Tolerance: Voltaire and the Spirit Of
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Quick Study Guide
WH07_te_ch06_rev_MOD_s.fm Page 240 Monday, March 5, 2007 5:10WH07MOD_se_CH06_rev_s.fm PM Page 240 Friday, January 26, 2007 12:12 PM Quick Study Guide CHAPTER Progress Monitoring Online 6 6 For: Self-test with vocabulary practice 6 Web Code: nba-1851 Quick Study Guide ■ Have students use the Quick Study ■ What Inspired the French Revolution? ■ Causes and Effects of the French Guide to prepare for this chapter’s Revolution test. Students may wish to refer to • Social: Enlightenment ideas such as equality and justice the following pages as they review: • Political: Ideas from the American Revolution • Economic: Inequalities among classes; unrest due to Cause and Effect extravagant monarchy Long-Term Causes Immediate Causes What Inspired the French Revolution? • Corrupt and inconsistent • Huge government debt Section 1, pp. 210–213 leadership • Poor harvests and rising ■ Reforms of the National Assembly • Prosperous members of price of bread Third Estate resent • Failure of Louis XVI to Causes and Effects of the French Revolution Political privileges of First and accept financial reforms Second Estates. Section 1, pp. 210–215; Section 2, • Proclaimed all male citizens equal before the law. • Formation of National • Spread of Enlightenment • Limited the power of the monarchy. Assembly pp. 217–222; Section 3, pp. 223–227; ideas Section 4, pp. 230–238 • Established the Legislative Assembly to make laws. • Storming of Bastille • Granted all tax-paying male citizens the right to elect members of the Legislative Assembly. Reforms of the National Assembly The French Revolution Section 2, pp. 217–220 Social and Economic • Abolished special privileges of the nobility. Immediate Effects Long-Term Effects • Announced an end to feudalism. -
Nationalism in the French Revolution of 1789
The University of Maine DigitalCommons@UMaine Honors College 5-2014 Nationalism in the French Revolution of 1789 Kiley Bickford University of Maine - Main Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors Part of the Cultural History Commons Recommended Citation Bickford, Kiley, "Nationalism in the French Revolution of 1789" (2014). Honors College. 147. https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors/147 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UMaine. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors College by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UMaine. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NATIONALISM IN THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1789 by Kiley Bickford A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for a Degree with Honors (History) The Honors College University of Maine May 2014 Advisory Committee: Richard Blanke, Professor of History Alexander Grab, Adelaide & Alan Bird Professor of History Angela Haas, Visiting Assistant Professor of History Raymond Pelletier, Associate Professor of French, Emeritus Chris Mares, Director of the Intensive English Institute, Honors College Copyright 2014 by Kiley Bickford All rights reserved. Abstract The French Revolution of 1789 was instrumental in the emergence and growth of modern nationalism, the idea that a state should represent, and serve the interests of, a people, or "nation," that shares a common culture and history and feels as one. But national ideas, often with their source in the otherwise cosmopolitan world of the Enlightenment, were also an important cause of the Revolution itself. The rhetoric and documents of the Revolution demonstrate the importance of national ideas. -
Place Saint-Michel the Place Saint-Michel Is
Place Saint-Michel The Place Saint-Michel is simple – a triangle between two streets, uniform buildings along both, designed by the same architect, a walk of smooth cobblestone. The centerpiece is St. Michael defeating a devil; far above them are four statues symbolizing the four cardinal virtues of prudence, fortitude, temperance, and justice. This monument came to be because of the 1848 Revolution and a cholera epidemic in Paris that followed it which killed thousands. This idea of abstract concepts given human form had been popular during the Revolution, the big one, representing the kind of big virtues – like the Four Cardinal Virtues – that everyone could strive for, instead of a single human being whose actions and legacy would turn people against each other. Simultaneous with the creation of Place Saint-Michel, Napoleon III’s renovation brought the Boulevard Saint-Michel into being, and that is the next part of our walk. Facing the fountain with the river at your back, walk on Boulevard Saint-Michel, it’s the street to your left. Walk away from the river along that street. Ultimately, you’ll be turning left on Rue des Écoles, but it’ll be about five minutes to get there, and you can listen to the next track on the way. Boulevard Saint-Michel The character of the street you’re on – wide-open space lined with trees and long, harmonious buildings, plus, often, a view of some landmark in the distance – was a central part of the renovation plan, or the Haussmann plan, as it’s also known. -
Treatise on Tolerance Edited by Simon Harvey Frontmatter More Information
Cambridge University Press 0521649692 - Voltaire: Treatise on Tolerance Edited by Simon Harvey Frontmatter More information CAMBRIDGE TEXTS IN THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY VOLTAIRE Treatise on Tolerance © Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 0521649692 - Voltaire: Treatise on Tolerance Edited by Simon Harvey Frontmatter More information CAMBRIDGE TEXTS IN THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY Series editors KARL AMERIKS Professor of Philosophy at the University of Notre Dame DESMOND M. CLARKE Professor of Philosophy at University College Cork The main objective of Cambridge Texts in the History of Philosophy is to expand the range, variety and quality of texts in the history of philosophy which are available in English. The series includes texts by familiar names (such as Descartes and Kant) and also by less well-known authors. Wherever possible, texts are published in complete and unabridged form, and translations are specially commissioned for the series. Each volume contains a critical introduction together with a guide to further reading and any necessary glossaries and textual apparatus. The volumes are designed for student use at undergrad- uate and post-graduate level and will be of interest not only to students of philosophy, but also to a wider audience of readers in the history of science, the history of theology and the history of ideas. For a list of titles published in the series, please see end of book. © Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 0521649692 - Voltaire: Treatise -
Freedom of Speech, Freedom of Self-Expression, and Kant's Public
Diametros 54 (2017): 118–137 doi: 10.13153/diam.54.2017.1136 FREEDOM OF SPEECH, FREEDOM OF SELF-EXPRESSION, AND KANT’S PUBLIC USE OF REASON – Geert Van Eekert – Abstract. This article turns to early modern and Enlightenment advocates of tolerance (Locke, Spi- noza, John Stuart Mill) to discover and lay bare the line of argument that has informed their com- mitment to free speech. This line of argument will subsequently be used to assess the shift from free speech to the contemporary ideal of free self-expression. In order to take this assessment one step further, this article will finally turn to Immanuel Kant’s famous defense of the public use of reason. In the wake of Katerina Deligiorgi’s readings of Kant, it will show that the idea of free speech requires a specific disposition on behalf of speakers and writers that is in danger of being neglected in the contemporary prevailing conception of free speech as freedom of self-expression. Keywords: John Locke, Baruch Spinoza, Immanuel Kant, John Stuart Mill, freedom of speech, free- dom of self-expression, public use of reason, Enlightenment. Contemporary debates about free speech or freedom of speech primarily deal with the question how free speech should be (in the sense of both “How free should speech be?” and “How should free speech be?”), and not (or at least not mainly) with the question why speech should be free.1 Admittedly, there seems to be no reason to urge the latter question: it is rather generally agreed upon today (at least in liberal democratic societies) that freedom of speech should be both es- teemed and categorically defended because it is both a fundamental human right and a key pillar of democracy and of the (scientific) quest for knowledge. -
Introduction
© Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. CHAPTER 1 Introduction French Society in 1789 Historians working on the French Revolution have a problem. All of our attempts to find an explanation in terms of social groups or classes, or particular segments of society becoming powerfully activated, have fallen short. As one expert aptly expressed it: “the truth is we have no agreed general theory of why the French Revolution came about and what it was— and no prospect of one.”1 This gaping, causal void is cer- tainly not due to lack of investigation into the Revolution’s background and origins. If class conflict in the Marxist sense has been jettisoned, other ways of attributing the Revolution to social change have been ex- plored with unrelenting rigor. Of course, every historian agrees society was slowly changing and that along with the steady expansion of trade and the cities, and the apparatus of the state and armed forces, more (and more professional) lawyers, engineers, administrators, officers, medical staff, architects, and naval personnel were increasingly infusing and diversifying the existing order.2 Yet, no major, new socioeconomic pressures of a kind apt to cause sudden, dramatic change have been identified. The result, even some keen revisionists admit, is a “somewhat painful void.”3 Most historians today claim there was not one big cause but instead numerous small contributory impulses. One historian, stressing the absence of any identifiable overriding cause, likened the Revolution’s origins to a “multi- coloured tapestry of interwoven causal factors.”4 So- cial and economic historians embracing the “new social interpretation” identify a variety of difficulties that might have rendered eighteenth- century French society, at least in some respects, more fraught and vulnerable than earlier. -
Voltaire • Unit 4 of 4 Lecture Notes
VOLTAIRE • UNIT 4 OF 4 LECTURE NOTES ADAM GOPNIK • Know the “three Voltaires” that Gopnik identifies • Know kind of fruit that King Frederick II of Prussia invoked when discussing Voltaire, whose real name was François-Marie Arouet (and one of whose nicknames was Zozo) • Know how Voltaire became rich in his mid-30s (a fortune he added to through his literary endeavors) • Nancy Mitford’s 1954 book Voltaire in Love highlights his relationship with Émilie, Marquise du Châtelet, who died in 1749, aged 42, during childbirth • An advocate of female education, she was an important natural philosopher (i.e. scientist) and mathematician, who translated— and added a commentary to—Isaac Newton’s Principia (short title of Mathematical Principles of Natural Philosophy), which concerns basic laws of physics • Of her own works, the most influential remains Foundations of Physics • One critical area of her inquiries was the conservation principles that apply to the energy of bodies in motion • Many of her theories were included in the Encyclopédie, compiled by Diderot and D’Alembert • After Voltaire’s two-and-a-half years of self-exile in England (to avoid imprisonment in the Bastille), he lived with the married Émilie du Châtelet for some time at her country estate, Cirey, in northwest France, where the two collaborated (“science and sex”) • After her death, Voltaire moved to Prussia, where Frederick the Great supported him, but he argued with the president of the Berlin Academy of Science • For himself and a lover, Madame Denis (his sister’s daughter), -
Peasantry and the French Revolution
“1st. What is the third estate? Everything. 2nd. What has it been heretofore in the political order? Nothing. 3rd. What does it demand? To become something therein.” -Abbe Sieyes 1789 Pre-Revolution • Louis XVI came to the throne in the midst of a serious financial crisis • France was nearing bankruptcy due to the outlays that were outpacing income • A new tax code was implemented under the direction of Charles Alexandre de Calonne • This proposal included a land tax • Issues with the Three Estates and inequality within it Peasant Life pre-Revolution • French peasants lived better than most of their class, but were still extremely poor • 40% worked land, but it was subdivided into several small plots which were shared and owned by someone else • Unemployment was high due to the waning textile industry • Rent and food prices continued to rise • Worst harvest in 40 years took place during the winter of 1788-89 Peasant Life pre-Revolution • The Third Estate, which was the lower classes in France, were forced by the nobility and the Church to pay large amounts in taxes and tithes • Peasants had experienced a lot of unemployment during the 1780s because of the decline in the nation’s textile industry • There was a population explosion of about 25-30% in roughly 90 years that did not coincide with a rise in food production Direct Causes of the Revolution • Famine and malnutrition were becoming more common as a result of shortened food supply • Rising bread prices contributes to famine • France’s near bankruptcy due to their involvement in various -
Guidelines and Value Statement on Freedom of Speech and Expression
FREEDOM OF SPEECH AND EXPRESSION VALUE STATEMENT AND GUIDELINES Approved by USM Board of Regents June 21, 2019 Freedom of Speech and Expression Statement of Values The free exchange of ideas and information is central to higher education’s foremost obligation of fostering both intellectual development and the discovery and dissemination of knowledge. Scholarship and learning can only flourish in an environment in which the unfettered expression of all ideas is nurtured. To that end, the University System of Maryland (USM) is committed to promoting and protecting every person’s freedom to express their views, however controversial, in a lawful manner. With certain exceptions, such as threats of physical violence and unlawful harassment, free speech is protected by the United States Constitution. The State of Maryland and the USM share the commitment to free speech that is imbedded in our nation’s constitution. Any effort to limit protected speech based solely on content is a violation of USM’s legal and academic responsibilities and is therefore impermissible. The USM’s duty to advance facts and the truth -- as well as our commitment to the students, faculty, and staff who comprise the USM community -- can also impose an obligation to condemn, confront, or correct speech that is hateful or discriminatory. Institutional leaders and other campus community members may counter speech designed to denigrate others or undermine evidence- based scholarship with additional speech. Offensive speech cannot be banned, but it can—and often should—be challenged. A healthy and thriving community also depends on the civility of its members towards one another. -
Free Thought, Free Speech, Free Action Intellectual Individualism According to Robert H
Jacob A. Sandstrom Free Thought, Free Speech, Free Action Intellectual Individualism According to Robert H. Jackson The Robert H. Jackson Center 305 East Fourth Street Jamestown, New York 14701 716.483.6646 www.roberthjackson.org Free Thought, Free Speech, Free Action Intellectual Individualism According to Robert H. Jackson Abstract What can be said of a man whose life was so vibrant, yet so short? For Associate Justice Robert H. Jackson, words were a craft—his sword and his solace. Though Jackson’s life was cut short by a fatal heart attack, his words remain in his masterful writings, speeches, and opinions. Among the themes Jackson references, sanctity of individual thought—the basis of a functional democracy—is constant. A practical man, Jackson professed that though certain forms of harmful speech and action could be subject to limitation, thought was beyond the control of anyone but the individual. Ultimately, the public’s chief goal is to find items of “social value” through consensus, a result of discussions that welcome a wide range of opinions. Jackson’s views of free thought were strengthened by his time serving as U.S. Chief Prosecutor at Nuremberg; his willingness to pen opinions— particularly individual concurrences or dissents—following Nuremberg seems to be more than a mere matter of coincidence. This paradigm begs the question: what did Jackson find at Nuremberg that so profoundly altered his understanding of the world? The physical atrocities of World War II are upsetting to any empathetic human being; there is no doubt that Jackson was disturbed by the blatant horrors of Nazi rule. -
Freedom of Expression and the Liberalism of Fear
volume 20, no. 34 I. Introduction november 2020 Much recent philosophical work on free speech proceeds in the fol- lowing ostensibly plausible way. Rights, it is said, protect weighty interests (Raz 1986). Therefore, if there is a right to free expression, then there must be some weighty interest(s) that it protects. More- over, reasoning about the best means of protecting and advancing Freedom of Expression and these interests determines a right’s normative limits. For example: if we have a right to free expression because it aids us in the search for truth (as J. S. Mill suggests), then, when limiting speech helps us in our search, we ought to impose the relevant limitations (Leiter 2016). If we the Liberalism of Fear: have a right to freedom of expression because it facilitates democratic deliberation, then, when silencing speech does so better, silencing is justified (Schauer 1982). If we have a right to free expression because A Defense of the Darker Mill such a right promotes the perfection of our capacities, then, when pre- venting some speech does so better, we ought to prevent speech just that far (Brink 2001: 149−172). If a right to free expression protects us against oppression, then our speech can be regulated insofar as it con- stitutes oppression (McGowan 2014). And so on. As Stanley Fish puts the general point, speech “is always produced within the precincts of some conception of the good to which it must yield in the event of conflict” (1994). Or as Erwin Chemerinsky writes, courts must inevitably decide “what speech is protected, under what circumstances, and when and how the government may regulate” (2017: 1237−1238). -
Bibliographie Voltairienne 2000-2012 Préparée Par Ulla Kölving
Bibliographie voltairienne 2000-2012 Préparée par Ulla Kölving Voltaire numérique 3 Société Voltaire 2014 societe-voltaire.org © Société Voltaire et l'auteur 2014 ISBN 978-2-37105-003-7 ISSN 2270-3853 Date de création 12 août 2014 URL societe-voltaire.org/vn3.pdf Publié en France par la Société Voltaire, BP 44, F-01212 Ferney-Voltaire cedex La Société Voltaire bénéficie du soutien du Centre national du livre Cette publication ne peut être mise en ligne ou commercialisée, sous forme électronique ou autre Pour citer cette publication : Ulla Kölving, Bibliographie voltairienne, 2002-2012 (Voltaire numérique 3), Ferney-Voltaire, Société Voltaire, 2014 Bibliographie voltairienne 2000-2012 Préparée par Ulla Kölving Cette bibliographie cumule et complète les bibliographies annuelles parues dans lesCahiers Voltaire 1 à 12, de 2002à 2013. Nous remerçions de leurs concours Roxane Argyropoulos, François Bessire, Lucien Choudin, Daniel Gloor, Jens Häseler, Anne Horvat, François Jacob de l’Institut et Musée Voltaire de Genève, Sergueï Karp, Ingvild Hagen Kjørholt, Claude Lauriol, Pierre Leufflen, Mercédès Marincovic, Benoît Melançon, Halima Ouanada, Christophe Paillard, Jean-Noël Pascal, Françoise Paulet Dubois, Olga Penke, Gilles Plante, María José Rodríguez Sánchez de León, Kees van Strien, Catherine Volpilhac-Auger, Catherine Walser de l’Institut et Musée Voltaire de Genève et Piotr Zaborov. Œuvres Candide ou l’optimisme, 1. Scénario : Gorian Delpâture & Michel Dufranne. Dessin : Vujadin Radovanovic. [Paris], Delcourt, 2008- L’Affaire Paméla. Lettres de Monsieur de Voltaire à Madame Denis, de (Ex-libris). 48 pages. ISBN 978-2-7560-1074-8. Berlin. Présentées par André Magnan, Paris, Paris-Méditerranée, Candide ou l’optimisme, 2. Scénario : Gorian Delpâture & Michel 2004.