Turkey's Black Sea Predicament: Challenging Or Accommodating

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Turkey's Black Sea Predicament: Challenging Or Accommodating Turkey’s Black Sea Predicament: Challenging or Accommodating Russia? Mitat ÇELİKPALA* & Emre ERŞEN** Abstract This article seeks to explore the development territories, 4) accommodating the diverse of the new security environment in the Black Sea policies of its NATO allies Black Sea and its implications for the without alienating Russia. future of regional dialogue between Turkey and Russia. The radically altered strategic Key Words balance in the Black Sea after the Russian- Georgian war in 2008 and Russia’s Turkey, Russia, Black Sea, Caucasus, NATO, annexation of Crimea in 2014 have Montreux Convention, Jet Crisis. urged Turkish policymakers to revise their traditional policies toward this region. Introduction Yet Ankara currently faces four main Turkey and Russia are the two most challenges in this quest: i) maintaining significant regional actors in the Black the status quo established by the Montreux Sea region. While the former has the Convention, ii) protecting its interests longest shoreline among all the littoral vis-à-vis Russia’s strengthened military states surrounding the Black Sea, the presence in the Black Sea, iii) dealing with latter has geopolitically dominated the significant security implications of the th the region since the 18 century. three Russian anti-access/area denial Before the Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca (A2/AD) spheres built around Turkish in 1774, the Black Sea was mainly viewed as a “Turkish lake” due to the * Prof., Kadir Has University, Faculty of Ottoman Empire’s centuries-long Economics, Administrative and Social regional dominance in the Balkans Sciences, Istanbul, E-mail: [email protected] and Crimea. For many years, this ** Assoc. Prof., Marmara University, Department of Political Science and hegemony enabled the Ottomans to International Relations, Istanbul, E-mail: exercise absolute control over access [email protected] to the Black Sea through the Turkish 72 PERCEPTIONS, Summer 2018, Volume XXIII, Number 2, pp. 72-92. Turkey’s Black Sea Predicament: Challenging or Accommodating Russia? Straits. Yet the Ottoman supremacy of the two opposing blocs after World was challenged by an ever-expanding War II, the geopolitical balance that Russian Empire, which strived to was established in the Black Sea with gain access to the Black Sea’s warm their cooperation managed to survive waters. The Ottoman-Russian wars of the Cold War. the 18th and 19th centuries – including the Crimean War of 1853-1856 – were the most important signs of the fierce geopolitical rivalry between the Moscow’s economic and Ottoman sultans and the Russian tsars military support for the over the Black Sea. Turkish War of Independence in Anatolia started a brand Following the dissolution of the two new period in Turkish-Russian empires after World War I, their successor states- the newly founded relations. Republic of Turkey and the Soviet Union- succeeded in developing a different relationship with each other. The collapse of the Soviet Union in Moscow’s economic and military 1991 provided fresh opportunities for support for the Turkish War of the establishment of a new environment Independence in Anatolia started a of dialogue and cooperation between brand new period in Turkish-Russian Ankara and Moscow. The two countries relations. Eventually, during the 1920s worked together in order to preserve and 1930s the Black Sea became a their privileged status in the Black region of cooperation between the Sea, and built a number of regional two countries in parallel with their mechanisms to check the expansion improved political and economic of Western military influence in the ties. The Turkish-Soviet dialogue region. Yet the Russian-Georgian war particularly played an important role in the diplomatic process that led to the in 2008 and Russia’s annexation of signing of the Lausanne and Montreux Crimea in 2014 urged Turkish leaders conventions on the regime of the to revise their policies about the Black Turkish Straits. Signed in 1936, the Sea. The Turkish-Russian disagreement latter became the main international over Syria, which triggered a serious document regulating access to the Black crisis between the two countries in late Sea for commercial ships and warships. 2015, also significantly hampered the Even though Turkey and the Soviet regional dialogue between Ankara and Union became adversaries as members Moscow. 73 Mitat Çelikpala & Emre Erşen The goal of this article is to discuss has largely been shaped by its desire to and evaluate the development of develop a regional cooperation scheme the new security environment in the together with the Black Sea countries Black Sea, as well as its implications rather than its Western allies. This so- for the future of the Turkish-Russian called “regional ownership” approach regional dialogue. Although the two brought Turkey’s position closer to countries managed to normalize their that of Russia, as it is also in line with relations following the fighter jet crisis Moscow’s efforts to curb the rising of 2015, Ankara still finds it difficult influence of the EU and NATO in 1 to accommodate Moscow’s interests in the region. The Black Sea Economic the region. The rising tensions between Cooperation (BSEC), which was NATO and Russia also weaken established in 1992, in particular Turkey’s efforts to follow a policy of provided a significant platform in balance in the Black Sea. In this regard, which Ankara and Moscow could it can be argued that Turkey currently gradually strengthen their regional faces four key challenges in reshaping dialogue as well as bilateral economic its Black Sea policy: i) maintaining the relations in the field of tourism, energy status quo established by the Montreux and trade. BSEC also helped the two Convention, ii) protecting its interests countries develop new channels for vis-à-vis Russia’s strengthened military regional economic cooperation in presence in the region, iii) dealing with other sectors, including transportation, 2 the security implications of the three agriculture, banking and finance. Russian anti-access/area denial (A2/ AD) spheres built around Turkish territories, iv) accommodating the Despite its longstanding diverse Black Sea policies of its NATO strategic ties with NATO, allies without alienating Russia in the Turkey’s policy in the Black Sea region. in the post-Cold War period has largely been shaped by its Evolution of the Turkish- desire to develop a regional cooperation scheme together Russian Modus Vivendi in with the Black Sea countries the Black Sea rather than its Western allies. Despite its longstanding strategic ties with NATO, Turkey’s policy in the A major outcome of the improved Black Sea in the post-Cold War period Turkish-Russian dialogue in the Black 74 Turkey’s Black Sea Predicament: Challenging or Accommodating Russia? Sea has been the establishment of terrorism and other asymmetrical a number of additional multilateral threats in the region, it also contributed cooperation schemes designed to to the deepening of the Turkish- strengthen regional stability and Russian security dialogue in the Black security. Although Turkey supported Sea. the full membership of Bulgaria and Romania in NATO, which eventually Regional initiatives such as Blackseafor took place in 2004, it also launched and Operation Black Sea Harmony some important security initiatives indicate that maintaining special in cooperation with Russia and the relations with Russia without other Black Sea countries. In April alienating its NATO allies was an 2001, for instance, the Black Sea important pillar of Turkey’s Black Sea Naval Co-operation Task Group policy in the 2000s. This has also been (Blackseafor) was formally established one of the main reasons for Ankara’s with the goal of fostering regional determination to strictly implement cooperation in spheres such as search the clauses of the 1936 Montreux and rescue operations, protection of the Convention, which regulates the transit environment, and mine cleaning. of warships through the Turkish straits of the Bosporus and Dardanelles and The idea behind the foundation of such guarantees the freedom of passage of multilateral mechanisms was not only civilian vessels in times of peace and to highlight the importance of Turkey’s war.3 geopolitical role as a major actor in the Black Sea, but also to prevent the region The Montreux convention includes a from turning into a theatre of military number of restrictions on the transit conflict between the West and Russia. of warships from non-Black Sea Ankara’s decision to launch Operation countries, which are not allowed to Black Sea Harmony in March 2004, have more than nine warships in the which was later joined by Russia and Black Sea. These vessels, the maximum other Black Sea states, can be viewed aggregate tonnage of which cannot mainly as a response to NATO’s plans exceed 45,000 tons, are not able to to expand its military influence into the stay in the Black Sea for more than 21 Black Sea through Operation Active days. They must also notify the Turkish Endeavour – launched as a U.S.-led authorities at least 15 days before their initiative in 2001 in the Mediterranean transit through the Turkish Straits. Sea following the September 11 While aircraft carriers are not allowed attacks. Although Operation Black Sea to transit at all, submarines of the Black Harmony similarly aimed at deterring Sea states may cross the Turkish Straits, 75 Mitat Çelikpala & Emre Erşen although they are also subject to very The importance of the Montreux strict conditions and limitations. regime was highlighted by Turkey once again in 2014 during the crisis During the Cold War, the delicate in Ukraine. When Russian officials balance established by the Montreux expressed their concerns about the Convention played a key role in keeping presence of U.S. warships in the Black the Black Sea region away from the Sea, one of which was conducting a joint geopolitical competition between naval exercise with NATO members NATO and the Warsaw Pact.
Recommended publications
  • Bibliografia Cărților În Curs De Apariție Cip
    BIBLIOTECA NAȚIONALĂ A ROMÂNIEI BIBLIOGRAFIA CĂRȚILOR ÎN CuRS dE APARIȚIE CIP Anul XXIII, nr. 11 noiembrie 2020 EdITuRA BIBLIOTECII NAȚIONALE A ROMÂNIEI BuCuREșTI 2021 BIBLIOTECA NAŢIONALĂ A ROMÂNIEI CENTRUL NAŢIONAL ISBN-ISSN-CIP BIBLIOGRAFIA CĂRŢILOR ÎN CURS DE APARIŢIE CIP Anul XXIII, nr. 11 noiembrie 2020 Editura Bibliotecii Naţionale a României Bucureşti 2021 Redacţia: Biblioteca Naţională a României Centrul Naţional ISBN-ISSN-CIP Bd. Unirii nr. 22, sector 3 Bucureşti, cod poştal 030833 Tel.: 021/311.26.35 E-mail: [email protected] URL: www.bibnat.ro ISSN = 2284 - 8401 (online) ISSN-L = 1453 - 8008 Responsabil număr: Florina Cojocaru Notă: Descrierile CIP sunt realizate exclusiv pe baza informaţiilor furnizate de către editori. Nu ne asumăm răspunderea pentru descrierile CIP modificate de editor, fără înştiinţarea Centrului Naţional CIP. Descrierile CIP modificate la solicitarea editorului, după apariţia numărului curent al Bibliografiei cărţilor în curs de apariţie – CIP, pot fi consultate în Catalogul CIP, parte a Catalogului online al Bibliotecii Naţionale a României. © 2021 Toate drepturile sunt rezervate Centrului Naţional ISBN-ISSN-CIP. Nicio parte din această lucrare nu poate fi reprodusă sub nicio formă, fără acordul prealabil, în scris, al redacţiei. CIP 3 CUPRINS 0 Generalități .................................................................................................... 6 004 Știința și tehnologia calculatoarelor. Calculatoare. Prelucrarea și procesarea datelor .........................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Speaker Bios
    SPEAKER BIOGRAPHIES Kate Hansen Bundt, Secretary General of the Norwegian Atlantic Committee and Chair of the Board of NUPI Kate has been Secretary General of the Norwegian Atlantic Committee since 2010. She is a political scientist (MA) and foreign policy analyst with expertise on German, European and transatlantic security and strategy. She is chair of the board at NUPI (Norwegian Institute of International Affairs) since 2014, a board member of NOREF (Norwegian Centre for Conflict Resolution) since 2017, member of the CSIS Stuart Center Advisory Council since 2016 and a member of the council at Fridtjof Nansen Institute (FNI) in Oslo since 2013. Prior to her current position, she worked at NUPI from 1990-93 and she was Research Director at the Oslo-based think tank “Europa-programmet” for thirteen years. In 2009 she graduated from the executive course at the Norwegian Defence University College, were she still lectures. Kate has been member of several Government appointed expert committees on security, defence and EU-issues and she is frequently invited by the media to comment on developments in Germany, NATO, and the EU. Ambassador Sergiu Celac, Honorary Chairman of New Strategy Center, former Minister of Foreign Affairs of Romania Sergiu Celac is a career ambassador who joined the diplomatic service in 1961. He served as Minister of Foreign Affairs in the first post-communist government (1989-1990), then as ambassador to the United Kingdom and Ireland, ambassador-at-large and personal adviser to the President of Romania. After retirement, he worked as president of the Romanian Institute of International Studies, alternate director general of the International Centre for Black Sea Studies in Athens and is currently Vice-President of the Romanian Association for the Club of Rome, member of the Board of the European Institute of Romania, Black Sea University Foundation, Energy Policy Group, member of the Writers’ Union of Romania.
    [Show full text]
  • Romania Redivivus
    alexander clapp ROMANIA REDIVIVUS nce the badlands of neoliberal Europe, Romania has become its bustling frontier. A post-communist mafia state that was cast to the bottom of the European heap by opinion- makers sixteen years ago is now billed as the success story Oof eu expansion.1 Its growth rate at nearly 6 per cent is the highest on the continent, albeit boosted by fiscal largesse.2 In Bucharest more politicians have been put in jail for corruption over the past decade than have been convicted in the rest of Eastern Europe put together. Romania causes Brussels and Berlin almost none of the headaches inflicted by the Visegrád Group—Czechia, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia— which in 1993 declined to accept Romania as a peer and collectively entered the European Union three years before it. Romanians con- sistently rank among the most Europhile people in the Union.3 An anti-eu party has never appeared on a Romanian ballot, much less in the parliament. Scattered political appeals to unsavoury interwar traditions—Legionnairism, Greater Romanianism—attract fewer voters than do far-right movements across most of Western Europe. The two million Magyars of Transylvania, one of Europe’s largest minorities, have become a model for inter-ethnic relations after a time when the park benches of Cluj were gilded in the Romanian tricolore to remind every- one where they were. Indeed, perhaps the aptest symbol of Romania’s place in Europe today is the man who sits in the Presidential Palace of Cotroceni in Bucharest. Klaus Iohannis—a former physics teacher at a high school in Sibiu, once Hermannstadt—is an ethnic German head- ing a state that, a generation ago, was shipping hundreds of thousands of its ‘Saxons’ ‘back’ to Bonn at 4,000–10,000 Deutschmarks a head.
    [Show full text]
  • Sergiu CELAC: Romanian Diplomat, Career Ambassador, Former Minister of Foreign Affairs
    Sergiu CELAC: Romanian diplomat, career ambassador, former Minister of Foreign Affairs. Born 26 May 1939, Bucharest; graduate of Bucharest University School of Languages (1961). Professional career: Diplomatic service from junior clerk (1961) to counsellor (1972), director of policy planning (1968-74), chief political adviser to the Minister (1974). Counsellor at the State Council (1974-78); also served as English and Russian interpreter to successive Romanian Presidents (1961-78). Dismissed for political-ideological reasons in 1978 and worked as editor until 1989. Minister of Foreign Affairs in the first post-communist Government (Dec. 1989 - June 1990). Ambassador to United Kingdom (1990-96) and Ireland (1991-96). Ambassador-at-Large (1996-2000), missions as Special Envoy to the Balkans, Middle East, Caucasus and Central Asia. President, Romanian Institute of International Studies (2000-2002); Personal Adviser to the President of Romania (2001-2003). Alternate Director General, International Centre for Black Sea Studies, Athens (2003-2007). Since 2008, political analyst specializing in international and regional affairs, sustainable development and environment issues, energy and infrastructure security. Publications: Author or co-author of books on political science, also translations of verse, novels and non-fiction (43 titles); essays, articles and interviews in learned journals, periodicals and audio- visual media (over 500). Lectured extensively at international conferences and universities in Romania and 24 other countries. Awards: Grand Officer of the Romanian National Order “Faithful Service” (2000); Excellence award for conservation of the World Wide Fund for Nature (2008); Distinguished career award of the Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2011). Current positions: Vice President, Romanian Association for the Club of Rome; member of the Board or Scientific Council of the New Strategy Center, European Institute of Romania, Black Sea University Foundation, Energy Policy Group, Romanian Diplomatic Institute, member of the Writers’ Union of Romania.
    [Show full text]
  • International Crimes in Crimea
    International Crimes in Crimea: An Assessment of Two and a Half Years of Russian Occupation SEPTEMBER 2016 Contents I. Introduction 6 A. Executive summary 6 B. The authors 7 C. Sources of information and methodology of documentation 7 II. Factual Background 8 A. A brief history of the Crimean Peninsula 8 B. Euromaidan 12 C. The invasion of Crimea 15 D. Two and a half years of occupation and the war in Donbas 23 III. Jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court 27 IV. Contextual elements of international crimes 28 A. War crimes 28 B. Crimes against humanity 34 V. Willful killing, murder and enforced disappearances 38 A. Overview 38 B. The law 38 C. Summary of the evidence 39 D. Documented cases 41 E. Analysis 45 F. Conclusion 45 VI. Torture and other forms of inhuman treatment 46 A. Overview 46 B. The law 46 C. Summary of the evidence 47 D. Documented cases of torture and other forms of inhuman treatment 50 E. Analysis 59 F. Conclusion 59 VII. Illegal detention 60 A. Overview 60 B. The law 60 C. Summary of the evidence 62 D. Documented cases of illegal detention 66 E. Analysis 87 F. Conclusion 87 VIII. Forced displacement 88 A. Overview 88 B. The law 88 C. Summary of evidence 90 D. Analysis 93 E. Conclusion 93 IX. Crimes against public, private and cultural property 94 A. Overview 94 B. The law 94 C. Summary of evidence 96 D. Documented cases 99 E. Analysis 110 F. Conclusion 110 X. Persecution and collective punishment 111 A. Overview 111 B.
    [Show full text]
  • INVENTAR 1964-1987 205 U.A
    NR. INVENTAR: 3495 ARHIVELE NAŢIONALE BIROUL ARHIVE CONTEMPORANE FOND COMITETUL CENTRAL AL PARTIDULUI COMUNIST ROMÂN ALBUME FOTO-ACTIVITĂŢI ÎN ŢARĂ INVENTAR 1964-1987 205 u.a. Prefaţă Albumele cu fotografii care fac parte din Fondul Comitetul Central al Partidului Comunist au fost preluate de către Arhivele Naţionale de la Ministerul Apărării Naţionale în anul 1999, pe baza unor evidenţe sumare. Arhivele Naţionale au păstrat, în general albumele în forma în care le-a constituit creatorul CC al PCR sau fostul deţinător (Ministerul Apărării Naţionale) care a procedat la ordonarea şi descrierea iniţială sub forma fişelor de inventar şi renumerotarea lor. Totodată, s-a stabilit împărţirea lor, mai întâi cronologică (în două mari perioade: Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej şi Nicolae Ceauşescu) şi apoi în structuri tematice: Activităţi în ţară, Vizite externe, Primiri, Viaţă privată şi Diverse. Fotografiile cuprinse in inventarul „Activităţi în ţară” surprind aspecte din vizitele de lucru în ţară ale familiei Ceauşescu, însoţită de membrii guvernului, ai Comitetului Central al PCR cu diferite prilejuri precum: inaugurarea Transfăgărăşanului(1974), a unor staţii de metrou din Bucureşti(1983, 1986), la şantierul Canalului Dunăre Marea-Neagră, la Târgul Internaţional TIBCO, la Zilele Recoltei; la aniversări naţionale (23 August, 1 Mai etc.). De asemenea sunt surprinse aspecte de la: Congresele PCR (Congresul XI şi XII) şi Congresele UTC, Conferinţele Naţionale ale PCR, consfătuiri din domeniu agriculturii; vizite la instituţii de ştiinţă si cultură etc. La prelucrarea arhivistică au colaborat: consilier superior Gabriela Lavinia Ibrian şi referenţii superiori Viorica Bălan, Floarea Dinu şi Mugurel Gheorghe. Prezentul inventar cuprinde 205 albume, respectiv 14,75 ml cu fotografii alb-negru şi color.
    [Show full text]
  • 11012411.Pdf
    Alma Mater Studiorum – Università di Bologna DOTTORATO DI RICERCA Cooperazione Internazionale e Politiche per lo Sviluppo Sostenibile International Cooperation and Sustainable Development Policies Ciclo XX Settore/i scientifico disciplinari di afferenza: Storico, politico e sociale SPS/13 DEVELOPMENT DISCOURSE IN ROMANIA: from Socialism to EU Membership Presentata da: Mirela Oprea Coordinatore Dottorato Relatore Prof. Andrea Segrè Prof. Stefano Bianchini Esame finale anno 2009 - 2 - EXECUTIVE SUMMARY With their accession to the European Union, twelve new countries - Romania among them - (re)entered the international community of international donors. In the history of development aid this can be seen as a unique event: it is for the first time in history that such a large number of countries become international donors, with such short notice and in such a particular context that sees some scholars announcing the ‘death’ of development. But in spite of what might be claimed regarding the ‘end’ of the development era, development discourse seems to be rather vigorous and in good health: it is able to extert an undeniable force of attraction over the twelve countries that, in a matter of years, have already convinced themselves of its validity and adhered to its main tenets. This thesis collects evidence for improving our understanding of this process that sees the co-optation of twelve new countries to the dominant theory and practice of development cooperation. The evidence collected seems to show that one of the tools employed by the promoters of this co-optation process is that of constructing the ‘new’ Member States as ‘new’, inexpert donors that need to learn from the ‘old’ ones.
    [Show full text]
  • Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock Or Re-Start? Ukraineukraine and and NATO: NATO: Ukraine Has Over the Past Ten Years Developed a Very Close Partnership with NATO
    Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock or Re-start? UkraineUkraine and and NATO: NATO: Ukraine has over the past ten years developed a very close partnership with NATO. Key areas of Deadlock or Re-start? consultation and co-operation include, for instance, peacekeeping operations, and defence and Deadlock or Re-start? security sector reform. NATO’s engagement serves two vital purposes for Ukraine. First, it enhan- Jakob Hedenskog ces Ukraine’s long-term security and serves as a guarantee for the independence of the state; and JAKOB HEDENSKOG second, it promotes and encourages democratic institutionalisation and spreading of democratic norms and values in the country. JAKOB HEDENSKOG Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock or Re-start NATO’s door for Ukraine remains open. The future development of the integration depends on Ukraine’s correspondence to the standards of NATO membership, on the determination of its political leadership, and on an effective mobilisation of public opinion on NATO membership. This report shows that Ukraine has made progress in reaching the standards for NATO membership, especially in the spheres of military contribution and interoperability. However the absence of national consensus and lack of political will and strategic management of the government hamper any effective implementation of Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic integration. It is also crucial to neutralise Russia’s influence, which seriously hampers Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic course. Leading representati- ves of the current leadership, especially Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych and his Party of Regions of Ukraine, prefer for the moment continued stable relations with Russia rather than NATO mem- ? bership. Jakob Hedenskog is a security policy analyst at the Swedish Defence Re- search Agency (FOI) specialised on Ukraine.
    [Show full text]
  • Doctor Honoris Causa Beneficiorum Publicorum
    UNIVERSITATEA DE VEST DIN TIMIȘOARA DOCTOR HONORIS CAUSA BENEFICIORUM PUBLICORUM Ambasador Simona – Mirela Miculescu 28 martie 2019 Timișoara, România 2 Cuvânt la deschiderea ceremoniei de acordare a titlului de DOCTOR HONORIS CAUSA BENEFICIORUM PUBLICORUM al Universității de Vest din Timișoara Excelenței Sale, Doamnei Ambasador SIMONA MIRELA MICULESCU Distinsă doamnă Ambasador Simona Mirela Miculescu, Stimați membri ai comunității academice din Universitatea de Vest din Timișoara, Dragi invitați, Dragi studenți, Onorat auditoriu, Una dintre preocupările Universității de Vest din Timișoara, ca universitate comprehensivă, este să își apropie valorile incontestabile ale diverselor domenii de excelență, conștientizând că universitățile sunt în prezent instituții care pot să servească drept catalizatori sociali. Asumându-și rolul cu care a fost investită de fondatorii săi, anume de principal centru de cunoaștere în regiunea de vest a țării, de promotor al culturii, asumându-și rolul de pilon de sprijin al societății, Universitatea de Vest din Timișoara, prin facultățile sale, încearcă constant să ofere binemeritata recunoaștere a unor nume importante din lumea științifică, culturală, artistică, economică, socială sau politică și să aducă în prim plan modelele adevărate pentru generațiile tinere. Astăzi, avem deosebita onoare de a o primi în rândurile comunității academice din Universitatea de Vest din Timișoara, pe Doamna Simona Mirela Miculescu, un diplomat de valoare al României. Este o mare responsabilitate pentru noi și suntem onorați să vă avem, începând din acest moment, alături, în calitate de colegă, în comunitatea noastră academică. Această nominalizare reprezintă o recunoaştere a contribuţiilor deosebite ale Doamnei Miculescu în lumea diplomației, la promovarea culturii și valorilor românești la nivel internațional și în apărarea principalelor obiective ale Organizației Națiunilor Unite: asigurarea păcii mondiale, respectarea drepturilor omului, cooperarea internațională și respectarea dreptului internațional.
    [Show full text]
  • TOME XV-1977. N° 4(Octobred4cembre)
    ACADÉMIE DES SCIENCES SOCIALES ET POLITIQUES INSTITUT D'ETUDES SUD-EST EUROPÉENNES TOME XV-1977. N° 4(octobred4cembre) Le XXX° anniversaire de la République L'inclépendanceroumaine aspects politiques et culturels Economie et politique au XX slide EDITURA ACADEMIEI REPUBLIC!! SOCIALISTE ROMANIA www.dacoromanica.ro Comité de rédaction M. BERZA membre correspondant de l'Académie de la République SocialIste de Roumanie réclacteur en chef; ALEXANDRU DUTU rédacteur _en chef adjoint ; EM. CONDURACHI, A. ROSETTI, membres de l'Acadérnie de la République Sociallsté de Roumanle; H. MIHAESCU, COSTIN MURGESCU, D. M. PIPPIDI, membrescorrespondants de l'Académie de la RépubliqueSocialiste de Roumanie ;AL. ELIAN, VALENTIN GEORGESCU, FR. PALL, MIHAI POP, EUGEN STANESCU La REVUE DES gTUDES SUD-EST EUROPÉENNES paraft 4 fois par an. Toute com- mande de l'étranger (fascicules ou abonnement) sera adressée i ILEXIM, Export- Import (Presa), P. O. Box 136 137, telex 11226, str. 13 Decembrie n° 3, Bucuregti- Romania ou i ses représentants a l'étranger. La correspondance, les manuscrits et les publications (livres, revues, etc.) envoyés pour comptes rendus seront adressés i l'INSTITUT D'ÉTUDES SUD-EST EURO- PgENNES, Bucarest, sectorul 1, str. I. C. Frimu, 9, téléphone 50 7525. pour la REVUE DES tTUDES SUD-EST EUROPgENNES. Les articles seront remis dactylographiés en trois exemplaires. Les collaborateurs sont pries de ne pas dépasser les limites de 25 30 pages dactylo- graphiées pour les articles et de 5-8 pages pour les comptes rendus. EDITURA ACADEMIEI REPUBLICII SOCIALISTE ROMANIA Calea Victorlel n° 125, telephone 50 76 80, Bucuresti, 71021 Romania www.dacoromanica.ro TOME XV 1977 N°4 SOMMAIRE Le XXX° an,niversaire de la Elpublique OHEORGHE I.
    [Show full text]
  • An Unnecessary War: the Geopolitical Roots of the Ukraine Crisis.”
    “An unnecessary war: the geopolitical roots of the Ukraine crisis.” Peter Rutland [In Agnieszka Pikulicka and Richard Sakwa (eds.) Ukraine and Russia: People, Politics, Propaganda and Perspectives (Bristol. Uk: E-International Relations, March 2015), 129-140.] To a large degree, the tragic events that unfolded in Ukraine in 2013-14 were driven by developments beyond Ukraine’s borders. Of course, domestic factors also played a crucial role, and Ukrainian political actors at all points across the political spectrum must share in the blame for what transpired. But it was Ukraine’s ambiguous geopolitical position, and the clumsy interventions of competing outside powers pursuing their own self-centered agendas, that pushed Ukraine’s log-jammed domestic politics over the brink into violent civil war. The three main protagonists were Russia, the European Union, and the United States, in roughly descending order of importance. The evolution of Russia’s relations with Ukraine since 1991 Moscow has had difficult, testy relations with Ukraine ever since the two countries split off from the Soviet Union in 1991. The relationship with Kyiv is a sub-set of Russia’s problematic relationship with the outside world at large following the Soviet collapse. In 2014 Ukraine became the touchstone of two decades of Russian frustration and insecurity, with tragic consequences. First Mikhail Gorbachev and then Boris Yeltsin wanted to be treated as an equal partner by the United States. However, the Soviet collapse meant that Russia was stripped of half its population, a third of its territory, and all its bloc of ideological allies and client states.
    [Show full text]
  • The Black Sea and the Turkish Straits: Resurgent Strategic Importance in the 21St Century
    The Black Sea and the Turkish Straits: Resurgent Strategic Importance in the 21st Century THESIS Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Andrew M. Hascher Graduate Program in Slavic and East European Studies The Ohio State University 2019 Master’s Examination Committee Angela Brintlinger, PhD, Advisor Yana Hashamova, PhD Rudy Hightower, PhD Copyrighted by Andrew M. Hascher 2019 Abstract The Black Sea and the Turkish Straits have played an important geopolitical role in the world since the time of antiquity, despite the Black Sea being a geographically closed body of water. The objective of this paper is to articulate the importance of the Black Sea region as a source of geopolitical power, both historically and moving into the future. Of particular importance are the power dynamics between the Russian Federation, Turkey and the West. This paper reviews the history of the region and the major treaties over time which attempted to answer the “Straits Question” of access to and from the Black Sea via the Bosphorus and Dardanelles Straits. Then analysis of the current geopolitical situation and a projection for the future of the region is offered based on the research. Analysis of the history and diplomacy of the area shows that the major actors continue to place a great deal of strategic importance on their territorial claims, military position and economic standing in the Black Sea region. The evidence shows that the Russians place an enormous level of importance on the Black Sea as it holds their only viable warm water ports.
    [Show full text]