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UC Berkeley GAIA Books UC Berkeley GAIA Books Title The Struggle of Bedouin-Arab Women in a Transitional Society Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5fd390b0 Author al-Krenawi, Alean Publication Date 2002-07-15 eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California TheStruggleofBedouin-ArabWomeninaTransitionalSociety AleanAl -Krenawi,PhD SpitzerDepartmentofSocialWorkandDirectorof TheCenterforBedouinStudiesandDevelopment Ben -GurionUniversityoftheNegev Beer -Sheva,84105 1 TheStruggleofBedouin-ArabWomeninTransitionalSociety "Bedouin"isthegeneralnameforall Arabic -speakingtribesintheMiddleEast andNorthAfrica thatoriginatefromtheArabianpeninsula( Jazirat -Al -Arab ).Thenamei srootedintheword Badia ,which means"desert."Kay(1978)describestheBedouinasfollows: ...nomadicArabswholivebyrearingsheepandcamelsinthedesertsoftheMiddleEast...The word"Bedouin"istheWesternversionoftheArabicword badawi yin whichmeans"inhabitantsof thedesert,"the Badia .Strictlyspeakingtheterm"Bedouin"shouldonlybeappliedtothenoble camelherdingtribes,butagainithasbeenusedasageneralterminEnglishtocoverallnomadic Arabs(p.7). AlthoughBed ouin -ArabsaredistinctfromotherinhabitantsintheArabworldbecausethey inhabitdeserts,thisshouldnotinferaunifiedracial,ethnic,ornationalgroupwithahomogeneous lifestyle.TheBedouin -ArabpresenceextendsfromSaudiArabiaandEgypttoIsrael,Jordan,Syriaand Lebanon,amongothercountries(Barakat,1993).TheBedouin -ArabsintheMiddleEastregard themselvesasmembersoftribesthatdescendfromtwoancestralbranches:AdnanandKahtan (sometimescalledQaisandYemen).ThereisnospecificstatisticaldataonthenumberofBedouin - ArabintheMiddleEastbecauseoftherapidanddramaticprocessofsedentarizationthatBecdouin societyhasbeenundergoingforthelastthreedecades(Al -Krenawi,2000a;Fabietti,199;Hana,1984). Thesesocietieshavebeendescribedaspossessinga"highcontextculture" –meaningthatmore socialforceaccruestothecollectiveversustheindividual,thustheyappearauthoritarianandgroup- orientedratherthanegalitarianandindividualistic .Aslowerpaceofsocietalchangeandgreatersense ofsocialstabilityhavebeenobserved(Al -Krenawi,1998a).Toaconsiderableextent,socialstatus, safetyfromeconomichardshipandthepotentialforpersonaldevelopmentcontinuetobefoundedupon tribalidentity.IncontrasttotheWesternliberalconceptofindividualautonomy,Bedouin -Arabidentity isinextricablylinkedwiththecollectiveidentityofthefamily,extendedfamilyandthetribe(Al - Krenawi,2000a). 2 Dynamicsocialharmonyisthe primesocialgoalgoverningallmeaningfulinterpersonal relationship,anobjectivethatrequiresvaryingdegreesofsocialcooperation,adaptation, accommodationandcollaborationbyallindividualsinthesocialhierarchy –asysteminwhichrankand rolearebasedmoreonfamilymembership,genderandagethanonqualificationandability.A hierarchicalorderismaintainedwithinthefamilyinwhichthereisdominanceofmaleoverfemale,and elderoveryounger.Ageandlifeexperienceareassociatedwi thwisdomandcompetency(Al -Krenawi &Graham,2000).GenderdifferencesinBedouin -Arabsocietyaredistinctlydefined;gender segregationiswidespreadandthesocialstructureispatriarchal,assertingmaleauthorityinthe household,theeconomy,andt hepolity(Al -Krenawi,1999;Abu-Lughod,1986). Bedouin -ArabSocialOrganization Bedouin -Arabsocietyisdividedintounitsofdifferentsizesbaseduponkinshipandmatrilineal descent.ThedivisionoftheBedouin -Arabsocialscalegoesfromthelar gesttosmallestentity.A confederation( qabilah)ornationisthelargestunitandincludesagroupoftribesjoinedtogetherina union.Inactuality,thisisonlyaninformalassociationoftribes,whichoffersafeelingofunisonanda senseofbelongingtoone‘polity’,aseachtribehasitsownsettlementarea.Thenextdivisionisthe tribe- ashira–aunionoffamilies( a-ial)thatremaintogether,wandering,shepherding,andworkingthe landonacommunalbasis.Nextisthe hamula,-- apatrili nealkinshipstructureofseveralgenerationsthat extendstoawidenetworkofbloodrelationsintheextendedfamily(parents,siblings,theirspousesand children)andthenuclearfamily(themarriedcoupleandtheirchildren). Familiesareledbyfath erswhilethe hamulaandtribesaredirectedbyforumsofmaleelders whoultimatelydefertothepatrilinealhead–calledthe mukhtar, shaykh ,or za'im (Barakat,1993).The hamulaisthecorefamilyunitinArab,notonlyBedouinsociety,andconstitutes thelocusofblood bonds,internalcommitment,andresponsibilitiestothecollective.Thepatrilinealheadcontrolsand defendsfamilycohesioninsideandoutsidethegroup;actsasafamilyrefereeininstancesofinternal 3 familydisputes;strengthensi nterfamilysolidarityandsupport;andisthefamily’sprincipalambassador vis -a-visoutsiders(Ginat,1987). TherearespecificcharacteristicsthatdistinguishBedouin -Arabculture.Oneistribalcohesion (asabiyya ) –afeaturebaseduponbothblooda ndsymbiotictiesthathighlightthesignificanceofnasab (kinshipties)asdescribedbyIbn-Khaldun(Dhaouadi,1990).Anotherischivalry,( furussiyya ). Bedouin -Arabsassigngreatimportancetothesocializationoftribalmemberstobechivalrous,forsocial andecologicalreasons.Theemphasisisoncourage,gallantry,power,fiercenessandconfrontationas wellasothersimilartraits.Bedouin -Arabsarealsorenownedfortheirlegendaryhospitality( karam).Yet anothervalueissimplicity –perceptionofBedouin -Arablifestyleassynonymouswithnaturalness, austerityandthedignifiedcontroloveremotioninpublicsituations(Barakat,1993;Dhaouadi,1990). Issuesareconstructedinthecontextofthegroup,nottheindividual.Thus,groupmembersare drawntogetherincommonpursuitofgroupactivities.Likewise,majorlifedecisionssuchaswhomto marry,wheretolive,therangeofacceptableoccupationsarealldeterminedwithstrongreferenceto,or oftenbythecollective(Al -Krenawi,2000a).Familymembershavecommitmentstooneanotherevenif thereisadisputeordisagreementamongthemselves –anattitudereflectedintheArabproverb:"Blood neverbecomeswater”;should‘thefamily’haveadisputewithanoutsider,nothingmusttakep riority overcollectivebondinginsupportof‘thefamily’.Individualsliveinaninterdependentrelationship withintheirfamily,viewingthemselvesasanextensionofacollectivecoreidentity(Al -Krenawi, 1998a). Ageandgenderareimportantindeterminingexternalandinternalboundaries.Whileateenage boymaymoreeasilysocializewithpeersoutsidethehome,agirlwouldnotbeallowedsuchfreedom. Withinthefamilyitself,themotherorgrandmothermaypossessmediatinginfluencesinsocial roles.For instance,theymaystronglydissuadeateenagedaughterfromwearingcertainclothingorhelpform familycoalitionsinordertomobilizefamilypressure.Likewise,thesamedaughtermay,forexample, 4 enlistamotherorgrandmothertomediateb etweenherselfandherfather,inordertoconvincethefather toagreetoanactivitythedaughterwantstoundertake. Women'ssocialstatusisstronglycontingentuponbeingmarriedandrearingchildren,especially bearingmaleoffspring,whocontributetoawoman’ssocialstatusaswellastohereconomicwellbeing throughoutherlife.Thus,thepresenceofboysandexpectationsforfuturegoodfortuneareinextricably linked(Marx,1987).Accordingtoculturalvalues,fewsonsoraninabilitytohave sonsisalways thoughttobethefaultofthemother,notthefather(Al -Krenawi,1998b,1999).Incaseofdivorce,the husbandisentitledtocustodyofallthechildren,irrespectiveoftheirages(Al -Krenawi,1998b).Asa result,manywomenwillendureundesirablemaritalsituationsratherthanfaceseparationfromtheir children.Adivorcedwomanalsoknowsthatshecanmarryagainonlyasasecond,thirdorfourthwife, orasthewifeofanoldman(Al -Krenawi,1998b).Themotherisperceivedasthe emotionalhubofher nuclearfamily,responsiblefortendingtoherhusbandneedsandnurturingthechildren.Whileshe wieldstremendousemotionalpowerandoftenactsastherelationalandcommunicationlinkbetween fatherandchildren,nevertheless,sh ehaslittlepublicpowerandauthority,andmustdefertothewishes ofherhusband,hisparentsandtheeldersinthehusband’sextendedfamily(Al -Krenawi,2000a). Bedouin -ArabWomenintheNegev Pre -1948 Thewoman’sstatuswithinBedouinsociety wasbaseduponherabilitytobeapartnerinboth thesocialandeconomicsphere.TheBedouinintheNegevweresemi -nomads,searchingforwaterfor theirherdsofsheep,goatsandcamelsduringthedryseason,whileremaininginonelocalefortherest of theyearandengaginginagriculture.Theunderlyingkeywasthetraditionalownershipoflandandthus thewoman’simportanceinthefield.Thisfeatureofproductivelifestandsincontrasttothecommon beliefthatBedouindidnotfarm.Infact,d ataregisteredduringtheBritishMandateshowsthatBedouin 5 plantedoveraquarterofamillionacresofwheatintheNegevin1947 (Yiftachel,2000).Thisstatistic servesasabackdropforunderstandingdivisionoflaborinthetraditionalBedouinhousehold:The womanwasresponsiblefortendinglivestock,utilizingtheirby-productsforhomeuseandconsumption, whilealsocaringforfamilymembers.Thus,thewomanwasactivelyinvolvedinthewelfareofthe familyinbothsocialandeconomicmatters. Shemightalsoutilizeherskillsinembroideryorrug-making inordertoearnsomeextramoneybysellingherwares,butforthemostparttheBedouinwomanwas primarilyoccupiedinthehome.Heractiveparticipationinallphasesofhomelifemadeher avalued memberofsocietyandherstatuswascommensuratetoherinput. Post1948Bedouin -ArabWomen Afterthewarin1948,amajorshiftoccurredinthesocial,economicandpoliticaldynamics withinBedouinsocietyingeneralandthefamilyinpart icular.Approximately98%ofthelandwas confiscateddirectlybythegovernment,orsoldatundermarketprice;asaresultofthelossoflandthe womanwhohadpreviouslybeenanintegralpartofeconomiclife,suddenlyfoundherselfredundant. Deprive dofsuchacoreroledepreciatedtheirvalue,makingwomentheobjectofbelittlementand degradationatthehandsofmalepeersandburdeningthemwiththesensethattheywereaneconomic burdenontheirfamilies. Thedegreeofchangeinthewoman’sp ositioninBedouin -ArabsocietytodayinIsraelhingesto agreatextentonwhetherthewomanresidesinarecognizedor‘unrecognized’village.‘Unrecognized
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