DOCSLIB.ORG

366 Appendix a History of Sultan Syarif Abdurrahman the Founder Of

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
366 Appendix a History of Sultan Syarif Abdurrahman the Founder Of 366 Appendix A History of Sultan Syarif Abdurrahman the Founder of the Alkadri Dynasty Syarif Abdurrahman Alkadri bin Sayid Alhabib Husein Alkadri Jamalulail was born in Matan sultanate (Ketapang to date) in 15 Rabiul Awal 1151 H (Islamic Calendar) or 1739 AD. His father, Sayid Alhabib Husein Alkadri Jamalulail (from Hadramaut or a city in Arab peninsula) arrived in Matan Sultanate in 1735 AD and married Nyai Tua, a pretty maid of Matan Sultanate (dayang-dayang or palace maids) (from Islamized Dayak ancestors). Sayid Alhabib Husein worked as a judge in the Islamic Court of Matan Sultanate as well as teacher of Islamic tenets. In the environment of the busy port of Matan, Syarif Abdurrahman Alkadri learnt about the sailing and trading. When Sayid Alhabib Husein moved to Mempawah Sultanate in 1755 AD, he brought along his family to teach Islam in a Sultanate led by Opu Daeng Menambun (a Bugis) who set his sultanate’s capital at Sebukit in Mempawah Hulu subdistrict to date. His well-done jobs as a judge in the Matan Sultanate’s Islamic Court had been heard by Opu Daeng Menambun who thus asked him to move to his Mempawah Sultanate since 1740 AD (Rahman, Ja’ Achmad, and Muhadi 2000: 43- 46). A son-in-law of the Sultan of Matan himself, Daeng Opu Menambun (who married Putri Kesumba, the daughter of the Sultan of Matan) was offered by Sayid Alhabib Husein a marriage between her daughter Putri Utin Candramidi with Sayid Alhabib Husein’s son Syarif Abdurrahman Alkadri. The Sultan of Mempawah (350 northern of Pontianak) agreed with a very heavy condition of a dowry as high as 1,000 ringgit (old Malay monetary unit). With the blessing of Allah (after a serious prayer), the dowry requirement was cancelled by Opu Daeng Menambun. Sayid Alhabib Husein was freed to decide the amount of dowry. After the marriage, Syarif Abdurrahman Alkadri, now a Prince of Mempawah Sultanate, sailed to Palembang, South Sumatera, as a trader in 1765. (Opu Daeng Menambun passed away in 1761 after he abdicated his throne to Sayid Alhabib Husein, who acted as ad interim Tuan Besar Mempawah or Lord of Mempawah until Opu Daeng Menambun’s son—Adi Jaya Kesuma Negara, the Crown Prince—was fit to rule.) When he returned to 367 Mempawah from Palembang after a two-month trading, the Islamic teachers and Muslim traders he met in Palembang granted him a fortune of 2,000 ringgit (Rahman, Ja’ Achmad, and Muhadi 2000: 51). (No reasons stated. But granting such a fortune for a Prince of Mempawah Sultanate was a great investment for future business.) In 1767, Syarif Abdurrahman sailed from Mempawah to Banjarmasin (South Kalimantan), collected 258 piculs of spice, and brought them to Pasir (East Kalimantan). To a British ship captain he exchanged the spice with 14 chests of opium which he sold later to the Chinese traders with good price. Banjarmasin-Pasir route was traversed for trading of spice and opium (Rahman, Ja’ Achmad, and Muhadi 2000: 52-53). The good fortune enabled Syarif Abdurrahman to buy a big sailing ship he called “Tiang Sambung,” a trading ship with cannons. This achievement quickly made him noticeable by the Sultan of Banjarmasin (Sultan Saad) who offered him a wife from the Sultan’s own daughters. After three years of trading in Banjarmasin vicinity, Syarif Abdurrahman returned to Mempawah in 1771, docking in Bangka (Banca) Island and the other [spice] islands on his way. (In Pasir, just before his return to Mempawah, he hijacked a French ship bulked with silks, fine clothes and opium, killed its French captain, and recruited its Bengali crew to be his own ship’s crew. The Dutch and the Sultan of Banjar forbid him to visit Banjarmasin for this “crime.”) Having no where else to go as a “criminal,” Syarif Abdurrahman brought his family—in 14 ships armed with cannons— from Mempawah on 17 October 1771 to open a new settlement in a place called Pontianak to date. For five days and nights his ships were harassed by ghosts called “Puntianak” where they reached a small island known as Batu Layang (few kilometers from Pontianak to date) that he must shoot the ghosts (to scare it off) with the cannons’ salvos. (Most likely these “ghosts” were pirates hiding in the place where Landak and Kapuas rivers diverged.) After the ghosts’ harassment was overcome, on 23 October 1771 the crew landed in a forested site near the meeting point between Landak river and Kapuas river. On 21 October 1968, the Mayor of Pontianak decided to take 23 October 1771 AD as the official birth date of Pontianak. 368 For seven years from 1771 to 1778 he slowly increased the power of his chiefdom among the other sultanates. He granted farm lands to the migrants who pledged allegiance to his chiefdom. Syarif Abdurrahman built alliances by marrying 25 women in surrounding places near Pontianak (from these marriages he begot 60 children) (Rahman, Ja’ Achmad, Muhadi 2000: 78). He visited many other Islamic sultanates in Tayan, Simpang, Sukadana, Matan, Landak, Mempawah, and Sambas. 369 Appendix B The Short History of Malaysia Confrontation On 23 February 1963, or two years after Malaysian PM Tengku Abdul Rahman announced a plan of Greater Malaysia (with Singapore, Sarawak and Sabah in North Kalimantan), President Sukarno declared that Malaysia was a neo-colonialist design for the protection of imperialist economic privileges (Crozier 1966: 152-53). In a campaign to frustrate the creation of Greater Malaysia, Sukarno found A.M. Azahari (Azhari) came in handy. A Brunei politician of Arab-Malay descent, Azahari was a frustrated leader of Brunei’s People Party who had won all the elective seats in Brunei’s elections n August 1962 but was outnumbered and hijacked by the Legislative Assembly composed by the officially-nominated members. When he was twelve the Japanese occupation authorities sent him to Indonesia to study; he also fought along with Indonesian guerrilla against the Dutch in Java and Sumatra (Crozier 1966: 155). The frustrated Azahari led—although he was allegedly somewhere else at the time of assault—an enthusiastic but under-trained forces called TNKU (National Army of North Kalimantan) to capture Brunei on 8 December 1962 but the quick responding British forces secured the situation by the end of December 1962 when the TNKU rebels fled to the jungle. (President Sukarno himself “announced” his war when 30 Indonesian raiders penetrated three miles into the [British] First Division, and attacked a police post at Tebedu, killing a corporal and wounding two policemen [James and Sheil-Small 1971: 59-60].) At a negotiation in the end of July 1963 in Manila, Malaysian PM agreed to postpone the proclamation of Greater Malaysia before a United Nations team found the views of Sarawak and Sabah population. Two days after the proclamation of Greater Malaysia on 16 September 1963, a mob burned the British Embassy in Jakarta to the ground. By the end of 1963, around 12,000 guerillas—mostly members of Tentara Nasional Kalimantan Utara or TNKU—were being trained by “volunteers” from Indonesian Army. On 6 August 1963 Gen. Nasution, the Indonesian Defense Minister said: “It is no longer a secret that we give them military training and war equipment to drive the colonialists out of North Kalimantan” (Crozier 1966: 157). In January 1964, Robert Kennedy, the American 370 Attorney-General, visited Indonesia and Malaysia on President Johnson’s behalf to bring a cease-fire in Kalimantan. Previously, on 24 December 1963 President Sukarno told a delegation from the South Vietnam Liberation Front that he hoped the Front would soon be victorious so that he could visit a free Saigon. A few weeks later, in a public speech, President Sukarno turned toward the American Ambassador Howard Jones and said in English, “Go to hell with your aid.” Between 1956 and 1965 Sukarno visited Moscow four times and prominent Soviet figures like Nikita Kruschev and K. Voroshilov went to Jakarta to demonstrate their government’s approbation of Indonesian policies. Soviet economic assistance (USD365 million) and military aid valued at USD 1.25 billion—missiles, destroyers, submarines and MiG- 21s—had got under way (van der Kroef 1980: 245). The Russians might have regretted this support when Sukarno turned toward closer relationship with Beijing in 1963 as well as toward risky foreign gambits like the ‘Confrontation’ against the Malaysian Federation (van der Kroef 1980: 245). In June 1964 in a “Summit” talks in Tokyo, President Sukarno refused to withdraw his guerillas from Malaysian Borneo. (The Sukarno guerilla forces, however, having to infiltrate deep inside enemy territories with scanty local supports, were vulnerable to the most effective tactics built by the British Army: “striking them on the way in and on their homeward journey” (James and Sheil-Small 1971: 131). After an intelligence report at the end of 1964 that Sukarno increased the build-up of forces along the Borneo border, and forward island bases flanking Singapore and the south-west of Malaysia Peninsula, Gen. Walker increased his forces into about 18 battalions of British forces (Royal Marine Commandos, 8 Gurkha battalions, and British), 8 battalions of Malaysian Army, 2 battalions of Singapore Regiment, and 8 thousands Australians and New Zealanders, not to mention 80 navy vessels including aircraft carriers Victorious and Centaur, RAF bomber squadron with extra Javelin all- weather fighters and the Bloodhound defense missiles (James and Sheil-Small 1971: 152-53). By the time Gen. Walker was replaced by Maj. Gen. George Lea in March 1965, most of the guerillas had been smashed. After Gen. Suharto took over and stripped Sukarno off real power in 1965, the final of the Confrontation came to an end as the Peace Agreement was signed on 11 August 1966.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Sultan Hamid Ii Berwajah Ganda Dalam Karier Politiknya Di Indonesia Makalah
    PLAGIATPLAGIAT MERUPAKAN MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TIDAK TERPUJI TERPUJI SULTAN HAMID II BERWAJAH GANDA DALAM KARIER POLITIKNYA DI INDONESIA MAKALAH Diajukan untuk Memenuhi Salah Satu Syarat Memperoleh Gelar Sarjana Pendidikan Program Studi Pendidikan Sejarah Oleh: VINSENSIUS 101314006 PROGRAM STUDI PENDIDIKAN SEJARAH JURUSAN PENDIDIKAN ILMU PENGETAHUAN SOSIAL FAKULTAS KEGURUAN DAN ILMU PENDIDIKAN UNIVERSITAS SANATA DHARMA YOGYAKARTA 2015 PLAGIATPLAGIAT MERUPAKAN MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TIDAK TERPUJI TERPUJI SULTAN HAMID II BERWAJAH GANDA DALAM KARIER POLITIKNYA DI INDONESIA MAKALAH Diajukan untuk Memenuhi Salah Satu Syarat Memperoleh Gelar Sarjana Pendidikan Program Studi Pendidikan Sejarah Oleh: VINSENSIUS 101314006 PROGRAM STUDI PENDIDIKAN SEJARAH JURUSAN PENDIDIKAN ILMU PENGETAHUAN SOSIAL FAKULTAS KEGURUAN DAN ILMU PENDIDIKAN UNIVERSITAS SANATA DHARMA YOGYAKARTA 2015 i PLAGIATPLAGIAT MERUPAKAN MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TIDAK TERPUJI TERPUJI ii PLAGIATPLAGIAT MERUPAKAN MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TIDAK TERPUJI TERPUJI iii PLAGIATPLAGIAT MERUPAKAN MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TIDAK TERPUJI TERPUJI PERSEMBAHAN Makalah ini saya persembahkan kepada: 1. Yesus Kristus, Bunda Maria, Bapa Yosef, serta Santo Vinsensius pelindung saya yang telah memberikan kesempatan, semangat dan pencerahan sehingga karya tulisan ini dapat terselesaikan. 2. Kedua orangtuaku Bapak Jongki dan Ibu Merensiana Sa’arin yang telah membesarkanku, kedua kakak Agapitus, Adria Utami Yosa dan adik tercinta Eligia Suriati serta tidak
    [Show full text]
  • A History of Hadrami Community in Southeast Asia
    DOI: 10.21274/epis.2019.14.2.169-188 A HISTORY OF HADRAMI COMMUNITY IN SOUTHEAST ASIA Imam Subchi UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta, Indonesia [email protected] Abstract Hadrami-Arabs have played essential roles in Islamisation process across Southeast Asian region. This article diachronically examines the history of Hadrami community and their roles in islamisation. It looks at the dynamics, adaptation, and contestation of Islamisation in the region. This article offers actors-centered accounts of how the Hadrami community contributes to Islamic proselitisation activism (dakwah), politics, and contestation within the community. It further argues that, throughout the history of Hadrami in Southeast Asia, political adaptation and contestation have been essential elements that shape the current Islamic-scape in contemporary Southeast Asia. [Komunitas Hadrami-Arab berperan penting dalam proses Islamisasi di wilayah Asia Tenggara. Artikel ini akan membahas secara diakronis sejarah komunitas Hadrami dan peran mereka dalam proses Islamisasi. Artikel ini mengkaji dinamika, adaptasi, dan kontestasi dalam proses Islamisasi di wilayah Asia Tenggara. Kemudian, artikel ini menawarkan pendekatan “aktor” untuk membahas bagaimana komunitas Hadrami berkontribusi dalam aktifitas dakwah, politik, dan kontestasi dalam komunitas Hadrami. Selanjutnya, saya berargumen bahwa, melalui pelacakan sejarah Hadrami di Asia Tenggara, bahwa adaptasi politik dan kontestasi menjadi faktor penting yang menjelaskan terbentuknya Islamic-scape di Asia Tenggara kontemporer
    [Show full text]
  • Multicultural Narratives in Indonesian Education Historiography: Study Discourse-Historical Approach History Textbook of Senior High School
    The 2nd International Conference on Technology, Education, and Social Science 2018 (The 2nd ICTESS 2018) Multicultural Narratives in Indonesian Education Historiography: Study Discourse-Historical Approach History Textbook of Senior High School Akhmad Dwi Afiyadi, Leo Agung S, Sunardi Department of History Education, Sebelas Maret University, Solo, Indonesia Correspondence: [email protected] Abstract: This research tries to trace the multicultural narrations produced by government through textbooks of history lesson (high school) as compulsory subjects. This research is based on the theory of multiculturalism which states that multiculturalism is the recognition of cultural diversity including ethnic, religious, racial and intergroup diversity. On the other hand this articles attempts to look at the multicultural narrations produced by the government in the textbooks of historical pursuits and the political context of education in the production of multicultural narratives. The multicultural narratives described in the textbook of the history lessons ideally depict the territory of Indonesia which has a diversity of tribes, religions, race and groups. The result of this study are expected to find whether the narrative textbooks of history lessons have revealed historical facts that reflect the diversity of Indonesian society and see how the political context of education, whether to position the textbook as a way of controlling the official historical narratives that students, educators and policy makers education. Keywords: [Multicultural Narratives, History Textbook, Discourse-Historical Approach, Education Historiography] 1. INTRODUCTION not be separated from the political interests of the government. State political conditions The lesson of history is the lessons affect the curriculum and textbook material. taught at the school from the elementary to This is because history textbooks in schools the secondary level.
    [Show full text]
  • The Royal Mosques in Indonesia from 16Th to Early 20Th Centuries As a Power Representation
    I.P. Nasution, Int. J. of Herit. Archit., Vol. 1, No. 3 (2017) 494–502 THE ROYAL MOSQUES IN INDONESIA FROM 16TH TO EARLY 20TH CENTURIES AS A POWER REPRESENTATION ISMAN Pratama NASUTION Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Humanities, Universitas Indonesia, Indonesia. ABstract This study describes the characteristics of the royal mosques in Indonesia from the 16th century to the early 20th century through the architectural and archaeological study of the building’s components. Royal mosques are meaningful in the concept of building because they are the places for sultans and their people to pray, and these mosques are located in the capital cities of the Islamic empires that rep- resent the sultans and became the identity of the characters of the Islamic empires in the past. Through architectural and archaeological studies of several kingdom’s mosques in Java, Sumatra, Borneo, Sulawesi and North Maluku, this research observes the data with the context of space (spatial) with the central government (the palace), squares, markets, tombs and other buildings of a king. In addition, this paper studied the aspects of power relations with the palace mosque as the centre of power, to reveal the power of representation in the mosque, with attention to the style of the building and ritual. The results obtained show that the royal mosques in Indonesia have special characteristics displayed in the building form and the local ritual practices that are different from non-royal mosques and the mosques outside of Indonesia as a strategy and resistance against global Islamic power relations in the past. Keywords: identity and resistance, royal mosque, the representation of power.
    [Show full text]
  • Seawards, Landwards. Can We Make Historical Sense of the Borneo As the Homeland of Malay Hypothesis? Bernard Sellato
    Seawards, Landwards. Can we make historical sense of the Borneo as the Homeland of Malay hypothesis? Bernard Sellato To cite this version: Bernard Sellato. Seawards, Landwards. Can we make historical sense of the Borneo as the Homeland of Malay hypothesis?. James T. Collins, Awang Sariyan. Borneo and the Homeland of the Malays. Four Essays, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, pp.119-129, 2017, ISBN 978 983 62 8725 0. hal-02883029 HAL Id: hal-02883029 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02883029 Submitted on 3 Jul 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Seawards, Landwards. Can we make historical sense of the Borneo as the Homeland of Malay hypothesis? Bernard Sellato* Published in Borneo and the Homeland of the Malays: Four essays, James T. Collins & Awang Sariyan (eds), Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, 2006, pp. 102-110. New edition: Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, 2017, pp. 119-129. As an anthropologist and a historian, I only have limited linguistic or archaeological competence to challenge or even discuss the data presented and hypotheses elaborated in the course of the 2000 colloquium. From my point of view, the "Borneo as the homeland of Malay" hypothesis seems acceptable, even appealing.
    [Show full text]
  • Print This Article
    AL ALBAB - Borneo Journal of Religious Studies (BJRS) Volume 1 Number 1 December 2012 ISLAM AND PLURALITY OF SOCIETY IN WEST KALIMANTAN Zulkifl i Abdillah Pontianak State College of Islamic Studies Abstract Th e plurality of the society in West Kalimantan has been formed since the ear- liest days of the appearance of Islamic style kingdoms or sultanates. However, in its development in the last few decades, the plurality has created social con- fl icts, especially among Muslims themselves. By using the perspective of norma- tive teachings of Islam and the historicity of its congregants, this paper aims to present the argument that plurality is a thing that must be accepted by anyone as an inevitability. Keywords: Plurality of society, Malay, Dayak. INTRODUCTION Th e religion of Islam brought by Muhammad as the khataman nabiyyin (Seal of the Prophets) is a religion for all humanity in every time and place, a blessing for all creation. Islam must comply with the conditions of the community with a variety of backgrounds, and be able to answer challenges of the times since it was preached by Muhammad to the present and in the future. Wherever embraced, Islam should be in accordance with local conditions. Th us it is an inevitability that Islam should be able to be applied in all circumstances, including in multiple communities, such as that of West Kalimantan. Th e above circumstances cannot always be realized. When Islamic teachings are practiced by its followers, sometimes ideality of Islam begins to suff er from bias. Th erefore, in reality Islam sometimes does not describe aspects of ideality above.
    [Show full text]
  • J. Wisseman Christie State Formation in Early Maritime Southeast Asia; a Consideration of the Theories and the Data
    J. Wisseman Christie State formation in early maritime Southeast Asia; A consideration of the theories and the data In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 151 (1995), no: 2, Leiden, 235-288 This PDF-file was downloaded from http://www.kitlv-journals.nl Downloaded from Brill.com10/11/2021 08:52:34AM via free access STATE-OF-THE-ART REVIEWS JAN WISSEMAN CHRISTIE State Formation in Early Maritime Southeast Asia A Consideration of the Theories and the Data Introduction Over the last decade or so several attempts have been made to come to grips with the problem of how and when the early states of Southeast Asia first developed. Most of the more prominent essays (Wolters 1982; Wheatley 1983; Higham 1989; Hagesteijn 1989) have focused largely or exclusively upon the first states of the mainland. The maritime region has been less well served, due partly to the paucity and intractability of the data, and partly to the fact that most scholars dealing with the early history of the maritime region are still struggling to produce adequate descriptions of the states of the later first millennium A.D., well after the first states were founded. Although a number of studies have dealt in passing with aspects of the question, and others have focused upon the earliest states in limited portions of the region, no overview of the ideas concerning state formation in the region has yet been produced. This essay represents a preliminary attempt to redress the balance between the maritime and mainland portions of Southeast Asia, by providing a brief survey of some of the views, assumptions and models that have arisen in literature on the early history of the maritime region, and by reviewing the data - some very recently published - available for the study of the late prehistoric and early historic periods in the area.
    [Show full text]
  • Regime Change and Ethnic Politics in Indonesia Politics with Strong Ethnic Content Emerged Across the Country
    When the Indonesian New Order regime fell in 1998, regional change and ethnic politics in Indonesia Regime politics with strong ethnic content emerged across the country. In West Kalimantan the predominant feature was particularly that of the Dayaks. This surge, however, was not Regime change unprecedented. After centuries of occupying a subordinate place in the political and social hierarchy under the nominal rule of the Malay sultanates, Dayaks became involved in an and ethnic politics enthusiastic political emancipation movement from 1945. The Dayaks secured the governorship as well as the majority of the regional executive head positions before they were in Indonesia shunned by the New Order regime. This book examines the development of Dayak politics in Dayak politics of West Kalimantan West Kalimantan from the colonial times until the first dec- ade of the 21th century. It asks how and why Dayak politics has experienced drastic changes since 1945. It will look at the effect of regime change, the role of the individual lead- ers and organizations, the experience of marginalization, and conflicts on the course of Dayaks politics. It will also examine ethnic relations and recent political development up to 2010 in the province. Dr Taufiq Tanasaldy is a lecturer in Asian Studies and Indo- nesian language. He has a PhD in Southeast Asian Stud- ies from the Research School of Pacific and Asian Stud- ies (RSPAS), the Australian National University. His main research interests are in ethnic politics, regionalism, conflict, Taufiq Tanasaldy Taufiq regional history, and contemporary politics in Indonesia. He is currently completing a research grant on overseas Chinese politics in regional Indonesia.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise and Fall of Pontianak Sultanate (1771-1958) and the Post-World War Ii Cold War
    CHAPTER II COLONIALITY OF POWER: THE RISE AND FALL OF PONTIANAK SULTANATE (1771-1958) AND THE POST-WORLD WAR II COLD WAR After a short introduction, this chapter will give a brief history of West Kalimantan, beginning with its pre-1771 Muslim sultanates, the rise of the Pontianak Sultanate (1771 onwards), the subalternizing effects of Dutch rule upon the population and finally, the tumultuous times which heralded the transition into an era of global power politics (1945-1958). This history sheds light on what has happened to shape the social and political situation experienced by the subalternized groups in West Kalimantan, including the Dayak peasantry. Despite the fact that the Dutch created a rigidly stratified society, with very limited social mobility and through a governmentality which was termed by Anibal Quijano (1997) at the global level a “coloniality of power”, the indigenous groups remained vigilant to any chances they had to loosen the grip of this power. As a story with two beginnings, one in Greece and the Atlantic coast and the other in the Andes and in Mesoamerica, the coloniality of power can be located in the different memories, sensibilities and beliefs held between 1492 and today (Mignolo 2000: 17). Quijano (1997) identifies coloniality of power with capitalism and its consolidation in Europe from the fifteenth to the eighteenth centuries. It implied and constituted itself through: (1) the classification and re-classification of the planets population (through ‘culture’), (2) an institutional structure which functioned to articulate and manage such classifications (state apparatus, universities, church, etc), (3) the definition of spaces appropriate for such goals, and (4) an epistemological perspective from which to articulate the meaning and profile of the new matrix of power and from which the new production of knowledge could be channeled.
    [Show full text]
  • The Royal Mosques in Indonesia from 16Th to Early 20Th Centuries As a Power Representation
    216 Islamic Heritage Architecture THE ROYAL MOSQUES IN INDONESIA FROM 16TH TO EARLY 20TH CENTURIES AS A POWER REPRESENTATION ISMAN Pratama NASUTION Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Humanities, Universitas Indonesia, Indonesia. ABstract This study describes the characteristics of the royal mosques in Indonesia from the 16th century to the early 20th century through the architectural and archaeological study of the building’s components. Royal mosques are meaningful in the concept of building because they are the places for sultans and their people to pray, and these mosques are located in the capital cities of the Islamic empires that rep- resent the sultans and became the identity of the characters of the Islamic empires in the past. Through architectural and archaeological studies of several kingdom’s mosques in Java, Sumatra, Borneo, Sulawesi and North Maluku, this research observes the data with the context of space (spatial) with the central government (the palace), squares, markets, tombs and other buildings of a king. In addition, this paper studied the aspects of power relations with the palace mosque as the centre of power, to reveal the power of representation in the mosque, with attention to the style of the building and ritual. The results obtained show that the royal mosques in Indonesia have special characteristics displayed in the building form and the local ritual practices that are different from non-royal mosques and the mosques outside of Indonesia as a strategy and resistance against global Islamic power relations in the past. Keywords: identity and resistance, royal mosque, the representation of power. 1 INTRODUCTION Ancient mosques in Indonesia have typical characteristic patterns or shapes when compared with shades of mosques in other countries.
    [Show full text]
  • 2Nd South American International Conference Ieomon Industrial Engineering and Operations Management
    INTERNATIONAL 2nd South American International Conference IEOMon Industrial Engineering and Operations Management Sao Paulo, Brazil, April 5-8, 2021 Brazillian Partner Universities IEOM Sao Paulo Conference April 6-8, 2021 Sponsors and Partners Organizer Industrial Engineering and Operations Management Society International IEOM Society International, 21415 Civic Center Dr., Suite 217, Southfield, Michigan 48076, USA Phone: 1-248-450-5660, Email: [email protected] Welcome to the 2nd IEOM Society South American Industrial Engineering and Operations Management Conference, Sao Paulo, Brazil To All Conference Attendees: On behalf of the IEOM Society International, we would like to welcome you to Sao Paulo, Brazil and the 2nd South American International Conference on Industrial Engineering and Operations Management, April 5-8, 2021. This unique international conference provides a forum for academics, researchers and practitioners from many industries to exchange ideas and share recent developments in the fields of industrial engineering and operations management. This diverse international event provides an opportunity to collaborate and advance the theory and practice of major trends in industrial engineering and operations management. There were more than 800 papers/abstracts submitted from more than 50 countries, and after a thorough peer review process, approximately 500 have been accepted. The program includes many cutting-edge topics of industrial engineering and operations management. The theme of the conference is “Operational Excellence in the era of Industry 4.0”. This conference will address many of the issues concerning continuous improvement for quality and service. Our keynote speakers will address some of these issues: • Dr. Ximena Córdova Vallejo, Profesora, Colegio de Ciencias e Ingenierías, Politécnico, Universidad San Francisco de Quito, Ecuador • Daniel Scuzzarello, Vice President and Country Manager, Siemens Digital Industry Software South America, São Paulo, Brazil • Opening Keynote II: Prof.
    [Show full text]
  • RELIGIA 2527-5992 (Online) J U R N a L I L M U – I L M U K E I S L a M a N
    Vol. 23 No. 1 2020 ISSN: 1411-1632 (Print) RELIGIA 2527-5992 (Online) J u r n a l I l m u – I l m u K e i s l a m a n Article History The Harmonious Dialectics Between Hindu-Muslim Submitted: in Bali (A Study in Jembrana Regency) 24-10-2019 Reviewed: 02-01-2020 Saihu Aproved: [email protected] 17-03-2020 Institut PTIQ Jakarta, Indonesia Cemal Şahin [email protected] University of State Bursa, Turkey Abstract This paper discusses the harmonious dialectics process between Hindus and Muslims through„urf or local wisdom which is believed to have philosophical, sociological, and psychological values with plural- multicultural nuances for the community of Jembrana, Province of Bali. This paper focuses on searching the effectiveness of some„urf or local wisdom that functions as a means to interact between two religious communities that lead to peaceful practices on Hindu-Muslim communities in Jembrana-Bali. The data sources are field observations and unstructured interviews from March-July 2019. This study is field research using a method of a case study. The results found that the dialectics process with a multicultural nuance between Hindus and Muslims in Jembrana is through the„urf or local wisdom, namely male, ngejot, rebana, and mekepung traditions. Further, from these four traditions, there is a process of active involvement, constructive understanding, and efforts to find joint commitments from various commitments, so that a sense of brotherhood and understanding of the diversity between the two religious communities becomes extremely close. This dialectic can also shape the character of Hindu and Muslim communities in Jembrana to be humanist, tolerant, and inclusive, this phenomenon then leads to the process of association, integration, complementation, and sublimation.
    [Show full text]