M J goal Beta Sorority Inc. has elected MCCOI.LI M UNCF as its chapters throughout the Unilee Special to the NNPA trum The Philudel president and CHO Gray said this is even more 21st international president States, William H. III Dr. Barbara West Africa, Germany, Italy phu Tribune Gray said the attractive at a time when the Carpenter, who Korea and the increase in is due to the is is a and Caribbean. "Dur¬ funding nation debating the validity professor director for the / public's realization that tradi¬ Center for Service ing my administration,' Carpentei I The United Negro College of Affirmative Action. At an Learning and said, "we will focus on « Fund has tionally black are cost Division of Education program surpassed its colleges historically black college, there Continuing initiatives in education and train¬ tundraising goals tor America's efficient, produce graduates and are no debates about the role of at Southern University in Baton centers of excellence Rouge, La. ing. especially among our young historically black colleges by and are race in a student s admission. people, child and health care almost a million dollars this therefore worth maintaining Students are and Carpenter was "It supported unanimously tutorial and mentoring, political year. reflects the growing nurtured by a staff that resem¬ elected at Zeta Phi Beta's 76th and concern of National economic empowerment The UNCF raised $101.7 all people that if we bles them Conference, attended by values and million lor its are to be a we With more than 2,200 Family unity through annual campaign strong society, this support, gradu¬ in Dallas.
    [Show full text]
  • Black Church Politics and the Million Man March William E
    Trotter Review Volume 10 Issue 2 The Black Church: Facing and Responding to Article 4 Social, Economic, and Political Challenges 6-21-1997 Black Church Politics and the Million Man March William E. Nelson Jr. Ohio State University - Main Campus Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.umb.edu/trotter_review Part of the African American Studies Commons, Christian Denominations and Sects Commons, Church History Commons, Cultural History Commons, Social History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Nelson, William E. Jr. (1996) "Black Church Politics and the Million Man March," Trotter Review: Vol. 10: Iss. 2, Article 4. Available at: http://scholarworks.umb.edu/trotter_review/vol10/iss2/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the William Monroe Trotter Institute at ScholarWorks at UMass Boston. It has been accepted for inclusion in Trotter Review by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at UMass Boston. For more information, please contact [email protected]. America and the deterioration of the social, cultural, and Black Church Politics moral fabric of the Black community, Black men came to Washington, in the words of the march's mission and the statement, "Committed to the ongoing struggle for a free and empowered community, a just society and a better Million Man March world." 6 Defining ingredients of the march's political agenda included challenges to the government to stop the by William E. Nelson, Jr. brutal assault against affirmative action, establish programs to provide affordable health care and housing, October 16, 1995 will be recorded as one of the most and pass legislation creating an economic bill of rights important days in the political history of African and a plan to rebuild America's declining cities.
    [Show full text]
  • Columbia Chronicle (10/23/1995) Columbia College Chicago
    Columbia College Chicago Digital Commons @ Columbia College Chicago Columbia Chronicle College Publications 10-23-1995 Columbia Chronicle (10/23/1995) Columbia College Chicago Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.colum.edu/cadc_chronicle Part of the Journalism Studies Commons This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 License. Recommended Citation Columbia College Chicago, "Columbia Chronicle (10/23/1995)" (October 23, 1995). Columbia Chronicle, College Publications, College Archives & Special Collections, Columbia College Chicago. http://digitalcommons.colum.edu/cadc_chronicle/333 This Book is brought to you for free and open access by the College Publications at Digital Commons @ Columbia College Chicago. It has been accepted for inclusion in Columbia Chronicle by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Columbia College Chicago. VOL. XXIX, No.5 October 23, 1995 A Million Men: The March And The Message Last week 's Million Man March made both headlines and history. Columbia Chronicle correspondellls Leon Tripp/ell (Broadcast · }OJirnalism) and Arerlra Fouch (Prim Journalism) rode to the event in our nation 's Capital and filed tire following reports: By Leon Tripplett ed a mixture of men: Corresponde/11 Grandfathers and grandsons, fathers and sons. brothers, all In response to the many peo­ strangers. ple asking "what wi II happen Conversations erupted imme­ after the march?" Nation of diately as the men got aboard for Islam leader Louis Farrakhan what one marcher called "the answered, in short, "go back to beginning of their lives." the community and joi n local "I think the march is a beauti­ organizi ng committees." ful thing for all black men and March organizers said the women," said marcher Alan event drew two million to the Anderson, 23.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 to the COVID-19 PANDEMIC the Restaurant Stabilization Fund Will
    INDEPENDENT RESTAURANTS ARE A NEXUS OF SMALL BUSINESSES IN THE UNITED STATES AND DRIVE BILLIONS OF DOLLARS OF ECONOMIC ACTIVITY THAT IS AT RISK OF BEING LOST DUE TO THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC The Restaurant Stabilization Fund Will Yield at Least an Estimated $183 Billion in Primary Benefits to the U.S. Economy, Plus an Additional Estimated $65 Billion in Secondary GDP Benefits by Enabling Independent Restaurants to Help the U.S. Economy Rebound, and Will Single-Handedly Reduce the U.S. Unemployment Rate by an Estimated 2.4 Percentage Points ERIC AMEL, DARIN LEE, ERIN SECATORE AND ETHAN SINGER1 JUNE 10, 20202 1. Executive Summary Independent restaurants are integral to the economic, social, and cultural fabric of local communities.3 These small businesses invigorate streets, help set the rhythm of local life, provide unique venues for social and business interaction, and embrace and share tradition. They help to revitalize neighborhoods, stimulate economic activity in other local businesses, contribute to public programs through generation of large sales taxes, and foster civic pride. Independent restaurants are also a conduit for community members to achieve their American Dream: the restaurant industry is home to many who had their first (and last) job experience in a restaurant, have found opportunity and/or stability in the industry, and have overcome personal or professional barriers to capitalize on dreams of becoming a chef or owning and managing their own restaurants. Independent restaurants are vital to the U.S. economy. In addition to contributing significantly to the more than $760 billion in annual sales in the broader restaurant economy, these restaurants directly employ 11 million people across the country.
    [Show full text]
  • We Gon' Be Alright?
    We Gon’ Be Alright? The Ambiguities of Kendrick Lamar’s Protest Anthem * Noriko Manabe NOTE: The examples for the (text-only) PDF version of this item are available online at: hp://www.mtosmt.org/issues/mto.19.25.1/mto.19.25.1.manabe.php KEYWORDS: Rap music, hip hop, flow, meter, intonation, vocal pitch, protest music, protest chants, African American English ABSTRACT: The best-known track on Kendrick Lamar’s To Pimp a Buerfly, “Alright” has come to be regarded as a protest anthem, fueled by Lamar’s charged performances of the song at the BET Awards and the Grammys, and by accolades from the press that cite its political importance. This article argues that the actual musical track is ambiguous and open to several interpretations. To support this idea, I first explore the process through which the track came into being and how this process may have contributed to the song’s ambiguity. I then examine the message of “Alright,” contextualizing its place in the concept album and in the music video. I closely examine the musical track, analyzing its accent paerns using the metrical preference rules of Lerdahl and Jackendoff (1983) and David Temperley (2001). This analysis of the track implies a 3+5 or 3+2+3 beat reading of 4 the meter in addition to a straight 4. Using the linguistic tool Praat, I analyze the ways in which rappers Fabolous (who originally recorded on the track) and Lamar respond to this meter in their stresses, rhythms, and rhymes. I examine the well-known hook, which Pharrell Williams raps with a striking rise in pitch.
    [Show full text]
  • MICHAEL CURRY Is the Legislative Affairs Director and Senior Counsel
    Education New England Law School, J.D., Boston, MA MICHAEL A. CURRY, ESQ. (2005) National NAACP Board of Directors Macalester College, B.A. Journalism and Deputy CEO & GC, MA League of Community Health Comm., St. Paul, MN (1991) Ctrs Selected Professional Experience Congresswoman Ayanna Pressley once described Attorney Deputy CEO & General Counsel, Gov’t Affairs Michael Curry as, “An advocate for the people whose work has & Public Policy Div., MA League of taken him from Blue Hill Avenue (in Roxbury, Mass) to Beacon Community Health Ctrs. Hill (Mass State Legislature) to Capitol Hill (U.S. Congress).” In (2008-Present) his various roles, there are recurring themes—a commitment Senior Policy Advisor, Corporate Affairs to social justice and health equity, as well as a pursuit of Division, Blue Cross Blue Shield of justice and the elimination of racism. Massachusetts (1998-2008); previous positions in IT, Audit, Customer Service. Born and raised by a single mother in Lenox Street Housing Projects and a product of the Boston Public Schools, Michael’s life experiences provided the motivation for his over 30 years of work in Suffolk University, Moakley Center for Public civil rights. From his leadership of the Black Student Union on the campus of Macalester College Mgmt, Adjunct Professor (2017-present) in St. Paul, MN in 1989, where he successfully led an effort with the Dean of Admissions to recruit more students of color, to his return to Roxbury in 1992 to lead the Million Man March Co-founder, Afrocentric Productions (artist Mobilization Committee (1995), he has embodied the W.E.B.
    [Show full text]
  • H.Doc. 108-224 Black Americans in Congress 1870-2007
    Index Bold page numbers denote Member profiles Italicized page numbers denote references to figure legends A pre-congressional careers, 22–25, Annunzio, Frank, 364 Black Forum on Foreign Policy, 388 Abbott, Israel B., 149, 161, 200 154–55, 237–39, 370–71 Antebellum Era, 23, 23, 24, 43n, 68. See Black History Month, 385, 427, 504 Abernathy, Ralph, 458 pre-congressional political experience, also, Postbellum. Black Panther Party for Self Defense, ABSCAM sting, 358 154–55, 238, 265n, 371–73, 402n Apartheid. See, South Africa, apartheid 258, 258, 372, 416, 418, 427, 549, Abzug, Bella, 343, 392, 421n Washington experience, 30–32, policy. 730 Action-Alert Communications Network 36–37, 46n, 259–62, 390–94 Apportionment and redistricting, Black Power Movement, 258, 261, 263, (AACN), 383 women, 7, 8, 239, 373, 373, 397, 28, 99n, 168, 168, 192–93n, 257, 371–72 Adarand Constructors, Inc. v. Peña. See, 402n, 412n. See also, Women 372, 372–73, 374, 396–99, 412n, “Black Second” district of North Supreme Court, United States. Representatives. 602–603, 614–15 Carolina. See, Apportionment and Addabbo, Joseph, 552, 562 see also, Congressional Black Caucus “Black Second” district of North redistricting. Affirmative action, 381, 381, 432, 448, (CBC); Democratic Party; Carolina, 128–31, 132n, 146–49, Blackwell, Lucien Edward, 266n, 378, 468–69, 527, 586, 587, 624, 641, Disfranchisement; Elections; 160–61, 200–203, 228 590–95, 695 656, 685, 703, 737, 740. See also, Enterprise Railroad Company; “packing” and “cracking” electoral “Bloody Shirt,” 157, 157 Discrimination. Incumbency and seniority, districts, 159–60, 160 “Bloody Sunday.” See, Alabama.
    [Show full text]