Phonetic Analysis of Lexical Stress in Sindhi

Abdul Malik Abbasi ID 09003237-002

PhD Dissertation

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy (Linguistics)

In the School of Social Sciences and Humanities Department of English Language & Literature University of Management and Technology

Lahore, Pakistan

August, 2016

Certificate of Approval

The dissertation of Abdul Malik Abbasi is approved.

______Professor Dr. Sarmad Hussain (UET, Lahore) Supervisor

______Dr. Muhammad Shaban (UMT, Lahore) Chairman

______Professor Dr. Muhammad Shahbaz Arif External Examiner

______Professor Dr. Abdul Hameed (UMT, Lahore) Dean School of Social Science and Humanities

University of Management and Technology, Lahore, Pakistan August, 2016

Declaration

I hereby declare that this work has not been submitted in support of another degree or qualification at this or any other university/institute.

Abdul Malik Abbasi

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Abstract

This dissertation investigates the syllable structure and stress patterns of Sindhi words through the analysis of behavioral data from speech judgment experiments, and of acoustic data from speech production experiments, conducted with native speakers of Sindhi. There were three basic queries, the first of which was: What is the syllable structure? For this, a syllable judgment study was designed to explore syllable structure in Sindhi indigenous words and English loanwords. Syllable counts and syllabification judgments were elicited from native speakers for words presented in written format. This syllable judgment study sought to determine native speakers’ intuitions about the syllabification of Sindhi words in terms of the major principles: Sonority Sequencing Principle

(SSP) and Maximal Onset Principle (MOP) of syllabification, and phonotactic constraints of the language, referencing to consonant clusters syllable-initially, -medially, and -finally. On the basis of the data, the study devised an algorithm for syllabification that illustrates how a Sindhi word is syllabified.

Secondly, it investigates the word-level stress patterns in Sindhi and identifies the phonological factors that determine stress location in polysyllabic words. This study also examines the intuition of native speakers by eliciting their judgments about the location of lexical stress in words of two, three, four and five syllables from 150 selected words.

The findings from the stress judgment study shows that native speakers have a preference for identifying stress on a heavy syllable. This pattern is strongest in words that have a single heavy syllable. In words with multiple heavy syllables the pattern is less clear. In tri-syllabic words there appears to be a preference for stress on the leftmost heavy syllable, while four-syllable words do

not show this pattern as clearly. However, five-syllable words, show a preference for lexical stress on the penultimate syllable, which does not seem to depend on syllable weight. From these data the study concludes that Sindhi is not a fixed stress language. The location of stress varies in words according to the weight of the syllables in the word. This study concludes that Sindhi is a weak quantity-sensitive language and it is not a fixed stress language.

Third question investigated here is what are the acoustic correlates of word level stress in Sindhi?

This work collects and examines quantitative acoustic data (2000 voice samples of Sindhi speech) from ten native speakers. From the physical examination of stressed and unstressed vocalic sounds, the study found strong evidence that several phonetic properties are altered by word-level stress in

Sindhi. The speech materials used in the acoustic analysis are ten minimal stress pairs of words that differ primarily in the location of stress (first vs. second syllable). The test words were all highly familiar words selected and chosen to minimize segmental variation among the words. The acoustic analysis of productions of these 20 words is based on measures of fundamental frequency

(F0), vowel formants (F1 and F2) as a measure of vowel quality and vowel duration. In addition, the stop closure duration of the word-initial onset consonant for stressed and unstressed syllables was also measured. The results show strong evidence that stressed syllables have higher F0, F1 and F2, and greater duration values as compared to unstressed syllables.

In addition, the study undertook another experiment of preliminary intonational aspects of Sindhi in order to investigate the role of pitch between stress and intonation of contrastive focus accentual phrase in Sindhi, F0 of vowel pitch contours were analyzed for evidence that the location of the beginning of the pitch rise, or the pitch peak varies in relation to the location of the stressed syllable

in the word. Sindhi pitch accent rises from the first syllable in disyllable words, irrespective of syllable weight, and the rise is followed by a fall at end of the word. Thus, it was observed, there was a rise and fall in intonation of contrastive focus accentual phrase. A peak occurs on the second or third syllable and may span over two syllables in longer words.

Acknowledgements

The author owes a great debt of gratitude to Professor Jennifer Cole for her guidance, advice, and encouragement on this project. She is considered to be an authority in the prosody of speech production in the world of phonology. I felt elevated and honored to work with her at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign (UIUC), USA. I am also grateful to Professor Cole for serving as the co-advisor on my doctoral thesis and also for her detailed email responses regarding the phonetic analysis of stress and syllable structure in Sindhi before I left for the States to further enrich my doctoral project. I found her really to be an inspiring woman with an un-quenchable thirst for phonetic and phonological research. I learnt a great deal from her, in particular how to think critically as a researcher. Professor Cole is a generous, intelligent and inspiring researcher, who sincerely cares about her advisees. I am very lucky indeed to have had her as a co-advisor in the journey of phonetic doctoral research, which really made my journey more robust and easier.

I am grateful to my supervisor, Professor Sarmad Hussain, (UET) University of Engineering

Technology Lahore, Pakistan, for his time, guidance, advice, and encouragement on this project.

Professor Hussain was the man who introduced me to experimental phonology, and when I stepped into the world of phonetics, he was also the one to introduce me to Professor Jennifer Cole. I appreciate Professor Hussain’s willingness to act as an advisor on the doctoral project. I think of the day when I was advised to see Professor Sarmad Hussain and to persuade him to supervise my

MS/PhD theses. Professor Hussain was persuaded, provided that I would study three phonetic courses formally, including one with Professor Jennifer Cole at University of Illinois, USA. I am also grateful to Dr Sarmad Hussain for help design the experiments and his input for final PhD thesis draft, which really enriched it particularly on acoustic chapter.

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The author also gratefully acknowledges the insightful discussions with Professor Cole, as well as comments from Michael Kenstowicz, Professor of Phonology at MIT, USA, given in response to my email inquiries referencing stress pattern and English loanword phonology in Sindhi.

Kenstowicz discussed loanword phonology and also advised me to study Gordon, with reference to acoustic analysis of stress, which robustly enriched the literature review of the present inquiry.

The author has the permission to quote the research works by Professor Kenstowicz and Professor

Gordon in this dissertation (Kenstowicz & Gordon, personal communications, February 2014).

I do not have words to express thanks to my parents, whose prayers brought about a successful doctoral project. I am also thankful to my wife, Shahnila (Assistant Professor of English) and my kids, for their long-term support, also for understanding me and sharing good time and bad time, since I had been wandering from home for several years to Lahore, Karachi, and the University of

Illinois Urbana-Champaign, USA. Whenever I was home, they helped in one way or another on the hectic acoustic analysis of 2000 voice samples. I acknowledge the help from my spouse, discussing Sindhi lexical stress coupled with syllabification in Sindhi words at the initial stage, and the help from my kids in searching for English loanwords as well as Sindhi indigenous words for the stimuli and speech material.

I am much indebted to Higher Education Commission (HEC) of Pakistan. Had HEC not sponsored

PhD Indigenous Fellowship, it would not have been possible for me to complete a doctoral project.

The International Research Scholarship Initiative Project (IRSIP) for six months’ study abroad at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign, USA, was a great opportunity to enrich my dissertation and enhance the research, both in terms of understanding the international standard

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level and in interacting with international researchers in my field; where, I presented my research before world-renowned professors and received feedback.

The author also gratefully acknowledges the services of University of Management and

Technology Lahore, Pakistan, which actually provided me the excellent environment and the exact platform for my doctoral research. IPC (Information Processing Center) laboratory, HEC computer laboratory and the Library facilitated me for prints, computer/internet, and the books for research/reference, and thanks to the co-operative staff of UMT administration/UMT hostels and the department of English Language and Literature (DELL) for all they did in accomplishment of my doctoral research.

I appreciate the critical feedback in our weekly research group meetings, which really helped to broaden the scope of this study: Tim, Amelia, Tatiana, Suyeon chaired by Professor Cole and

Professor José Ignacio Hualde (UIUC) Professor of Phonology in F3 meeting. I am much indebted to Professor Matthew Gordon, University of California Santa Barbara USA for serving as an

External Examiner on my PhD dissertation and for his input which really refined and enriched the thesis. I am also thankful to Dr. Nancy Kula, University of Essex, United Kingdom for her detailed comments who also served as an External Examiner on my PhD dissertation. The author is also thankful to Dr. Muhammad Shahbaz Arif for serving as an Internal Examiner on my PhD thesis.

He was the man who initiated PhD (Applied Linguistics, 2007) program at UMT Lahore. Many thanks to Dr. Joseph Roy and Irfan Qasim for statistical advice. I also appreciate the editing advice provided by Emily Chasco. I am thankful to Pervaiz Ahmed and Abdul Hafeez, for their help in

one way or another. I owe a special debt of gratitude to the speakers who provided the phonetic data examined in the project with accuracy and patience.

This dissertation was written in accordance with American Psychological Association (APA) sixth edition (2010) rules and typed in office 2013 (registered version) and throughout this document

IPA phonetic symbols were used from SIL (Summer Institute of Linguistics) International website on my laptop Acer Travel Mate Core i3 system. All errors and omissions are my own. No amount of thanks can be paid to Allah Almighty, since no work is possible merely with His Help.

Abdul Malik Abbasi

Dedication

to my parents and family

Table of Contents

Certificate of Approval ...... ii

Declaration ...... iii

Abstract ...... iv

Acknowledgements ...... vii

Dedication ...... xi

Table of Abbreviations ...... xvii

Table of Figures ...... xix List of Tables ...... xxii

Chapter 1 ...... 1

Introduction ...... 1 1.1 Introduction ...... 1 1.2 Background ...... 4 1.3 Rationale……...…………………………………………………………………………….…7 1.4 Purpose of the Study ...... 8 1.5 The Objectives of the Study Will...... 8 1.6 Research Questions ……………………………………..…………………………………….8 1.7 Hypotheses……….……………………………………………………………………………8 1.8 Methodology…………….…………………………………………………………………….9 1.9 Thesis Outline ...... 11 1.9.1 Chapter 1 ...... 11 1.9.2 Chapter 2 ...... 12 1.9.3 Chapter 3 ...... 12 1.9.4 Chapter 4 ...... 13 1.9.5 Chapter 5 ...... 13 1.9.6 Chapter 6 ...... 13 1.10 Publications Contributed ...... 14

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Chapter 2 ...... 14

Literature Review ...... 15 2.1 Introduction ...... 15 2.2 Prior Work on Syllable Structure ...... 15 2.2.1 Principles of Syllabification ...... 18 2.2.2 Sonority Hierarchy ………………………………………………………………..……….19 2.2.3 Epenthesis Phenomenon ...... 21 2.3 Syllable Weight………...…………………………………………………………….………23 2.3.1 Quantity Sensitive and Quantity Insensitive Stress………..………………………….……23 2.4 Lexical Stress ...... 24 2.4.1 Typology of Lexical Stress ...... 26 2.4.2 Fixed Stress ...... 27 2.4.3 Variable Stress ...... 30 2.4.4 English Stress ...... 30 2.4.5 Stress Patterns ...... 34 2.5 Metrical Phonology ...... 38 2.5.1 Extrametrical Syllable ...... 39 2.5.2 Basic Parameters for Locating Primary Stress in Natural Languages ...... 41 2.5.3 Stress Assignment ...... 43 2.6 Phonetic Correlates of Stress ...... 47 2.6.1 Duration ...... 49 2.6.2 Quality of Vowels (F1 and F2) ...... 51 2.6.3 Fundamental Frequency (F0) ...... 54 2.7 Pitch Accent-Languages ………...………………………………….…….……………….....56 2.7.1 Lexical Pitch Accent………………………………………………………………………..57 2.7.2 Intonational Pitch Accent ………………...………………………………………………..60 2.8 Stress in Indo-Aryan Languages ...... 61 2.8.1 Hindi Syllable Structure ...... 63 2.8.2 Hindi Lexical Stress ...... 64 2.8.3 Urdu Syllable Structure……………………………………………………………..………....…66 2.8.4 Urdu Lexical Stress………………………………………………..……………...………..67

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2.8.5 Sindhi Phonetics...... 68 2.8.6 Dialects ...... 68 2.8.7 Utradi (Northern) Dialect ...... 69 2.8.8 Sindhi Vocal System ...... 69 2.8.9 Sindhi Consonantal System ...... 71 2.8.10 Sindhi Syllable Structure ...... 72 2.8.11 Consonant Clusters at Onset ...... 73 2.8.12 Consonant Clusters at Coda ...... 74

Chapter 3 ...... 77

Syllable Structure ...... 77 3.1 Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………..77 3.2 Syllable Structure…………………………………………………………………………….77 3.2.1 Syllabification Process …………………………………………………………………….…….79 3.3 Methods and Procedures ...... 82 3.3.1 Speakers ...... 82 3.3.2 Stimuli ...... 82 3.3.3 Task ...... 83 3.4 Data Analysis ...... 84 3.4.1 Discussion ...... 93 3.4.2 Onset Syllable Structure ...... 93 3.4.3 Coda Syllable Structure ...... 94 3.4.4 Rime Structure ...... 95 3.4.5 Epenthesis Phenomenon ...... 95 3.4.6 Reliability of Syllable Judgements……………….………………………………………..98 3.5 Summary ...... 99 3.6 Conclusion ...... 100

Chapter 4 ...... 102

Syllable Structure and Stress Patterns ...... 102 4.1 Introduction ...... 102 4.2 Methods and Procedures ...... 103 4.2.1 Speakers ...... 103

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4.2.2 Stimuli ...... 104 4.2.3 Task ...... 104 4.3 Data Analysis ...... 105 4.3.1 Disyllabic Words and Primary Stress Judgment ...... 106 4.4 Summary ...... 110 4.5 Tri-Syllable Words and Primary Stress Judgment ...... 111 4.6 Reliability of Stress Judgments…………………………….………………………………. 116 4.7 Summary ...... 117 4.8 Four-Syllable Words and Primary Stress Judgment ...... 119 4.8.1 Summary ...... 125 4.9 Five Syllabic Words and Primary Stress Judgment ...... 126 4.9.1 Summary of Lexical Stress Judgments ...... 131 4.10 Graphic Analysis of Lexical Stress ...... 131 4.11 Five-Syllable Words Graphic Analysis of Lexical Stress...... 139 4.11.1 Summary of Syllable Stress Judgments ...... 142 4.12 Discussion ...... 142 4.12.1 Disyllable ...... 143 4.12.2 Tri-Syllable ...... 143 4.12.3 Four-Syllable...... 143 4.12.4 Five-Syllable ...... 144 4.13 Summary ...... 144

Chapter 5 ...... 145

Acoustic Analysis of Lexical Stress ...... 145 5.1 Introduction ...... 145 5.2 Method and Procedure ...... 145 5.2.1 Speakers ...... 145 5.2.2 Task………………………………………...……………………………………………………..146 5.2.2.1 Speech Material……...……………………………………………..……………………….... 146 5.2.2.2 Recording Procedure…………………….………………………………………………..…..147 5.3 Acoustic Measurements ...... 148 5.3.1 Duration Measurements ...... 148

5.3.2 Vowel Quality (F1-F2) Measurements ...... 149 5.3.3 Fundamental Frequency (F0) Measurement ...... 149 5.3.4 Stop Closure Measurements ...... 149 5.4 Validity and Reliability of the Study…………………….……..……….………………..…152 5.5 Data Analysis ...... 153 5.5.1 Duration of Stressed and Unstressed Syllables ...... 153 5.5.2 Fundamental Frequency (F0) …………………….………………………………...... ………..159 5.5.3 Vowel Quality (F1 and F2) ...... 165 5.5.3.1 Summary of Vowel Quality (F1 and F2) ...... 173 5.6 Stop Closures ...... 173 5.6.1 Summary of Onset Stop Data ...... 175 5.7 Discussion ...... 175 5.8 Experiment 2 ...... 180 5.8.1 Methods and Procedures ...... 180 5.8.2 Speakers ...... 180 5.8.3 Recording Procedure ...... 180 5.8.4 Speech Material ...... 181 5.8.5 Pitch Contours Analysis in Contrastive Focus...... 183 5.9 Conclusion ...... 184

Chapter 6 ...... 185

Conclusion ...... 185 6.1 Summary ...... 185 6.2 Recommendations ...... 188 References ...... 189

Appendices…………………………………………………………………………………………………….205 Appendix-A: Means of Duration of Long Vowels by All Speakers ...... 205 Appendix-B: A List of 100 Words for Syllabification in Sindhi and English Loanwords ... 210 Appendix-C: Lexemes Used for Marking Primary Stress Syllable ...... 214 Appendix-D: Sixty Nine Words of Different Syllable Category ...... 220 Appendix-E: The Waveforms of Voice Samples of Token Phrases across Speakers…...... 221 Appendix-F: Contrastive Focus Pitch Contours of the Templates Used for the Pitch Study.231

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Table of Abbreviations

APA …………………………………………………….…..American Psychological Association

CV…………………………………………………………..………………Consonant and Vowel

CC ……………………………………………………………………………. Consonant Cluster

DELL…………………………………………….Department of English Language and Literature df…………………………………………………………………………..….Degrees of Freedom

EGIDS …………………………………. …Expanded Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale

ELT…………………………………………………………………...English Language Teaching

ESL………………………………………………………..…...... English as Second Language

F0……………………………………………………………………...... Fundamental Frequency

F1………………………………………………………………………....First Formant Frequency

F2……………………………………………………………………...Second Formant Frequency

HEC…………………………………………………………….….Higher Education Commission

HH…………………………………………………………………………………..Heavy Heavy

HL…………………………………………………………….……………………….Heavy Light

HS …………………………………………………………..….………….….Heavy Super Heavy

Hz………………………………………………………….………………………………….Hertz

IRSIP………………………………………..International Research Scholarship Initiative Project

IPA…………………………………………………….……...International Phonetics Association

IPC…………………………………………………………………Information Processing Center

LS ………………………………………………………………………..…….Light Super Heavy p...... Probability-Level of Significance

MOP……………………………………………………………….…….Maximal Onset Principle

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ms……………………………………………………………………………………...Millisecond

NIA ………………………………………………………………………………New Indo-Aryan

NS…………………………………………………………………………….…….Native Speaker

OC……………………………………………………………..……………………..Onset Cluster

SIL………………………………………………………………. .Summer Institute of Linguistics

SNS………. ……………………………………………………...……...... Sindhi Native Speaker

SPE ……………………………………………..……..………….……. Sound Pattern of English

SPSS………………………………………………… Statistical Package for the Social Sciences

SSP………………………………………………………………....Sonority Sequencing Principle t……………………………………………………………the Sample Value of the t-Test Statistic

TTS……………………………………………………….……….……….…..…..Text to Speech

UET …………………………………………..University of Engineering and Technology Lahore

UMT…………………………………………University of Management and Technology Lahore

UIUC ………………………….………………………..University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign

V………………………………………………………………………………………Short Vowel

VV………………………………………………….………………………………….Long Vowel

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Table of Figures

FIGURE 1.1. THE STATUS OF SINDHI LANGUAGE IN THE WORLD ...... 5

FIGURE 1.2. MAP OF SINDH ...... 6

FIGURE 2.1. THE SYLLABLE STRUCTURE OF ENGLISH WORD ...... 16

FIGURE 2.2. SONORITY HIERARCHY (PARKER, 2011)……………………...…...…………...... ……..21

FIGURE 2.3. TWO DIFFERENT SYLLABLE PATTERNS OF HINDI WORD ...... 64

FIGURE 2.4. SYLLABLE STRUCTURE IN URDU ...... 66

FIGURE 3.1. ONSET AND CODA CONSONANT CLUSTERS AT WORD BOUNDARIES OF SINDHI SYLLABLES ……………….……………………………………………………………………………………….78

FIGURE 3.2. SYLLABLE COUNT JUDGMENTS BY WORDS LISTED IN ENGLISH DICTIONARY AS HAVING

ONE OR TWO SYLLABLES. WORDS INCLUDE ENGLISH LOANWORDS ...... 86

FIGURE 3.3. SYLLABLE COUNT JUDGMENT BY WORDS, SHOWING PERCENT OF SUBJECTS WHOSE

SYLLABLE COUNT AGREES OR DISAGREES WITH SINDHI DICTIONARY SYLLABLE COUNT FOR GIVEN

WORDS...... ……………………………………………………………………………………….86

FIGURE 3.4. SYLLABLE COUNT JUDGMENTS BY WORDS LISTED IN ENGLISH DICTIONARY AS HAVING

DI- OR TRI-SYLLABLE. WORDS INCLUDE ENGLISH LOANWORDS ...... 88

FIGURE 3.5. SYLLABLE COUNT JUDGMENTS BY WORDS, SHOWING PERCENT OF SUBJECTS WHOSE

SYLLABLE COUNT AGREES OR DISAGREES WITH SINDHI DICTIONARY SYLLABLE COUNT FOR GIVEN

WORDS...... 88

FIGURE 3.6. SYLLABLE COUNT JUDGMENTS BY WORDS LISTED INENGLISH DICTIONARY AS HAVING

THREE OR FOUR SYLLABLES. WORDS INCLUDE ENGLISH LOANWORDS...... 90

FIGURE 3.7. SYLLABLE COUNT JUDGMENTS BY WORDS, SHOWING PERCENT OF SUBJECTS WHOSE

SYLLABLE COUNT AGREES WITH SINDHI DICTIONARY SYLLABLE COUNT FOR GIVEN WORD. .... …..90

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FIGURE 3.8. SYLLABLE COUNT JUDGMENTS BY WORDS LISTED IN ENGLISHDICTIONARY AS HAVING

FOUROR FIVESYLLABLES. WORDS INCLUDE ENGLISH LOANWORDS ...... 92

FIGURE 3.9. SYLLABLE COUNT JUDGMENTS BY WORD, SHOWING PERCENT OF SUBJECTS WHOSE

SYLLABLE COUNT AGREES OR DISAGREES WITH SINDHI DICTIONARY SYLLABLE COUNT FOR GIVEN

WORD...... 92

FIGURE 3.10. OVERALL SYLLABLE COUNT JUDGMENTS BY SUBJECTS FOR WORDS LISTED IN

ENGLISH AND SINDHI DICTIONARY. WORDS INCLUDE ENGLISH LOANWORDS AND NATIVE SINDHI

WORDS……………………………………………………………………………………………………………...93

FIGURE 4.1. PRIMARY STRESSED SYLLABLE JUDGMENTS BY ACROSS SPEAKERS ...... 133

FIGURE 4.2. PRIMARY STRESSED JUDGMENTS BY ACROSS SPEAKERS ...... 135

FIGURE 4.3. PRIMARY STRESSED SYLLABLE JUDGMENTS BY ACROSS SPEAKERS ...... 137

FIGURE 4.4. PRIMARY STRESSED JUDGMENTS BY ACROSS SPEAKERS ...... 140

FIGURE 5.1. A SPECTROGRAPHIC VIEW OF STRESSED TOKEN PHRASE [TOKEN] AND THE PITCH

CONTOURS OF MALE SPEAKER...... 150

FIGURE 5.2. A SPECTROGRAPHIC VIEW OF UNSTRESSED TOKEN PHRASE [TOKEN] AND THE PITCH

CONTOURS OF MALE SPEAKER…..……...... 150

FIGURE 5.3. A SPECTROGRAPHIC VIEW OF STRESSED TOKEN PHRASE [TOKEN] AND THE PITCH

CONTOURS OF MALE SPEAKER ...... 150

FIGURE 5.4. A SPECTROGRAPHIC VIEW OF UNSTRESSED TOKEN PHRASE [TOKEN] AND THE PITCH

CONTOURS OF MALE SPEAKER ...... 150

FIGURE 5.5. MEAN VOWEL DURATION FOR EACH VOWEL, DATA POOLED ACROSS SPEAKERS ...... 155

FIGURE 5.6. LONG VOWEL DURATION BY SPEAKER. EACH BAR REPRESENTS THE MEAN VOWEL

DURATION FOR ONE SPEAKER ...... 156

FIGURE 5.7. VOWEL DURATION ACROSS SHORT VOWELS……………………………………….156

FIGURE 5.8. MEAN DURATION OF LONG AND SHORT VOWELS BY MALE AND FEMALE SPEAKERS .. 157

FIGURE 5.9. AN SPECTOGRAPHIC VIEW OF PHONETIC CONTRAST IN VOWEL LENGTH BY MALE

SPEAKER ...... 158

FIGURE 5.10. MEANS OF F0 OF STRESSED AND UNSTRESSED VOWELS BY SPEAKERS...... 161

FIGURE 5.11. MEANS OF MALE F0 OF STRESSED AND UNSTRESSED VOWELS FOR EACH VOWEL .. 162

FIGURE 5.12. MEANS OF FEMALE F0 OF STRESSED AND UNSTRESSED VOWELS FOR EACH VOWEL163

FIGURE 5.13. MEANS OF F1 OF THE FIRST SYLLABLE LONG AND SHORT VOWELS BY SPEAKERS .. 166

FIGURE 5.14. MEANS OF F1 OF FIRST SYLLABLE LONG AND SHORT VOWELS ...... 168

FIGURE 5.15. MEANS OF F2FOR STRESSED AND UNSTRESED BY VOWELS ...... 168

FIGURE 5.16. MEANS OF MALE F2 OF STRESSED AND UNSTRESSED BY VOWELS ...... 169

FIGURE 5.17. MEANS OF FEMALE F2 OF STRESSED AND UNSTRESSED BY VOWELS ...... 169

FIGURE 5.18. J-FORMANT PLOT OF STRESSED AND UNSTRESSED SINDHI VOWELS ...... 171

FIGURE 5.19. CLOSURE DURATION OF ONSET STOPS IN STRESSED AND UNSTRESSED SYLLABLES 174

FIGURE 5.20. MEANS OF STOP CLOSURES ACROSS SPEAKERS ...... 175

FIGURE 5.21. LH PITCH CONTOUR ON THE TARGET WORD TOKEN. L IS ANCHORED ON (TOKEN)

AND H ON (TOKEN) ...... 181

FIGURE 5.22. L, ANCHORED ON (TOKEN) H, (TOKEN) ...... 182

FIGURE 5.23. L ANCHORED ON (TOKEN) L (TOKEN) WHILE H ANCHORED ON (TOKEN) ...... 182

FIGURE 5.24. L ANCHORED ON (TOKEN) , H ANCHORED ON (TOKEN) AND L ANCHORED ON FINAL

TONE OF THE PHRASE ...... 183

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List of Tables

TABLE 2.1.VOWEL INSERTION BY HINDI SPEAKERS ...... 22

TABLE 2.2. EPENTHESIS PHENOMENON IN RISING AND FALLING ...... 23

TABLE 2.3. TURKISH SUFFIXES AND ENGLISH GLOSSARY...... 28

TABLE 2.4. YANA STRESS ...... 28

TABLE 2.5. PROSODIC HIERARCHY ...... 45

TABLE 2.6. SINDHI PHONEMIC INVENTORY ...... 71

TABLE 2.7. POSSIBLE SYLLABLE STRUCTURES IN SINDHI ...... 72

TABLE 2.8. MAXIMUM SYLLABLES IN SINDHI WORDS ...... 73

TABLE 2.9. CONSONANTS CLUSTER ONSET SYLLABLE WORD INITIALLY ...... 73

TABLE 2.10. ONSET CLUSTERS IN NON-WORD INITIAL POSITION ...... 74

TABLE 2.11. CONSONANT CLUSTER WORD FINALLY ...... 74

TABLE 2.12. ENGLISH LOANWORDS IN SINDHI ...... 75

TABLE 3.1. POSSIBLE SINDHI AND URDU TEMPLATES ...... 79

TABLE 3.2. DUAL SYLLABIFICATION ……………………………………………………..……..…..……...85

TABLE 3.3. JUDGMENTS OF DISYLLABLE ENGLISH AND SINDHI WORDS ...... 87

TABLE 3.4. TRI-FOUR-SYLLABLE ENGLISH AND SINDHI WORDS ...... 89

TABLE 3.5. FOUR-FIVE SYLLABLE ENGLISH AND SINDHI WORDS ...... 91

TABLE 3.6. SONORITY HIERARCHY ...... 94

TABLE 3.7. A LIST OF SINDHI-ENGLISH LOANWORDS (ABBASI & HUSSAIN, 2012) ...... 97

TABLE 3.8. RESULTS OF ORIGINAL DATA WITH TEN SUBJECTS……..…………….…………….98

TABLE 3.9. RESULTS OF NEW DATA WITH THREE SUBJECTS………………………..…………..98

TABLE 4.1. SYLLABLE TEMPLATES AND MORAIC COUNT…………………………………..….….…...103

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TABLE 4.2. A LIST OF JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF LL SYLLABLE TEMPLATE………….107

TABLE 4.3. A LIST OF JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF HL SYLLABLE TEMPLATE ...... 107

TABLE 4.4. A LIST OF JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF LH SYLLABLE TEMPLATE ...... 108

TABLE 4.5. A LIST OF JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF HH SYLLABLE TEMPLATE ...... 108

TABLE 4.6. OVERALL PERCENTAGE OF LEXICAL STRESS JUDGMENTS IN ORIGINAL DATA ...... 109

TABLE 4.7. OVERALL PERCENTAGE OF LEXICAL STRESS JUDGMENTS IN NEW DATA ...... 109

TABLE 4.8. RESULTS FROM BINOMIAL MIXED-EFFECT REGRESSION ...... 111

TABLE 4.9. A LIST OF JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF LLL SYLLABLE TEMPLATE ...... 111

TABLE 4.10. A LIST OF JUDGMENTS STRESS LOCATION OF LHL SYLLABLE TEMPLATE ...... 112

TABLE 4.11. A LIST OF JUDGMENTS STRESS LOCATION ACROSS HLL SYLLABLE TEMPLATE ...... 113

TABLE 4.12. A LIST OF JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF LHH SYLLABLE TEMPLATE ...... 113

TABLE 4.13. A LIST OF JUDGMENTS STRESS LOCATION ACROSS HHL SYLLABLE TEMPLATE ...... 114

TABLE 4.14. A LIST OF JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF HLH SYLLABLE TEMPLATE ...... 115

TABLE 4.15. A LIST OF JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF HHH SYLLABLE TEMPLATE ...... 115

TABLE 4.16. OVERALL PERCENTAGE OF STRESS JUDGMENTS OF TRI-SYLLABLE WORDS IN ORIGINAL

DATA ...... 116

TABLE 4.17. OVERALL PERCENTAGE OF STRESS JUDGMENTS OF TRI-SYLLABLE WORDS IN NEW

DATA ...... 116

TABLE 4.18. LOGISTIC MIXED EFFECTS STATISTICAL TEST RESULTS ON TRI-SYLLABLE WORDS ... 118

TABLE 4.19. A LIST OF THE JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF LLLL TEMPLATE ...... 119

TABLE 4.20. A LIST OF THE JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF HLLL TEMPLATE ...... 120

TABLE 4.21. A LIST OF THE JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF LHLL TEMPLATE ...... 120

TABLE 4.22. A LIST OF THE JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF LHHL TEMPLATE ...... 121

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TABLE 4.23. A LIST OF THE JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF HLHL TEMPLATE ...... 122

TABLE 4.24. A LIST OF THE JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF LHLH TEMPLATE ...... 122

TABLE 4.25. A LIST OF THE JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF HHLL TEMPLATE ...... 123

TABLE 4.26. A LIST OF THE JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF HHLH TEMPLATE ...... 123

TABLE 4.27. A LIST OF THE JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF LHHH TEMPLATE ...... 124

TABLE 4.28. A LIST OF THE JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF HHHL TEMPLATE ...... 124

TABLE 4.29. A LIST OF THE JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF HHHH TEMPLATE ...... 125

TABLE 4.30. OVERALL PERCENTAGE OF STRESS JUDGMENTS ON FIVE-SYLLABLE WORDS ...... 125

TABLE 4.31. A LIST OF THE JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF HLLLL TEMPLATE ...... 126

TABLE 4.32. A LIST OF THE JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF HHLLL TEMPLATE ...... 126

TABLE 4.33. A LIST OF THE JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF LLHHL TEMPLATE ...... 127

TABLE 4.34. A LIST OF THE JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF HLLHL TEMPLATE ...... 127

TABLE 4.35. A LIST OF THE JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF HLLHL TEMPLATE ...... 127

TABLE 4.36. A LIST OF THE JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF LHLHH TEMPLATE ...... 127

TABLE 4.37. A LIST OF THE JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF LHHHL TEMPLATE ...... 128

TABLE 4.38. A LIST OF THE JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF HLHHL TEMPLATE ...... 128

TABLE 4.39. A LIST OF THE JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF HHLLH TEMPLATE ...... 128

TABLE 4.40. A LIST OF THE JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF HHLHL TEMPLATE ...... 129

TABLE 4.41. A LIST OF THE JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF HHLHH TEMPLATE ...... 129

TABLE 4.42. A LIST OF THE JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF HHHLL TEMPLATE ...... 129

TABLE 4.43. A LIST OF THE JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF HHHHL TEMPLATE ...... 130

TABLE 4.44. A LIST OF THE JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF LHLHS TEMPLATE ...... 130

TABLE 4.45. A LIST THE JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF LHHHS TEMPLATE ...... 130

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TABLE 4.46. A LIST THE JUDGMENTS OF STRESS LOCATION OF HHHHS TEMPLATE ...... 130

TABLE 4.47. OVERALL PERCENTAGE OF STRESS JUDGMENTS ON FIVE-SYLLABLE WORDS ...... 130

TABLE 5.1. MINIMAL STRESS PAIRS USED IN THE STUDY ...... 146

TABLE 5.2. ORIGINAL AND NEW CALCULATION RESULTS FOR MEANS OF STOP CLOSURES...... …153

TABLE 5.3. DEPENDABLE VARIABLE DURATION ...... 159

TABLE 5.4. PAIRED SAMPLE STATISTICS ...... 159

TABLE 5.5. PAIRED SAMPLES STATISTICS (F0) ...... 163

TABLE 5.6. PAIRED SAMPLE TEST (F0) ...... 164

TABLE 5.7. PAIRED SAMPLES STATISTICS (F1) ...... 167

TABLE 5.8. PAIRED SAMPLES TEST (F1) ...... 167

TABLE 5.9. PAIRED SAMPLES STATISTICS (F2) ...... 169

TABLE 5.10. PAIRED SAMPLES TEST (F2) ...... 170

TABLE 5.11. AVERAGE DISTANCE OF STRESSED AND UNSTRESSED VOWELS FOR EACH SPEAKER . 172

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Chapter 1 Introduction

1.1 Introduction

Very limited research has been carried out on phonetics and phonology with special reference to

Acoustic phonetics in Pakistan. The purpose of the study is to explore and develop the awareness of lexical stress among the native speakers. The key purpose of the study is to document phonetic- acoustic exponents of lexical stress through phonetic and phonological examinations in Sindhi speech. Acoustic phonetics comes under the head of speech science, also known as experimental phonetics; this field also includes physiological phonetics. It is the scientific study of human speech sounds, whereas physiological phonetics defines how the nervous system, muscles, and other organs are operated during speech. This science of speech explains how these sounds are made acoustically (Pickett, 1999, p. 5). Acoustics examines the physical properties of speech sounds with reference to linguistic related acoustic realizations of speech sounds (Davenport &

Hannas, 1998, p. 156).

The study also investigates the phonological variations particularly syllable structure of native

Sindhi and English loanwords. It investigates the factors of syllable structure and its different syllable templates. The study further investigates syllabification by devising an algorithm, syllable inventory, and epenthesis phenomenon in consonant clusters of English loanwords and indigenous words in Sindhi. The chapter first examines what possible syllable structures are licensed in Sindhi.

The phonetic analysis of stress is very important where native speakers do not have strong intuition regarding which syllables have primary, secondary, and tertiary stresses at the lexical level. The

purpose of the study is to explore and develop the awareness of lexical stress among the native speakers. The author argues that Sindhi native speakers do not have strong intuition about the syllable structure and stressed or unstressed syllables in speech.

In addition, the study investigates stress based on the judgments of native speakers about the location of the most prominent syllable in a word. The words selected for inclusion in this study differ in their syllable composition in order to test the role of syllable weight and in the criteria for assigning weight to syllables for the purpose of primary stress assignment. The findings from this study provide quantitative data on the question of whether Sindhi has a quantity-sensitive or quantity-insensitive stress system. The study can also be used to enhance learnability and teach- ability of syllable structure and stress pattern of Sindhi acoustically for speech therapy and audio- dictionary. Most importantly, the results can be applied to the teaching of phonetics and phonology of other languages, especially English, for Sindhi native speakers in particular and other speakers in general.

Fry (1955, 1958) was a pioneering figure and his first ever seminal work on the acoustic correlates of stress in English where Fry applied these factors like duration, intensity, and fundamental frequency. In addition, Gordon’s work is merely one of many that explore the phonetic exponents of stress. For instance, Gordon (2004) investigated the phonetic study of stress in Chickasaw through acoustic data from eight speakers of Chickasaw. The study examined duration, fundamental frequency, intensity, and vowel quality as evidence for lexical level stress to determine how stressed and unstressed syllables are phonetically differentiated from each other in stressed syllable category and from the syllables which are in unstressed category.

Gordon (2004) notes that many aspects effect phonological analysis of stress prominence in a language, e.g., speaker’s intonational aspect in the utterance, syllable structure, and morphology, therefore acoustic analysis acts as a tool for examining stress and facilitates factors that help the syllable to be prominent. While many researchers of phonetics and phonology have given various definitions on stress, the present study refers to stress as the prominence of the syllable as compared to adjacent syllables at the lexical level. Stress is a relative factor, unlike aspects such as vowel quality, place, and manner features.

In addition, the part of speech production in which the stressed syllable is more prominent involves the following: length or duration of vowels, vowel quality, loudness, and pitch. Thus, the stressed syllable is longer, louder than its adjacent syllables, and may also be marked by the pitch movement as noted in the literature review. To examine these factors acoustically, several acoustic parameters were examined to determine the stress pattern of a language, e.g., (F0) fundamental frequency, duration of stressed and unstressed syllables, intensity, and vowel quality (F1 and F2).

Furthermore, acoustic analysis is often carried out using Praat Speech Analysis Software.

Therefore, the present study also utilized the Praat Speech Processing Tool developed by Boersma and Weenink (2012) to examine 2000+69 recorded voice samples of Sindhi speech.

The acoustic study of speech provides a scientific method to conduct an objective analysis of speech sounds by measuring physical properties of sounds and their acoustic realizations. As discussed in the literature review, the measurements of these sound properties, i.e., formants (F1 and F2), duration, and intensity, are then used to investigate the sound pattern of a language.

Similarly, this study carried out an acoustic analysis of phonetic measurements of lexical stress in

Sindhi using the following: (a) Duration of stressed vs. unstressed vowels, (b) Duration of stressed vs. unstressed stop closures, (c) Formant frequency (F1) stressed vs. unstressed vowels, (d)

Formant frequency (F2) stressed vs. unstressed vowels, and (e) Formant frequency (F0) of stressed vs. unstressed vowels. In addition, the segmental study of acoustic analysis was conducted on

Sindhi by Keerio (2010, p. 65). The current study has phonetically and phonologically analyzed lexical stress in order to document this very important aspect in Sindhi. Gordon (2004) argues that, on a supra-segmental level, stress often brings about lengthening (duration), higher F0, and greater intensity, though there are many languages in which these properties do not meet on a single syllable but rather are distributed over multiple syllables.

1.2 Background

Sindhi is an Indo-Aryan language. It is widely spoken in Sindh, Pakistan and is recognized as the official language by Sindh government (Cole, 2005). There are 22.1 million Sindhi speakers in

Pakistan whereas, ethnic population is: 26 million. Total Sindhi speakers in all countries in the world are follows: 23.846 million (2016, as cited in Lewis, M. P, Gary, F. S & Charles D. F.

(Eds.)). A written version of Sindhi is used in extended Arabic script in Pakistan; whereas, the script for writing of Sindhi language in India is Devanagari. A little work has been done on

Acoustic and Supra-segmental aspects in Sindhi. Sindhi however, has been researched relatively less with regard to the phonological aspects of the language: Syllable structure, syllabifications, and phonological and acoustic stress pattern.

Gierison (as cited in Allana, 1996) states that Sindhi consists of six dialects: Vicholi (Central) which is spoken in central Sindh and considered as a standard dialect of Sindhi, Utradi (Northern),

Lari, Lasi, Kachchi, and Thareli. These dialects have phonetic and phonological variations as noted by many researchers. This phonetic study was carried out on Utradi (Northern) dialect spoken in upper Sindh. The study particularly focuses on stress pattern in terms of phonological and acoustic factors in detail along with syllable structure and the pitch-accent of Sindhi, and work done on general and particular aspects of stress pattern. The status of Sindhi in the language cloud of the world is illustrated in Figure 1.1.

Figure 1.1. The status of Sindhi language in the world

Figure 1.1 illustrates the status of Sindhi language in the world. Each language is shown by a very small dot representing its population vertically along with the level of growth or risk of loss horizontally with the large and strong languages. The value of progress versus risk of loss aspect is projected on the EGIDS1 scale. A large purple colored dot represents Sindhi language. The level of Sindhi language on EGIDS scale is 2 (provincial) since it is used in administration of the government, education, work and mass media etc. Therefore, Sindhi is not endangered language in the world. The summary profile graphs illustrate the color scheme utilized on the navigation

1 EGIDS: Expanded Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale

maps on the site. Purple colored dot represents Sindhi and the purple color illustrates: Sindhi has been settled to the level which is spoken and sustained by organizations beyond the home-based and communal levels (See Lewis et al., 2016 for further information). Figure 1.2 illustrates the dialects and their locations where these dialects are spoken. Red color rectangular box displays

Utradi (Northern) dialect coupled with its location in upper Sindh and the rest of others in black color.

Figure 1.2. Map of Sindh

Utradi (Northern) Dialect

Lasi Dialect

Vicholi Dialect Thareli Dialect Dialect

Kuchchi Dialect

Lari Dialect

1.3 Rationale

This dissertation begins with the investigation of the syllable structure and stress patterns of Sindhi words through the analysis of behavioral data of the perceptual judgments of phonological variations, and of acoustic data from speech production, conducted with native speakers of Sindhi.

The purpose of the study is to explore and to document the phonetic-acoustic realizations of the phonetic exponents of lexical stress. Therefore, there was a great need of conducting the study which could provide why native speakers do not have strong intuition of their syllable structure, stress patterns, which may be the cause that they produce phonological variations. In addition, a quite few investigators have conducted research in Sindhi; therefore, Sindhi remains less studied language lacking literature in overall linguistic and phonetic fields particularly in the field of

Acoustic phonetics. However, Sindhi has been studied in terms of Articulatory phonetics,

Grammar, Orthography and Morphological structures. The outstanding study in terms of the acoustic analysis of Sindhi Speech Sounds was carried out by Keerio (2010). Current literature review shows that no study has been carried out which comprehensively presents the acoustic phonetic exponents of lexical stress in Sindhi. In view of this, four studies i.e., two perceptual and two productive studies were designed and conducted. This study contributes in the field of acoustic phonetic and phonological factors for the research community here and for the rest of the world.

In addition, this has further added some scientific analysis of phonetic correlates of lexical stress, the foundation work on the role of syllable weight and the role of pitch between stress and intonation in Sindhi to the existing gap. Furthermore, the contributions this study makes in the field of phonetics are, discovering Sindhi language as a stress accent language, phonetic correlates of lexical stress in Sindhi and the native speakers produce phonological variations in Sindhi indigenous and English loanwords.

1.4 Purpose of the Study The study conducts the perceptual and productive experiments through elicitations and acoustic manifestations of 2000+69 voice samples of Sindhi speech. The key purpose of the study is to document phonetic-acoustic exponents of lexical stress by investigating the role of syllable weight at lexical level, and the role of pitch between stress and intonation in Sindhi speech by examining fundamental frequency, vowel quality (F1 & F2) and stop closures.

1.5 The Objectives of the Study Will: i. Investigate phonological variations in Sindhi and English loanwords. ii. Determine lexical stress patterns as to how it is assigned in Sindhi. iii. Document the acoustic realizations of lexical stress in Sindhi. iv. Look at the role of pitch between lexical stress and intonation in Sindhi and, v. Utilize these findings for pedagogical purpose.

1.6 Research Questions i. Do Sindhi native speakers follow SSP and MOP theories of syllable structure? ii. How are Sindhi and English loanwords syllabified? iii. How is phonologically lexical stress determined in Sindhi? vi. What are the acoustic realizations of stress in Sindhi vowels and stop closures? v. What is the role of pitch between stress and intonation in Sindhi?

1.7 Hypotheses i. If Sindhi syllable structure is licensed in accordance with SSP and MOP theories, then native speakers will follow the principles. ii. If epenthesis is realized on the syllable structure of Sindhi words, then native speakers will make phonological variations in Sindhi and English loanwords. iii. If lexical stress is related to syllable weight, then native speakers will assign the lexical stress on heavy syllable in Sindhi.

vi. If the prominence is marked on lexical level, then lexical stress will modify phonetic properties in Sindhi.

v. If the stress is dependent on prosodic pitch, then the pitch will play a role between stress and intonation in Sindhi.

1.8 Methodology

This methodology section overviews the designs of the study and how it was carried out. Basically the study is based on the investigation of the syllable structure, syllabification process, phonetic and phonological variations of lexical stress in Sindhi. The sampling was collected from Utradi

(Northern) dialect of Sindhi, which is spoken in upper part of Sindh. Total participating subjects were 32 Sindhi native speakers of Northern dialect. For this 10 subjects were randomly selected for each task except for the final task where only two subjects were available since the study was carried out in the phonetic laboratory at the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, USA. The study was quantitative in nature since entire acoustic data were based on 2000+ 69 voice samples and their occurrences in speech recorded through Praat Speech Processing Tool and 1000+1500 phonological perceptual judgments of phonological variations as follows: There were two perceptual and two productive studies carried out as follows:

Perceptual Study 1: Ten subjects were given a list of 100 words i.e., 50 native Sindhi and 50

English loanwords with different number of syllables from mono-syllable to five-six syllable words. The subjects were briefed about the syllable phenomenon and were asked to count syllables in a word.

Perceptual Study 2: Ten participants were given a list of 150 words with every possible syllable templates. They were also briefed about stressed syllable in a word. They were asked to mark the more prominent syllable in a word. The study investigates which syllable is more prominent syllable relatively in a word through their perceptual judgments.

Productive Study 1: Ten subjects recorded their 2000 voice samples in neutral focus on Praat

Speech Processing Tool for the investigation of acoustic realizations (F0, F1, F2, vowel duration and duration of stop closure). The productive study is based on the theory of Fry (1955, 1958) who was a pioneering figure and his first ever seminal work on the acoustic correlates of stress in

English where Fry applied these factors like duration, intensity, and fundamental frequency. In addition, Gordon’s work is merely one of many that explore the phonetic exponents of stress.

Procedure: The set of 10 cards was read with 10 repetitions by each subject. The cards were reshuffled after each repetition in a block randomized design, and subjects read aloud the phrases on each card in sequence with a short break between repetition blocks. Ten vowels with minimal stress pairs in stressed and unstressed environments in twenty phrases were acoustically analyzed in order to investigate the impact of lexical stress in Sindhi.

Productive Study 2: Two participating subjects recorded their 69 voice samples in contrastive focus on Praat Speech Processing Tool. This study is an initial analysis of pitch role between stress and intonation in Sindhi pitch accentual phrase, which was an instrumental analysis and a quite carefully handled experiment since no experiment was carried out in terms of pitch accent in

Sindhi. The experiment was carried out to determine if pitch contours in contrastive focused words varied in the alignment of low or high pitch targets, depending on the location of word stress, while fundamental frequency was measured for the analysis of pitch.

Statistical tests: Statistical tests were run on the experiments: Binomial mixed-effects regression models were run to test whether the location of stress on the first or second syllable could be predicted on the basis of the syllable template of the word. Logistic mixed effects regression models were run on the entire set of tri-syllabic words, with a binary stress judgment (stressed, unstressed) as the dependent variable, syllable template as the predictor variable, item as fixed factor, and subject as random factor. Paired sample t tests were run to test the effects of stress on

F0. T-test was run on the data of F1 means. Paired t tests were run on F2 means for speakers. A

Paired Samples Test was run on means of stop closures to compare the stressed and unstressed closure duration of onset stops. Fundamental frequency (F0) of vowel pitch contours were analyzed for evidence that the location of the beginning of the pitch rise, or the pitch peak varies in relation to the location of the stressed syllable in the word.

1.9 Thesis Outline

This section summarizes the structure of this work, explaining how the overall study was conducted, as well as what experimental activities were done specific to each chapter. Further outlines summarize the detailed work done on phonetics and phonology in Sindhi.

1.9.1 Chapter 1

The introductory chapter explains the significance of the study and its implications, in particular, why this study was needed and for what purpose. The findings may be used for learn-ability and teach-ability. It further discusses what is meant by stress in this research and how it is analyzed acoustically. The language dialects are briefly introduced and Utradi (Northern) dialect explained in more detail. It summarizes the significance of the area and rationale for the study. Furthermore,

this section gives a brief summary of the acoustic-phonetic and phonological works carried out in

Sindhi, coupled with the background of the study. Some points have been noted for future research with regard to acoustic studies of Sindhi speech.

1.9.2 Chapter 2

The literature review chapter explores most of the research carried out in Acoustic phonetics and phonology related to stress factors and how these stress features are determined acoustically and phonologically. This study, as a whole, has been designed in order to document acoustic realizations of vocalic cues with regard to stress in Sindhi. With special reference to Hindi, Urdu and Sindhi, Sindhi has only been studied on the segmental level acoustically; it therefore needs to be examined on the supra-segmental level. The literature review also recounts a phonetic study on

Sindhi which was carried out by Jatoi (1996), Bughio (2001), Cole (2001), Allana (2009) and

Keerio (2010).

1.9.3 Chapter 3

This chapter explores the extensive syllable structure in Sindhi and English loanwords and the process of syllabification. It investigates the factors of syllable structure, including its templates, and the phonotactic constraints in Sindhi. The purpose of these activities outlined in this section is to identify syllabification process by devising an algorithm, syllable inventory, and epenthesis phenomenon in consonant clusters of English loanwords and indigenous words in Sindhi. The chapter first examines what possible syllable structures are licensed in Sindhi.

1.9.4 Chapter 4

This chapter discusses the syllable structure and stress patterns in Sindhi. It begins by investigating stress pattern, which is a phonological phenomenon corresponding with the most prominent syllable in a word. This section then investigates where primary stress on a lexical level is assigned in Sindhi through the intuition of native speakers regarding where stress is assigned. The results of this activity is then used to devise the stress algorithm as to how and where primary stress is assigned in Sindhi. This research is based on quantitative data gathered through the elicitation of the most prominent syllable in a word from native speakers in order to mark the primary stressed syllable.

1.9.5 Chapter 5

This chapter discusses in detail the acoustic analysis of Sindhi lexical stress data collected through

2000 recorded voice samples of Sindhi speech from native speakers with reference to its physical properties and their acoustic realizations, including vowel quality, duration of vowels, stops, fundamental frequency of sounds, and formant frequencies F1 and F2 and their analyses in terms of stress pattern. Intensity was not examined on account of variation in the distance between the microphone and the speaker’s mouth, for controlling the intensity variations as also argued by

Hussain (2010, p. 89).

1.9.6 Chapter 6

This chapter summarizes the type of syllable structure found, its consonants clusters phenomenon, and the epenthetic phenomenon of insertion of vowel sounds. Furthermore, the study investigated the process of syllabification by native speakers, which was also determined by the three universal

methods of syllabification. The study also investigated the number of syllable stress patterns available in Sindhi, as well as how various phonetic properties of Sindhi vocalic and consonantal segments change with stress. In addition, the chapter explains that acoustic properties of vocalic sounds in minimal stress pairs, like formant frequency (F1, F2, F0) in stressed vowels, have higher values than the unstressed and stressed stop duration closure has higher values than the unstressed stop duration closure in overall means. In second experiment the study recorded 69 voice samples whose F0 was calculated for the role of pitch between stress and intonation in Sindhi.

1.10 Publications Contributed

Abbasi, A. M, & Hussain, S. (2015a). Phonetic analysis of lexical stress in Sindhi. Sindh University

Research Journal-SURJ, 47 (4), 749-756.

Abbasi, A. M, & Hussain, S. (2015b). The role of pitch between stress and intonation in Sindhi.

Annual Research Journal of English Language Forum, 17, 9-24.

Abbasi, A. M, & Hussain, S. (2012). Syllable structure and syllabification in Sindhi-English

loanwords. International Journal of Researchers, 1 (4), 120-134.

Abbasi, A. M, & Kimball, A. (2016, under review). Awareness of L2 American English Word

Stress in English for Academic Purposes: Implications for teaching speakers of Indo-

Aryan languages. Manuscript submitted for publication.

Abbasi, A. M, & Kimball, A. (2014, May). Word stress in Sindhi and English: Implications for

learners of English. In poster session presented at the Graduate Research Symposium of

6th Annual Second Language Acquisition and Teacher Education (SLATE). Department

of linguistics and foreign languages, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, USA.

Chapter 2 Literature Review

2.1 Introduction

This section will review most of the prior work carried out in phonetics and phonology. Phonetics and phonology are very interesting areas of Linguistics, and are interrelated. They are based on the human speech system, speech perception, native speakers’ intuition, and vocalic and consonantal systems of languages spoken in this world. According to one survey, there are more than six thousand languages spoken in the world (Lewis et al., 2016). Every language has its own phonemic inventory, sound system, and phonological and phonetic rules that differ from other languages; most even have distinct orthographic systems. While languages spoken in the developed countries are well-studied, those spoken in underdeveloped countries are not.

Most research studies to date have also been carried out with reference to old or existing written literature in poetry and drama in particular. In the current era of research, scholars are looking for objective scientific approaches, e.g., experimental and instrumental studies that include acoustic research on the sound systems of less privileged languages spoken locally in developing countries.

In this context, Sindhi is an example of this phenomenon, and un-researched with particular reference to syllable structure and the exponents of lexical stress patterns.

2.2 Prior Work on Syllable Structure

Ladefoged and Maddieson (1996) note that syllable is very important phonological component which illustrates vague phonetic correlates. Even segmental sonority, a central concept in

explaining the organization of the syllable, is highly phonologized (Parker, 2002). The syllable is an aspect of stressed and unstressed prominence of a sound at word level. Ashby and Maidment

(2008) state the ‘shortest stretch of speech is not the single sound, but rather the syllable; a syllable is like a one pulse of speech’ (p.7). Syllable has a structure and is observed through phonological features. Syllable may be defined as lodging on the center which has a slight or no restriction to airflow and for those phones which are relatively loud, would be greater obstacle to airflow before and after the center (Roach, 2004, p. 76).

Figure 2.1. The syllable structure of English word

Crystal (2008) defines the term of stress as to be the degree of energy used on the production of a syllable. Common description of lexical stress is taken for granted e.g., the alteration between stressed vocalic sound and unstressed vocalic sound on the word level. The syllable prominence is basically based on the factors i.e., loudness of the syllable coupled with wideness of length in duration, in this way, overall pitch supports and is associated with length and higher intensity of the syllable. The key role of stress in Phonology is to distinguish between emphasis and contrastive stress (p. 454).

A syllable contains the structure, in other words, a few phonemes of a language in a sequence. The syllable structure in the English word Tom consists of the phonemes /t/, /ɒ/, and /m/, in that order; the words ant and pen have the same three phonemes but in different order. Kenstowicz (1994) describes the syllable as a crucial idea in order to understand phonological factors. The body of the syllable consists of a binding nucleus which involves an optional consonantal onset and follows a consonant coda. The nucleus forms a strong bond with coda and onset plus nucleus, whereas the rhyme is juxtaposed by the nucleus and the coda (p. 250). Kenstowicz (personal communication,

March 2012) argues that loanwords can sometimes reveal restrictions on syllabification, e.g., CC clusters that cannot be fitted by the language, then the syllable structure may be altered by a consonant deletion or vowel epenthesis; which may be a possible source of evidence. The same observation may be interpreted that epenthesis is often employed to aid syllabification (Itô, 1989).

In addition, the syllable is often described in terms of linguistic as well as phonological theory.

This debate is still in vogue for variety of views. As Haugen (1956) argues about syllable all try to research and talk about syllable but no one defines syllable. There were so many attempts to come closer to any solid agreement. However, the aspects of syllable i.e., onset, rhyme, nucleus, and coda are the basic constitutes of syllable, yet nothing can be pointed to invariant acoustic or articulatory evidence. In addition, the syllables do exist, which can be assumed that when language speakers produce them individually. This is an evidence which is often pointed out as to be the syllable with structure. Feinstein (1979) argues about the distinction of speaker’s syllable and the phonological syllable. The speaker’s syllable is simple and automatic in calculated speech or through experimental studies by looking at external evidences i.e., languages games and through behavioral data. Whereas, the phonological syllable can be defined through empirical data. This

sort of question was explored to know the nature of syllable through experiments by eliciting responses and through acoustic properties to syllabification tasks. So far, most of the studies have been carried out to investigate syllable boundaries by looking at syllables placing in an intervocalic consonantal environment (Bosch, 2011).

2.2.1 Principles of Syllabification

Native speakers of various languages, including English, have a strong intuition regarding syllables of English words, and several of them agree on the numbers of syllables in a word and which syllable is stressed and which one unstressed. Native speakers of Hindi, Urdu, and Sindhi in particular, differ which syllable is stressed and which is unstressed. They also do not have sound- strong intuition of syllables in the words. Unlike syllabification of a language, is the nativity of the native speaker to break down words into syllables with an implicit intuition in agreement with other native speakers of the same language. In addition to this phenomenon, this study also focuses at the two major principles of syllabification: Sonority Sequencing Principle (SSP) and Maximal

Onset Principle (MOP). Most languages follow these principles. However, some languages can violate MOP by breaking CC-clusters. Kenstowicz (1994, p. 252) contends that the SSP demands onset syllable to ascend in sonority towards nucleus and coda syllables to break down in sonority from nucleus. In the MOP onset is prolonged with consonants as long as possible, and in this way a legal coda is formed (Gussenhoven & Jacob, 2003, p. 151). This principle prefers consonants to be on the onset, licensing no coda consonants except for the final word. Evidence of syllables is the restrictions of sounds on onset, medial, and final positions of words, which stays in the minds of native speakers of a language. As noted by Hawkins (1992) that phonotactics is to be the combination of sounds in order. The present study has explored what phonotactic constraints are

preferred in Sindhi and which CC clusters and at what syllable positions of the word are licensed; this was also done by Jatoi (1996). This kind of study is known as phonotactics (Giegerich, 1998).

In addition, Hussain (2005) contends that syllabification is done through the application of syllable

CV templates and fixing them from either right to left or left to right direction, or by the projection of nuclei through applying SSP and MOP in order to incorporate some other factors of phonology.

MOP prioritizes maximum onset consonants and others to fall on coda. According to Carr (2008, p. 130), the MOP principle explains that phonotactic restrictions are language-bound. If a consonant may make up a well-formed coda, then another consonant can be syllabified as an onset of a word. English word Appraise is syllabified as follows: əp.reiz; is an English word which fulfils the phototactic constraints of the language since on the first syllable coda /p/ is authentic, as in cup; an onset consisting only /r/ is also legitimate, as in run; and /pr/ CC is also legitimate, as in pray. Therefore, the syllabification of the English word ə.preiz is permissible in terms of the phonotactics of English.

2.2.2 Sonority Hierarchy

Parker (2011, p. 12) argues that it has remained very problematic issue in phonological theory which has brought it to more contending offers than the interior construction of the sonority hierarchy, e.g., natural classes and hierarchical ranks. Parker (2002, p. 100) claims to have more than 100 distinct sonority ranks in the literature. The following several components of sonority hierarchy has been presented in order to display most of the phonological aspects i.e., classic binary features such as follows: [±voice], [±round], etc. Parker (2011, pp.12-13) suggests that complete sonority scale can have the following characteristics:

i. Universal: This factor is applied on all languages. ii. Exhaustive: All classes of speech sounds are covered by this aspect. iii. Impermutable: Scales cannot be reversed, may be collapsed. iv. Phonetically grounded: It agrees to some uniform and calculable physical parameters shared by all languages.

Parker (2011, p. 13) further contends that there should be a unique sonority hierarchy in order to examine all languages. This is not to be claimed that there is any language to exploit most of the natural classes scale, however, it is an amazing if certain cases were available. Secondly, all accepted phonological segments should be associated by any theory of sonority, and natural classes i.e., glottal consonants (/h/ and /ˀ/), affricates etc., are omitted by several sonority hierarchies on account of their built-in complexities. Universality is undermined, when certain rankings cannot apply on most of the languages. Third, the sonority scales should not be permutable. Since it is the most confining possible hypothesis, e.g., it severely confines the types of processes directly attributable to sonority. That is why this is a promoting association. Fourth, the sonority based on concrete articulatory gestures and/or their acoustic counterpart can be illustrated. No sonority ranking can fulfill all requirements, however, certain sonority scale like that which may come nearest to that of Parker (2008, as cited in Parker, 2011, p. 13), has been reproduced as follows:

Figure 2.2 Sonority hierarchy (Parker, 2011)

2.2.3 Epenthesis Phenomenon

Many of the languages in the world do not have CC consonant clusters. If native speakers of these languages encounter CC as loanwords in their languages, then these CC clusters are broken through epenthesis phenomenon. This is called the phonotactics of the language, because native speakers follow the pattern of their own language. This kind of phonological phenomenon is involved in several languages, particularly when the CC cluster is terminated through the insertion of a vocalic sound, or sometimes insertion occurs at the syllable onset position. Crystal (1997, p.

137) explains this phenomenon as epenthesis, a phonological attribute in which ‘an extra vocalic sound is infixed into a word, often categorized as either prothesis (an extra sound is inserted initially in a word) or anaptyxis (an extra sound is inserted between two consonants)’.

This is further illustrated by Fleischhacker (2000, p. 4) as follows: Bharati (1994) argues Hindi native speakers have similar pattern when they produce English words. For Hindi native speakers, syllable onset CC [sm] clusters, like CC st clusters, are resolved through prothesis: e.g., [ɪsmaai:l]

‘smile’; whereas, for onset CC [sn] and [sl] clusters, prothesis and anaptyxis are in free variation:

[sɪnek] ~2 [ɪsnek] ‘snake’, [sɪlo] ~ [ɪslo] ‘slow’.

In addition, Fleischhacker (2000, p. 3) argues that Singh (1985) and Broselow (1992, cited in

Gouskova (2001, pp. 1-2) contend that native speakers of Hindi break up CC clusters, as shown in

Table 2.1. Table 2.1 illustrates that CC clusters are broken by either inserting a vowel or by placing a vowel initially, for instance, in ɪskul ‘school’ and in pɪliz ‘please’ English words.

Table 2.1. Vowel insertion by Hindi speakers Words in IPA Glossary ɪskul school ɪsteʃən station pɪliz please fɪrut fruit sɪlɪpʌrz slippers ɪskru screw

Broselow (1992, cited in Gouskova (2001, pp. 1-2) argues that there is structural difference between rising sonority clusters and s-obstruent clusters on account of the complex segments of s- obstruent clusters, which cannot be broken down by the intrusion of sound. Gouskava (2001, p. 2) contends that there is no any peculiar structure involved in s-obstruent clusters which reports the restriction to epenthesis at syllable initially. Broselow (1999, cited in Gouskova (2001, pp. 1-2) argues that if CVC languages merge loanwords with complex onsets, then other categories of sounds differ from obstruent clusters. In an s-obstruent cluster, the insertion of vowel occurs at the

2[~] ‘A swung dash means a relation between alternative forms of the same word, i.e., boy ~ boys (Leech, 2007)’.

word boundary as in school, e.g., ɪskul the vowel is inserted at the edge: English school, Hindi

ɪskul; whereas, vocalic sound insertion occurs between the CC clusters in rising sonority clusters, like English fruit, and in Hindi fɪrut. In addition, Gouskova (2001, pp. 1-2) argues that the insertion of vocalic sound occurs between two consonants at the onset in rising sonority clusters, whereas the insertion of vocalic sound occurs before the cluster in falling sonority clusters, explicitly s- obstruent clusters, as illustrated in Table 2.2.

Table 2.2. Epenthesis phenomenon in rising and falling Rising Sonority Internal Epenthesis Source

Hindi fɪrut fruit

central Pahari sɪlet slate

falling sonority edge epenthesis source

Hindi ɪskul school

2.3 Syllable Weight

2.3.1 Quantity Sensitive and Quantity Insensitive Stress

There are two types of language stress groups; one is quantity sensitive and second is quantity insensitive stress group. In quantity sensitive group of language lexical stress in assigned in terms of syllable weight whereas, in quantity insensitive group of language, stress is not assigned based on the syllable weight. In addition, fixed stress and unbound stress groups are also worth- mentioning here, however, they are interrelated to one another. Hayes (1981) notes that there are two alternative stress rules: quantity sensitive and quantity insensitive. Quantity insensitive rules assign stress to the syllable irrespective of phonological aspect, whereas quantity sensitive rules

assign stress to the syllable on the basis of its weight. Syllable weight refers to syllables with long vowels or with consonant clusters, as compared to those with short vowels and one consonant

(Hayes, 1985). This study is also designed to investigate whether Sindhi is a quantity sensitive or insensitive language, and how and where primary stress is assigned on the basis of weight (versus some other aspect of syllables).

Gussenhoven and Jacobs (2003, p. 161) state that the terms heavy syllable or light syllable do not carry any impression of the construction of the feet. That is why this group of languages is known to be quantity insensitive, while in another group syllable internal structure is taken into account.

In addition, a weak node may not dominate a heavy syllable in quantity sensitive languages. This has long been noted by phonologists that many languages differentiate between heavy and light syllables by certain phonological processes (Allen 1973; Hayes 1989, cited in Gordon, 2002a;

Hyman 1977, 1985, 1992; Jakobson 1931; McCarthy 1979; Trubetzkoy 1939, Zec 1988). Recent theories focused on syllable weight and broadened its prosodic phenomenal factors by encompassing aspects of syllable weight as weight-sensitive to stress. In languages which carry a weight-sensitive stress, where the heavy syllables are stress attractor; whereas, light syllables do not attract stress (Hayes 1995, cited in Gordon; Hyman 1985; Levin 1985; Zec 1988).

2.4 Lexical Stress

In fact, this entire study revolves around lexical stress. Therefore, before various researches in this field are discussed, it is important to explain both lexical stress in general and how the current study deals with the research query of lexical stress in particular. Lexical stress has the same meaning as the word stress. For example, stress here means a relatively prominent syllable in a

word or different words. Many languages differ in terms of the stress occurring on various positions of words, and the prominence may be a function of loudness, pitch, and duration, as noted by many researchers. However, the change in pitch, along with other aspects, is most important and this prominence of syllables is referred to as stress (Harrington & Cox, 1984b).

This study also examines whether Sindhi is fixed or has a variable stress location. Most languages behave in one of two ways: They have fixed stress at pen-initial (second from the left), initial, final, penultimate (second from the right), or ante-penultimate (third from the right) position of words, or have variable stress location (i.e., stress falls sometimes on the rightmost/ leftmost, or sometimes heavy syllables attract stress in words). In addition, this literature review looks at important works which have been carried out on lexical stress in other languages in order to inform the present research and incorporate aspects of these works.

Languages vary in two degrees of stress, i.e., stressed and unstressed. A difference can be made between primary and secondary stress with regard to stressed syllables, which is very common.

Alternatively, some languages differentiate between primary, secondary, and tertiary stress levels

(de Lacy, 2007). Stress is the most phonetically elusive phonological factor and is realized through the offices of other phonetic features. The analysis of stress has been carried out from the beginning of generative grammar (Chomsky, Halle & Lukoff, 1959) and has really played a vital role in theory (Kenstowicz, 1994, pp. 548-549).

In addition, Reetz and Jongman (2009) argue that the stress is a property of a syllable, which makes it relatively prominent. Generally, there are three levels of stress which vary from strongest to

weakest, e.g., primary stress (the strongest), secondary stress, and unstressed (p. 210). Gordon

(2004) explored the exponents of stress in Chickasaw through the collection of acoustic data from eight native speakers of Chickasaw language. The study utilized some parameters of phonetic exponents of stress as were measured i.e., duration, fundamental frequency, intensity, and vowel quality as evidence for lexical level stress. The purpose behind was to determine how primary stress, secondary, and stressed syllables are phonetically distinguished from each other and from unstressed syllables (p. 1).

2.4.1 Typology of Lexical Stress

Languages differ in their stress system of locating primary stress at lexical level. Some languages have predictable and some have unpredictable lexical stress systems. This section will look at the typology of fixed and variable lexical stress systems in different languages. For example, in fixed stress languages, lexical stress is assigned at a particular syllable of a word; whereas, in free stress languages lexical stress is unpredictable. Proto-Indo-European languages have stress patterns as follows: According to PIE (Proto-Indo-European languages) (2000), the accurate position of primary stress location basically originates from Vedic, i.e., the variety of Sanskrit which documented its own stress system. Even the location of pitch accent in Classical Greek (Greek noun paradigms) replicates the stress patterns of PIE. The original assignment of stress location is occasionally re-constructible in Germanic languages. This robustly endures the proof of Vedic and Classical Greek. To sum up the development of pitch-accent systems in Balto-Slavic makes most sense in case the stress system is adopted and reunited based on Vedic, Greek and Germanic as its beginning-point. PIE had a free stress system, which does not mean, that the stress was assigned at any place in a word, but it meant that the stress was neither assigned based on

phonological aspects nor does syllable count. However, placement of primary stress was subject to inflectional type to that particular word string. Proto-Indo-European stress patterns may be categorized as a fixed or free. In a fixed paradigm, the stem syllable was stressed irrespective of each inflected form attached to the stem, whereas, in a free stress patterns stress was assigned on the stem in some forms and on inflectional suffixing also (PIE, 2000).

2.4.2 Fixed Stress

Ashby and Maidment (2008, p. 157) state some languages have a fixed stress pattern, which means that most of the words in a language bear stress on the same syllable. Typically, the syllables, i.e., the first syllable, last syllable, or penultimate syllables, are stressed in fixed stressed languages.

Hyman (1977) illustrates that there are 306 fixed lexical stress languages, including 114 first syllable stress languages, 12 second syllable stress languages, 77 ante-penultimate syllable stress languages, and 97 final syllable stress languages. There are several languages with variable stress patterns, like Catalan and many others, which have fixed stress patterns. Ashby and Maidment

(2008, p. 158) illustrate stress fixed languages as follows:

First syllable of a word Czech

Final syllable of a word Turkish

Penultimate syllable of a word Welsh

Variable syllable of a word Catalan

The stress assignment is very simple in Turkish language. It assigns lexical stress on the last syllable of a word regardless of short and long vowel, i.e., syllable weight (Lees 1961; Lewis 1967;

Sezer, 1983, as cited in Kabak & Vogel, 2001, p. 316). This is also illustrated explicitly in the following examples given in Table 2.3, where a series of suffixes is attached to a stem.

Table 2.3. Turkish suffixes & English glossary (Kabak & Vogel, 2001) Turkish English a. kitáp book b. kitaplík bookcase c. kitaplɪklár bookcases d. kitaplɪklarím my bookcases e. kitaplhklarɪmíz our bookcases

Sapir and Swadesh (1960) argue that Yana stress is assigned preferably on the leftmost syllable falling either on syllable with long vowel/ diphthong or closed. If there is no any such case, then

Yana stress is assigned on the initial syllable as illustrated in Table 2.4.

Table 2.4. Yana stress Location Yana English leftmost heavy si'búmk’ai sandstone leftmost heavy su'k’ó:niya: name of Indian tribe leftmost heavy ȝáuxauya hat creek Indians leftmost heavy tsini'já: no initial 'p’údiwi women

Languages differ in terms of which syllables are heavy. In contrast Yana, considers both CVV and CVC as heavy syllables. For example, in table 2.4 column second [si'búmk’ai] ‘stone’ on the top, a word with heavy syllables including a long vowel is assigned a primary stress on heavy syllable placed at the leftmost of the word sting. In case there is no long vowel, stress is placed on the initial syllable (Gordon, M, Carmen J, Carlos N, & Nobutaka T., 2008).

Gordon (1999) argues that the leftmost syllable attracts stress with a long vowel or closed syllable

(Sapir & Swadesh, 1960). Gordon contends that the syllable with no long vowels and closed syllables attract stress on the first syllable in words. Thus, the syllables with long vowels (CVV) and closed syllables (CVC) are heavier than open syllables with short vowels (CV).

In addition, another example of bounded quantity sensitive pattern is found in Yidiny, as noted by

Dixon (1977). Primary stress is assigned even when a word has any even-numbered or odd- numbered syllables without long vowel. A word with a long vowel containing even-numbered syllables, where primary stress is placed on even-numbered syllable; whereas, in odd-numbered syllables, the penultimate syllable is lengthened and stress is assigned on even-numbered syllable.

In this context, weight phenomenon denotes an agreement between quantitative structure i.e., patterns of light and heavy syllables and metrical structure i.e., strong and weak syllables (Kager,

1992a; Alber, 1997). Dixon’s analysis of stress in Yidiny (1977) as follows: Stress odd syllables: a. yábulám-gu ‘lawyer cane-PURPOSIVE’ Stress is attracted to long vowels: b. durgú: ‘mopoke owl (ABSOLUTIVE)’ This causes other alternating stresses to shift: c. yadyí:-ri-ŋá-l ‘walk about-going-TRANS’R-PRES’ Words with odd-numbers of syllables have penultimate lengthening, causing stress shift: d. gudá:ga ‘dog (ABSOLUTIVE)’ Adding a suffix can change the syllable count, with concomitant stress and length changes: e. gúdagá-ŋgu ‘dog-ergative’ Other words have lexically determined penult lengthening and truncation f. gadyá:rr ‘possum (ABSOLUTIVE)’ g. gudyá:rra ‘broom (ABSOLUTIVE)’ But ‘fronting’ optionally retracts stress to the first syllable.

2.4.3 Variable Stress

Free stress languages are those which do not have fixed stress pattern. This means stress is not predictable at one place, but rather different words have different stress places in different words.

Word stress is lexically contrastive in free stress languages, resulting in minimal stress pairs that differ in terms of stress alone (e.g., Russian 'bɑgritᶨ ‘to spear fish’ and bɑ'gritᶨ ‘to paint crimson’).

Stress is phonologically predictable in fixed stress languages. However, a morphological structure of a word may affect the location of stress or suffixes may attract stress (Kager, 1989).

2.4.4 English Stress

Jones (1972) contends that no rule determines the primary stress at word level in English. In contrast, Hayes (1980) argues significant output with reference to the treatment of English stress is to have two stress rules rather than one. First, the English Stress Rule is sensitive to rime structure and determines the placement of primary stress. Second, Strong Retraction is not sensitive to rime structure and determines the placement of subsidiary stresses: completely in non- derived words, and partially in derived stresses. Hayes observes that ‘the English Stress Rule must precede Strong Retraction’ (Halle & Vergnaud, 1990).

Duanmu, S., Kim, Y., and Stiennon. N. (2005, p. 1) argue that in accordance with the syllable structures, the syllabification of English words is done and lexical stress is designated as assumed by the analyses of Halle (1990), Vergnaud (1987) and Hayes (1995). The Maximum Onset Rule syllabifies intervocalic consonantal sounds as onset of the vowel to follow as permitted in the language and noted in most of the analyses which follow Kahn (1976) for syllabification. English

words and their syllable edges are marked by a dot, coupled with their primary stress markings as follows:

Canada 'kæ.nə.də Banana bə.'næ.nə

Pedigree 'pɛ.dɪ.grɪ Committee kə.'mɪ.ti

Essay 'ɛ.se Alpine 'æl.paɪn

Duanmu et al. (2005, p.1) argues that there seems to be no explicit reason as to why the initial syllable is stressed in Canada with the syllable templates (CVCVCV) whereas, second syllable is stressed in banana containing the same syllabic templates e.g., CVCVCV; why not in both cases on the initial or on the second syllable. It indicates that English stress system offers no any explanation, though English uses both ways to assign English words i.e., an English word can be a VC, such as Ann; CVC, such as sit; or CCCVC, such as strike.

Stress assignment is sensitive to the weight of a syllable, i.e., whether a syllable is heavy or light, where VV is a diphthong or a tense vowel. Heavy syllable: the rhyme is VX (VV or VC) Light syllable: the rhyme is V (a short vowel) or C (a syllabic C). The weight patterns of the words are shown, where L is a light syllable and H is a heavy one. The syllable weight is shown in English words as follows:

Canada 'kæ.nə.də LLL Banana bə.'næ.nə LLL

Pedigree 'pɛ.dɪ.ɡri: LLH Committee kə.'mɪ.ti: LLH

Essay 'ɛ.se LH Alpine 'æl.paɪn HH

Duanmu et al. (2005, p. 4) argues that it is very important to note that the syllabification just discussed differs from what is being argued. According to standard descriptions (e.g., Halle,

Vergnaud, 1987 & Hayes 1995), main stress in English words follow the rules, although each rule has some exceptions. Standard description of English lexical stress is shown in terms of syllable weight as follows: a. Stress the final syllable if it has a long vowel

Examples:

Tennessee LLH tenə'si:

Decay LH dɪ'keɪ Sardine HH sar'di:n

Exceptions: Pedigree LLH 'pedəgri: Committee LLH kə'mɪti:

Essay LH 'ɛ.se Alpine HH 'æl.paɪn b. Else stress the penultimate syllable if it is heavy

Examples: Agenda LHL ə'ʤen.də Maria LHL mə'rɪə

Exceptions: Carpenter HHL 'kɑː.pɪn.tər Julia HHL 'ʤu: lɪə c. Else stress the antepenultimate syllable

Examples: America LLLL əˈmer.ɪ.kə Canada LLL 'kæ.nə.də

Exceptions: Alabama LLLL æləˈbæmə banana LLL bə.'næ.nə

In addition, various dimensions were involved in assigning stress in English, for example, duration, pitch variation, and vowel quality (Fry, 1955, 1958, as cited in Gussenhoven, 2003, p. 206).

Liberman and Prince (1977) note that stress had a structural position, but was not a realized

phonological feature and was only given content by phonetic implementation rules as argued in the linear theory of the SPE (as also cited in Gussenhoven, 2003, p. 206).

English, and foreign-accented English accents, is the most acoustically studied language.

Examples of scholarship done in this area include: The research of Peterson and Barney (1952) on

English language vowels, Mandarin-accented English vowels (Chen, 2001), Indian-accented

English (Maxwell, 2009), Singapore-accented English (Deterding, 2003), Japanese-accented

English vowels (Kewley-Porr, 1996), etc. Other languages that have been acoustically studied are as follows: French (Ouni, 2003), Shanghai Chinese (Chen, 2008), Turkish (Gordon, 2006),

Spanish (Borzone de Manrique, 1979; Borzone de Manrique, 1981; Gurlekian, 1985), Japanese

(Homma, 1973), the Modern Hebrew (Aronson, 1996). The Spanish language has also been analyzed acoustically in comparison to English by Bradlow (as cited in Keerio, 2010).

Fear, B. D., Cutler, A, and Butterfield, S. (1995) argue that the vowel quality is very important signal for stress analysis in English. Though, the sequence of the acoustic cues for English stress differs from study to study. All these acoustic manifestations are essential cues to distinguish between stressed and unstressed syllable in English.

English native speakers are aware of prominent syllables as compared to other syllables in each word. The first syllable sounds stronger than the second one in father and in about, it is the other way around. The prominent syllables are stressed, and are signaled by many phonetic factors which select a stressed syllable from the unstressed syllables (McMahon, 2002, p. 118).

Harrington and Cox (1984a) state that generally two kinds of feet exist in the languages of the world, right-dominant and left-dominant. Left-dominant languages carry the first syllable as a strong followed by weak syllable, whereas, right-dominant languages have the final strong syllable. There are several languages, which are left-dominant languages, including English.

English is a 3left-dominant feet language, since its first syllable is strong and the second weak e.g., the word consultation carries two feet, kɔn.səl and ˈtæɪ.ʃən. The strong feet syllables have primary stress at the lexical level and the weak syllables have secondary stress (Harrington & Cox, 1984a).

2.4.5 Stress Patterns

The term stress pattern is repeated in this study, so it should be defined in terms of both current research and how the term is treated here. The present study looks at stress patterns in terms of how Sindhi native speakers of Sindhi perceive primary stress in words differently. For example, in a three syllabic word, some native speakers of Sindhi can differ from other native speakers in stressing the first, second or third syllable in a word. This means that three syllable words have three different stress patterns, as perceived by native speakers of that particular language. Basically the purpose of this study was to investigate the possible interaction between syllable stress patterns and lexical frequency in Sindhi. Hammond (1999) and Hayes (1982) make the argument that the primary stress on the first syllable is relatively more common than primary stress on the final syllable for two and three syllable words, given the rules of trochaic stress assignment in English.

Several bi-syllabic verbs in English appear with primary stress on the last syllable; however, there

3 The word consultation carries two feet, kɔn.səl and ˈtæɪ.ʃən. Each foot is equal to two syllables. Therefore, the word consultation has two feet i.e., four syllables. In first foot there are two syllables kɔn.səl and in second again there are two syllablesˈtæɪ.ʃən. The primary stress is assigned to third syllable which is left-dominent feet e.g., ˈtæɪ.ʃən, the first syllable is left in direction to fourth therefore, English is said to be a left-dominent language.

might be some attenuation of the frequency difference between the words with initial syllable and final syllable stress for two syllable words. This seems to be based on the rules of English stress assignment, wherein primary stress should be found more frequently on the second or third syllable of four syllable words than on the first or fourth syllable.

Ladefoged (2001) contends that the stressed syllables are produced with relatively more muscular energy and more airstream is driven out of lungs. In contrast, the building blocks of pitch contours are regarded as pitch accents and stress is viewed as a separate factor of the phonological utterances

(Ladd, 1996). English language is seen as a stress accent language where the parameters i.e., pitch, duration, intensity, and vowel quality combine together to express the accent (Fry 1955; Gay 1978;

Kochanski et al., 2005). Furthermore, Japanese language is viewed as a pitch accent language where a fall of fundamental frequency (F0) is realized from an accented high pitched mora followed by another mora (Fujisaki, H & Hirose, K. 1984).

Gordon (2004) argues that in Chickasaw the determination of CVV carrying primary stress is a bit obscure, while, almost all long vowels have secondary stress provided with more than one CVV syllable. Some token long vowels show split prominence, and where different long vowels behave with different kinds of prominence, e.g., the long vowel may be longer than the other long vowel in the same word, while another long vowel has higher F0 and greater intensity. The stress patterns behave alternatively for example, primary stress is assigned on the first, or second or on the both long vowels in the same word string. Stress patterns for words with a single CVV appear in (a).

Words illustrating the location of word-level stress in words lacking a long vowel appear in (b).

Gordon (2004, pp.6-7) exemplifies as follows:

(a) (b) aˈbo:koˌʃiʔ river tʃiˌkaʃ ˈʃaʔ Chichasaw tʃoˈka:ˌno fly noˌtakˈfa jaw naˈʃo:ba wolf ˌʃanˈtiʔ rat okˈtʃa:ˌlinˌtʃiʔ savior ˌtʃonˈkaʃ heart taˈla:ˌnomˌpaʔ telephone kaˌnanˈnak striped lizard

ˈʃi:ˌki buzzard ʃoˈtik sky maʃˈko:ˌkiʔ creek tʃoˌkoʃˈpa story

ˈa:ˌtʃomˌpaʔ trading post ˌlokˈtʃok mud

As noted by Hyman (as cited in Gordon, 2004), that only five positions are verified in a set of possible locations for a quantity insensitive languages where a single stress system exists as follows: either it falls on initial stress, or on pen-initial stress or on final stress, or it can either be assigned on penultimate stress, or antepenultimate stress. Rhythmic lengthening is not attested to stress by Munro and Ulrich, however, the rhythmically lengthened vowels and heavy syllables include CVC along with long vowels are stressed prominently as noted by Gordon (2004).

In Khalkha, stress falls on syllables occurring with long vowels, but not on closed syllables occurring with short vowels (Bosson 1964; Gordon, 2002b; Poppe 1970; Walker, 1995). Four hundred languages were surveyed in order to see the distinctions of syllable weight and the most common two syllable weight distinctions are in Yana and one in Khalkha as noted by Gordon,

(1999). Another weight distinction (third), treating non-central vowels as heavier and central vowels as lighter, is substantially less common than Yana and Khalkha. Examples of this type

were found in Javanese (Herrfurth, 1964; Prentice, 1990), Chuvash (Krueger, 1961), and Mari

(Itkonen, 1955) (as cited in Gordon, 2002).

In addition, Gordon (1999) further argues that several languages handle syllable weight in variable quantity, which means, these differentiate not only between heavy and light but more than binary distinction also. Hierarchy of syllable weight which is more than two distinctions is as follows:

CVV-CVC-CV, e.g., languages like these have more than two syllable weight distinctions:

Klamath (Barker, 1964), Yapese (Jensen, 1977), Chickasaw (Munro & Willmond, 1994), and

Kashmiri (Kenstowicz, 1994). Complicated hierarchies of weight can be broken down into two- way syllable weight distinctions i.e., the hierarchy CVV - CVC - CV containing binary weight distinctions extensively manifested. CVV is heavier than both CVC and CV, while both CVV and

CVC (together CVX) are heavier than CV (Gordon, 1999).

Gordon (1999) argues about the survey of 28 languages, that the syllable weight distinctions are made between vowels of different qualities by these languages; and only three languages have different syllable weight distinctions as they have phonemic long vowels: Siraiki (Shackle, 1976),

Kara (de Lacy, 1997), and Asheninca (Payne, 1990). One more weight distinction which is not based on vowel quality. For instance, Asheninca (Payne, 1990) distinguishes between CVV syllable template and CV(C) syllable template, and further between some syllable types and short high in open syllables. Languages differ in phonemic vowel length based on vowel length i.e., quality suggests the existence of minimum one other weight distinction.

2.5 Metrical Phonology

Metrical phonology is primarily involved with the aspects which control the determination of the assignment of the stressed syllables in a word, whose phonetic realization may vary from language to language (Gussenhoven, 2003, p. 208). Generative Phonology Theory and stress patterns are investigated in light of Metrical Stress Theory (Hayes, 1995) which is an off shoot of generative phonology. Generative phonology was developed in 1950-60s by Chomsky and Halle. The Sound

Pattern of English (1968) was the first organized elucidation of the theory, e.g., generative phonology. A fundamental story was to yield completely the notation with regard to which sounds are indicated and rules are devised (Kenstowicz, 1994, p. 549). Metrical phonology (1980s) is concerned with stress assignment in natural languages and is a recent advance approach. This approach is also termed as Non-linear phonology (Roach, 2009, p. 49). Supra-segmental, word stress and rhythmic aspects are involved in this branch of phonology (Carr, 2008, p. 100).

Harrington and Cox (1984a) argue as follows: Primarily metrical theory is related with the procedure which figure out the location of the syllables which are stressed in words. Stress is assigned through the strong connection between various syllables.

Kreidler (2004, p. 76) states the following: Metrical phonology explains that strength and intensity cannot be quantified, however, weak and strong aspects are proportional between each other. The foot is recognized between syllable and tone as a prosodic building block. Foot carries two syllables i.e., strong and weak; which means that word with two syllables contains a single foot and word with four syllables, two feet and may also contain one more extra syllable in a word.

There are many words in English which have a single foot with an extra syllable, each foot in words consists of a weak syllable which may be preceded by a strong syllable, e.g., architect and

engineer. English word like architect; its foot is strong with weak extra syllable; whereas, foot is weak and an extra syllable is strong relatively. In addition, four syllable words i.e., elevation and elevator, each consisting of binary feet, elevation whose second foot is strong and first weak relatively; whereas, elevator whose first foot is strong while second is weak relatively as argued by Kreidler (2004 p. 76). Hayes (1985) states the main tenet of metrical stress theory (cf. Hayes

1981; Liberman & Prince 1977; Prince 1983; Selkirk 1984) is that it constitutes the utterance’s rhythmic structure.

2.5.1 Extrametrical Syllable

Hays (1982) argues that the syllable is treated as an extrametrical in metrical theory when it is ignored by the stress rules. Liberman and Prince (1977) further argue that if certain cases of word final -y, -r, and -l are extrametrical, then the word trees in which they appear can be labeled by the normal rule for nouns, which makes final non-branching constituents weak. Hence, the grid theory has no argument why quantity sensitive alternation should start with a stressed syllable while going from right to left, with stress-less syllable when going from left to right, and for quantity insensitive alternation vice versa (Hayes, 1982). Hayes (1982) further argues that the stress pattern of Classical

Arabic depends on the distinction of light (CV), heavy (CVV and CVC), and super heavy (CVVC and CVCC) syllables. Classical Arabic stress can fall on environments, i.e., on super heavy syllables, which may occur only in phrase-final position; on the rightmost non-final heavy syllable; and finally, on the initial syllable; for examples are as follows: kaatibáat writer (fem. pl.) yušáariku ‘he participates’ mámlakatun kingdom (nom. sg.) kátaba ‘he wrote’

Extrametricality based on intonation account (as cited in Gordon, 2010) may not be applied on other languages like Cairene Arabic. It is further argued that CVC is not attracted as compared to final CVCC in terms of stress. This is a vague as to why CVCC is more inclined to be stressed or in other words pitch attraction phenomenon. Obstruents are not much attracted in realization of pitch. Therefore, there seems to be no any obvious description for this class to tend to attract stress in last position.

In addition, Lunden (2006, as cited in Gordon et al., 2010) argues in her research that the stress attraction for final CVCC as compared to CVC class, is in terms of duration rather than the intonation-based. She further explains that stress tendency on final position in Norwegian language like Cairene Arabic along with final consonant extrametricality can be predicted in terms of phonetic duration.

Gordon (2010) argues that the notion speech perception in terms of extrametricality, plays an important role in the order of phonological system. This kind of perceptual studies are summoned for the patterns of phonology as noted by Liljencrants and Lindblom (1972) that the vowel inventories are structured to make the perceptual distinction for different vocalic sounds. Bladon

(1986) notes that the perceptual aspects drive most of the phonological factors in terms of dissimilation to distributing the laryngeal segments.

2.5.2 Basic Parameters for Locating Primary Stress in Natural Languages

Hayes (1985) argues that there are four basic sub-type parameters falling in quantity insensitive as follows: ‘(a) Left to right or right to left in which the rule applies (b) Whether the alternation starts off with a stressed or a stress-less syllable’.

a. Right-dominant vs left dominant

b. Bounded vs unbounded

c. Left to right vs right to left

d. Quantity sensitive vs quantity insensitive

In other words, the same parameters can also be written as follows: a. Foot direction (left to right/right to left) b. Foot headed (left-headed/right headed) Head initial/final (trochee foot/iambic foot) c. Quantity sensitive (Yes/No) d. Prosody headed (left to right/right to left) e. Extrametricality (Yes/No)

Stressed and unstressed syllables often assign themselves to an alternating fashion. Hayes (1981, cited in Kenstowicz, 1994, p. 555) identified four basic parameters as follows:

1. Maranungku (Tryon 1970b): Primary stress falls on the initial syllables, and secondary on

every other syllable’.

Tíralk ‘saliva’ mérepèt ‘beard’ lángkaràtetì ‘prawn’

2. Weri (Boxwell and Boxwell 1966): Main stress is attached to the final syllable, and

secondary stress to each preceding alternate syllable.

Kùlipú ‘hair of arm’ ulùamít ‘mist’ àkunètepál ‘times’

3. Warao (Osborn 1966): ‘Primary stress falls on the penult, with secondary stress is assigned to

alternative syllables before the primary stress.

Yiwàranáe ‘he finished it’ yà purùkitáneháse ‘verily to climb’

4. Araucanian (Echeveria and Contreras, 1965): ‘Primary stress falls on the second syllable, and

secondary is assigned to every alternating syllable occurring after the main stress.

Wulé ‘tomorrow’ elúmuyù ‘give us’ elúaènew ‘he will give me’

Prince (1983, cited in Kenstowicz, 1974, p. 557) reports that stress is basically a rhythmic phenomenon; in cases where stress prominence is a function of the metrical grid, then the grids are to be generated as four alternating patterns as cited above for defining a mapping of syllables onto primitive rhythmic alternation of peaks and troughs. Liberman (1975, cited in Kenstowicz,

1994, p. 553) argues that metrical grid is a notation that permits the special aspects of stress to be represented in lucid manner. Kenstowicz (1994) argues that the prosodic factors assign stress where phonological prominence is realized.

Generally, syllable prominence is associated with stress and with vowels, thus stress is realized by these phonetic aspects. In several systems of rules, stress is carried by a vowel not with regard to underlying factors but by its position in a word. In addition, for location of stress whole string of word is taken into account. Pierrhumbert (1980) argues that metrical structure defines stress as a syllable prominence in comparison to neighboring syllables. Furthermore, the phonological prominence of a syllable can be marked by utilizing the method as described in metrical grid by

Liberman (1975).

2.5.3 Stress Assignment

Mehrotra (1965) reports stress is a very important factor in Hindi, however, not as important as in

English, Russian, and Greek. Each Hindi syllable contains some degree of stress. He further argues that stress is applied in Hindi mainly for the purpose of emphasis and contrast. Hussain (1997) argues that stress in Urdu is associated with the syllable weight and the syllable weight is corresponded by each count of moraic. Long vowels are equal to two moraic; whereas short vowels are a single moraic. In addition, each coda consonant has a weight equivalent to a single mora.

Masica (1991) states that generally in New Indo-Aryan (NIA) languages stress is predictable and stress is assigned by utilizing some constraints i.e., etymology, morphology, word classes, and syllable weight. In NIA languages, the patterns of stress vary from language to language and these

NIA languages are not stress-timed but syllable or mora-timed.

Kenstowicz (1994, p. 552) also notes the most determinant of such inherent stress is syllable weight: Syllables with long vowels are always stressed while the stress ability of short vowel syllables depends on location with respect to the edge of the word to another heavy syllable.

Gordon (2005) argues that the onset-sensitive weight criterion was investigated and noted in 5 languages, whose syllables are treated to be lighter without an onset and as heavier with an onset.

For instance, the ‘stress is assigned to the final syllable in [Júma], when there is onset less and in this case stress is placed on the penult. If the word is onset less, the stress is assigned on the first syllable, otherwise the stress is placed on the penultimate in [Júma]’ (p.4).

Gordon (2005) further argues disyllables attract stress on initial syllable and tri-syllable or having more syllables attract first syllable with an onset, if it is without onset, the stress is assigned on

second syllable. The stress is assigned on first syllable if it is without onset, otherwise it is stressed on the second in Arrernte.

In addition, Camden (1977) argues that the stress assignment is associated with the last two syllables of Bislama. The penultimate syllable is stressed, if the penultimate is lighter than the final syllable then the ultimate syllable is stressed; where open syllables are lighter than the closed syllables and syllables with simple onsets are lighter than the syllables with complex onsets in

Bislama, which can lead primary stress, either assigning on penultimate or the final fall according to which primary stress either falls on the penultimate or the final syllable relying on the form of the final two syllables (Camden, 1977, as cited in Gordon, 2005, p. 5).

Where the placement is sensitive to weight, stress is assigned, which includes rime and the onset in Nankina. Mostly, it is often assigned to the initial syllable of a word; in case the initial syllable has /ɨ/ the central vowel, then the stress is assigned to the second syllable (Kenstowicz, 1997, as cited in Gordon, 2005, p. 5). In addition, the second syllable is stressed, if the initial syllable is onset less coupled with the second syllable which sets out with a consonant cluster (Gordon, 2005).

Harrington and Cox (1984a) argue: In quantity-sensitive languages primary stress is associated with quantity and the kind of fragments (segments) in the syllable rhyme. In these languages there are heavy or light syllables subject to the segmental components of the rhyme. For Gordon (2004), stress falls on heavy syllables in several languages, either to both CVV and CVC or only to CVV, and the tendency of being stressed syllable as primary stress is based on directionality i.e., either leftmost syllable is stressed or rightmost syllable is stressed.

Languages associate weight-sensitive secondary stress with direction-fixed primary stress include

Delaware (Goddard 1979, 1982), Fijian (Schütz, 1985), and Cahuilla (Seiler 1957, 1965, 1977, as cited in Gordon, 2004). Other languages, e.g., Kwakw'ala (Boas, 1947; Bach, 1975) and

Lushootseed (Hess, 1976), are not identified to have secondary stress and primary stress on the basis of directionality and syllable weight; the location of stress is merely assigned either on the rightmost or leftmost heavy syllable. Whereas, other languages, e.g., Klamath (Barker, 1964) and

Mam (England, 1983, as cited in Gordon, 2004), are associated with quantity-sensitivity to syllable weight which involves three or more degrees for the assignment of primary stress (Gordon, 2004).

Table 2.5. Prosodic hierarchy (Selkirk, 1984) & (Nespor & Vogel, 1986) Hierarchy Short Forms intonation phrase IP phonological phrase PPh prosodic word PW foot F syllable σ mora μ

A hierarchical representation of rhythm is formed by the metrical grid (Liberman, 1975; Liberman

& Prince, 1977; Prince, 1983; Selkirk, 1984b); grids of different height are made in a succession of columns and the height of columns represents a primary stress. Horizontally, the grid elements represent rhythmic level, where stress interchange, i.e., interval and clash can be examined. For example, Apalachicola whose stress configuration of a word is as follows: The following grid of

Apalachicola word carries six columns of syllables where second, fourth and sixth columns are lower than the first, third and fifth columns. The fifth column illustrates that it contains the primary stress which is ultimately the peak of stress grid higher than the first and third last columns (de

Lacy, 2007).

In this theory of metrical phonology, the phonological prominence (stress) of a syllable is indicated by using a metrical grid (Liberman, 1975). Kenstowicz (1994) argues that stress is neither an aspect nor an implicit attribute of syllables for the metrical grid, but rather it designs metrical locations for the ranks of prominence being an abstract agent of bi-dimensional array. These parameters are determined by metrical phonology for stress assignment, as reported by Hays (1981) as follows:

a. Foot direction (right to left/left to right) b. Foot headed (right headed) Head final (iambic foot) c. Quantity sensitive (Yes/No) d. Prosody headed (right to left/left to right) e. Extra-metricality (Yes/No)

Some other examples are illustrated as in (Kenstowicz, 1994) as follows:

Some examples are illustrated as in (Halle & Vergnaud, 1990) as follows:

2.6 Phonetic Correlates of Stress

Phonetic correlates of stress means that there are some phonetic factors which are the features of stress, or that the stress is realized through these factors-for example, loudness of syllable or greater duration of sound and these can be analyzed by their frequency of sounds, i.e., F0, F1 and F2.

While this study has also analyzed phonological tasks for syllable structure and stress (a subjective approach), this chapter will focus on acoustic manifestations of stress in Sindhi, that is, a totally objective approach. Moreover, stress is explained in detail in terms of prior works on this aspect and in light of how other researchers have treated the aspects of stress.

Fry (1955, 1958) was a pioneering figure to research the acoustic correlates of stress in English on the acoustic factors of duration, intensity, and fundamental frequency. Fry selected the vowels in noun-verb minimal stress pairs as follows: convert (noun) vs. convert (verb) and import (noun) vs. import (verb). Fry figured out that the stressed vowels were correlated with greater duration and higher intensity and fundamental frequency as compared to unstressed tokens, with these acoustic factors as the most reliable cues to stress (Gordon, 2011).

Fry (1955, 1958) found that loudness had the least effect on stress perception, despite its intuitive status as the most natural correlate of stress. Duration changes had a greater effect, with longer syllables more likely to be perceived as stressed. The strongest effects on stress perception were achieved by altering the pitch contours, as shown. Thus pitch and duration, rather than loudness, seem to be the principal perceptual cues for stress.

There are three significant aspects signaling the main stress: (a) Stressed syllables are produced with higher F0; this causes vocal folds to vibrate rapidly, and sounds as higher pitch; (b) The duration of stressed syllables is greater and its perception is longer as well; and (c) The production of stressed syllables causes greater intensity which makes them louder than the unstressed

(McMahon, 2002, p. 118).

Gordon (2004) states that stress is a more prominent syllable, as compared to other syllables in a word. These syllables have heightened fundamental frequency, longer duration, amplified loudness, and more outlying vowel qualities, i.e., English and other languages have different stress realizations acoustically (Beckman, 1986; Fry, 1955), Polish (Jassem et al., 1968), Tagalog

(Gonzalez, 1970), Russian (Bondarko et al., 1973), Mari (Baitschura, 1976), Indonesian

(Adisasmito-Smith & Cohn, 1996), Dutch (Sluijter & Heuven, 1996), and Pirahã (Everett, 1998).

Hussain (2010) contends that stress may be verified by examining F0 pattern of a word. Almost certainly there is higher or lower pitch or abnormal behavior of fundamental frequency, where stress can be located.

Gordon (2004) argues that Chickasaw has a stress system which is normally bigger the level of stress, the longer the duration, the higher the intensity of vowels and F0. Most consistent factor of vowels is the duration of stressed syllable in comparison to intensity. In addition, de Lacy (2007) argues: Stress has no specific phonetic factor, however, it is very generic cross-linguistically speaking for the unstressed to have lower pitch, short duration, and lower intensity than stressed syllables. Tones are more inclined to be attracted to the syllables, which are stressed.

Reetz and Jongman, (2009, p. 211) state that English assigns stress in disyllabic words as follows:

English disyllable verbs are stressed on the second whereas, nouns in English is often assigned stress on the first, e.g., the minimal stress pairs: (n) record ɹɛ.kɚd and (v) record ɹə.kͻɹd. When the stressed syllables are compared to the unstressed syllables, it causes an increase in fundamental frequency, longer duration, and increase in intensity, and a change of formant frequency pattern in

English. This indicates that there is a clear difference in phonetic quality. In addition, F0 fundamental frequency change in any direction is a correlate of stress. Which means the stressed syllable can have either a higher or lower fundamental frequency than its unstressed syllable. Thus, the perceptual experiments indicate that the fundamental frequency and duration may be stronger cues to stress than intensity (Reetz & Jongman, 2009, p. 211).

Gordon (2011) argues that stressed syllable or unstressed syllable is linked with supra-segmental and segmental aspects. Stress typically activates lengthening, higher F0, and greater intensity, however, the syllable features of several languages do not come together at one syllable but it rather spread out on several syllables. Stress in several languages spread over many neighboring syllables, and does not meet on any particular syllable. For instance, in Welsh an unstressed penultimate syllable has lower F0 and short vowel duration than an unstressed final syllable. In such situations, the stressed vowels become the most authentic correlate of stress, which are preceded by lengthening of the consonants (Williams 1985, as cited in Gordon, 2011).

2.6.1 Duration

Lexical stress leaves an influence on speech production as an acoustic signal. Researchers argue that most consistently trustworthy examination of lexical stress is duration as the acoustic

correlates of stress. Dogil (1995) and Jessen, M., Marasek, K., Schneider, K. & Claßen, K. (1995) and Dogil and Williams (1999), consider the acoustic property i.e., duration as the most important correlate of word stress, since this factor of syllable was found in stressed syllables to be greater in duration than the unstressed. Thus, the present analysis includes the duration as the most important property of lexical stress by measuring duration the stressed and unstressed syllables acoustically.

Gordon (2004) argues stress has multi-dimensional mapping tools, such as vowel quality, intensity, and F0. The stress factors are commonly associated with the intensity, duration, and F0 as the parameters and shared correlates of stress in the world, cf. English (Beckman, 1986; Fry, 1955),

Polish (Jassem et al., 1968), Tagalog (Gonzalez, 1970), Russian (Bondarko et al., 1973), and Mari

(Baitschura, 1976), Indonesian (Adisasmito-Smith & Cohn, 1996).

As illustrated by Gordon (2010), the research has established that several languages are in accordance with English in using duration, intensity, and fundamental frequency in order to realize stress, e.g., Polish (Jassem et al., 1968), Mari (Baitschura, 1976), Indonesian (Adisasmito-Smith

& Cohn, 1996), Tagalog (Gonzalez, 1970), Pirahã (Everett, 1998), Aleut (Taff et al., 2001),

Chickasaw (Gordon, 2004), Turkish (Levi, 2005), and Kabardian (Gordon & Applebaum, 2010).

Gordon (2004) states that phonetic dimensions for investigation of stress in several languages are closely linked with duration, loudness, and weight. Phonetic factor the duration or intensity are the acoustic correlates of stress between longer duration or intensity, which has been analyzed experimentally for the languages as noted by Beckman (1986) and Fry (1955) as follows: French

(Rigault, 1962), Tagalog (Gonzalez, 1970), Russian (Bondarko et al., 1973), Polish (Jassem et al.,

1968), Mari (Baitschura, 1976), Indonesian (Adisasmito-Smith & Cohn, 1996), and Dutch (Sluijter

& Heuven, 1996). The work delivers more evidence for a correlation between the phonetic aspects of duration and weight as noted by Maddieson (1993), Hubbard (1994, 1995), Broselow, Chen, and Huffman, (1997).

2.6.2 Quality of Vowels (F1 and F2)

Perceptual difficulty and articulatory complexity may cause intensity to be an ineffective cue to stress, as reported by Sluijter and Heuven (1996) for Dutch. The work of various researchers, including Jones, Raphael, and Rosner, indicate that the form of the vocal tract, it is open and closed end, shape the articulation and the vowel quality of vocalic sounds (Keerio, 2010).

Basic articulatory characteristics of the first two formants are: the tongue body displacement in mouth (the height and back-ness) and the lip rounding (Ladefoged, 1993; Pfitzinger, 2003). The first and second formants frequencies are regarded as enough for acoustic-phonetic analysis, although for speech recognition and synthesis F3, F4, and F5 are needed (Parsons, 1987). For male adult speakers, the formants can be described in terms of their ‘range of frequencies, for example,

F1 ranges between 200-800 Hz, F2 ranges between 600-2800 Hz, and F3 ranges between 1300-

3400 Hz’ (Parsons, 1987). The phoneticians argue the vowel quality can be quantified acoustically by examining F1 and F2 of the vocal tract.

The articulatory aspects that correspond to F1 and F2 are as follows: the tongue body displacement in mouth (the height and back-ness) and the lip rounding (Ladefoged, 1993; Pfitzinger, 2003). The

higher the tongue position and the lower the value of F1, it narrowly correlates of the height of vowel (Raphael, L. J., Gloria, J. B., & Katherine, S. H., 2006). The more backward is the body of tongue, the lower the value of F2 which manifests that value of F2 are closely linked with back- ness of the tongue body and the lip rounding. Whereas, the more forward the tongue body in mouth, the higher value of F2, and the lips remain either in spread or in neutral position.

German language regards vowel quality as an acoustic correlate of lexical stress (e.g., Dogil, 1995

& Jessen et al., 1995). The space of the vowel inventories of German and other languages is assumed to extend under stress, i.e., F1 and F2 either increase or decrease under stress depending on their position in the vowel quadrilateral (e.g., Crosswhite, 2001a; Lindblom, 1963; Flemming,

2002). However, Jessen (1993) found only vowel quantity to be a reliable correlate of word stress in German.

Wang and Heuven (2006) argue that the quality of vowel can be measured by analyzing sound frequencies with accuracy. First formant is calculated through the central frequency of the lowermost resonance of the vocal tract; connecting narrowly to the perceptual measurement of vowel height or articulatory (close vs. open vowels or high vs. low vowels). First formant values range for male between 200 Hz for a high vowel /i/ to some 800 Hz for a low vowel /ɑ/. Second formant exposes the place of utmost constriction while the vowel is produced, e.g., the front vs. back dimension, such that the Second formant values range from roughly 2200 Hz for front /i/ down to some 600 Hz for back /u/. Whereas, the formant frequencies of female are 10 to 15 percentage higher, on account of the small size of female vocal track than a male speaker relatively.

In Chickasaw long vowels and closed syllables with final syllables (as heavy syllables) are assigned stress. Final syllable is marked as primary stress if it is a long vowel. Even non-final position can be stressed for the existence of long vowel as primary stress. In addition, the words with two long vowels can assign primary stress with free variation either on one or on both in

(Weijer & Los, 2006, cited in Gordon, 2004).

The studies of stress phonetics in Chickasaw state that three degrees of stress can be distinguished in terms of acoustic factors e.g., stressed syllables have higher fundamental frequency, greater intensity and longer durational aspects; whereas, all these three factors have lower degrees in unstressed syllables. Differences of vowels quality lenition processes of segments can also be diagnosed in terms of stress analysis. Phonologically stress is predictable and is assigned on the final syllable of a word; that is heavy with CVC and CVV syllables, while, secondary stress relatively light CV syllables. Vowel lengthening rhythmic process takes place where short vowels in non-final open syllables are made heavy. According to the sensitivity of weight distinction it treats CVV as heavier than CVC and CV syllables for primary stress. Stress is assigned on the final syllable for the words which lack a CVV syllable (Gordon, 2004).

The concept, quantity in phonology is linked with the length, which is the phonological correlate of durational variations between sounds. This concept is associated with the durational length of a vowel or consonant- long or short and is not included by the syllable, foot or a word. The aspect of length is associated with phonology and their distinctions are discrete mental divisions but not physical calculations. This feature of length is attributed conventionally binary and similarly most of the phonological properties are included in generative theories (Odden, 2011). Odden (2011)

argues that Jakobsonian prediction on binary analysis that most of the languages are regarded as having two degrees of length with vowel length are of theoretic interest. Eight degrees of phonetic length is reported in Finn-Ugric practices by Sammallahti (1998, as cited in Odden, 2011).

As noted by Lehiste (1966, 1970 & 1978) and Prince (1980) that Estonian phonology becomes vague by segmental zing this distinction, however, binary length is best processed by crossing with foot structure, where over length arises when one syllable wears out the foot and plain length results when a heavy syllable is followed by a syllable within the foot. In [saːːda], the long syllable exhausts a foot, (sɑː) dɑ, whereas the long vowel in (sɑːdɑ) is one of two syllables within the foot.

The strongest arguments for foot plus binary-length treatment are provided from an analysis of

Estonian phonology: over length only occurs in a stressed syllable; it affects computation of subsequent stresses; it is automatic on all final-stressed vowels; the distribution of over length relative to plain length is not contrastive within the syllable.

2.6.3 Fundamental Frequency (F0)

Fundamental frequency (F0) is defined when the vocal folds complete number of cycles in one second, where the F0 is calculated in Hertz (Ogden, 2009). Fundamental frequency basically distinguishes primary stressed vowels from unstressed vowels (Gordon, 2004). F0 average values begin from 120 Hz for adult men, 220 for adult women, and 336 Hz for children when they are about ten years old. This resonance frequency varies on account of the fact that the vocal tract of each person is different from every other human being. The vocal tract is approximately 17 cm in length for male adults (Parsons, 1987).

Isačenko and Schädlich (1970) argue that fundamental frequency is an essential aspect of lexical stress. The studies on correlates related to sentence and word stress, has shown that fundamental frequency is an important correlate of sentence stress rather than word stress (cf. e.g., Dogil 1995,

1999; Möhler & Dogil 1995). However, Jessen et al. (1995) argues that fundamental frequency is correlate of stress, and with the durational aspect is the most dominant correlate.

De Jong, K. Beckman, M. and Edwards, J. (1993) put forward that the properties of co-articulatory in English are substantial correlate of word stress: There is less tendency for the segments bearing main stress are affected by co-articulatory aspects. These effects are usually measured through articulatory analyses (e.g., Jong et al., 1993). Vowel quality was detailed in terms of co-articulation based formant target undershoot theory which also included co-articulatory effects (Lindblom,

1963).

The words containing long vowels are encompassed in the analysis, then F0 surfaces as an important factor of stress (Gordon, 2004). For the determination of vowel quality as a role of stress level in Chickasaw, the first two formants frequencies were also analyzed for a subset of the speakers. Languages have tendency cross-linguistically to centralize the vowels which are unstressed, e.g., Maithili (Jha, 1940-44, 1958), English (Bolinger, 1958, Fry, 1965), Tauya

(MacDonald, 1990), and Delaware (Goddard, 1979, 1982; cited in Gordon, 2004).

Fundamental frequency is a very robust correlate of word stress on account of F0 prominence in stressed syllables as noted by Claßen, K., Dogil, G., Jessen, M., Marasek, K. and Wokurek, W.

(1998). Average fundamental frequency manifests inclinations to vary from secondary stress and

syllable location in a word. Vowel durational factor and fundamental frequency substantiated consistent correlates of word stress in terms of control comparison (Kleber & Klipphahn, n.d.). A prominent syllable in a word string as compared to other neighboring syllables, is described as stress that order segments into bigger prosodic units i.e., feet and words in metrical structure

(Pierrehumbert, 1980).

Languages use various acoustic manifestations for stress. For example, native speakers may lengthen syllables to denote stress in English, in contrast speakers may shorten the syllables to manifest stress in Estonian (Lehiste, 1970). Thus, as noted in literature review, lexical stress may be described as the prominence of stressed syllable to other syllables in a word sting. This prominence may be described to have a number of factors e.g., loudness, duration, and pitch.

In other words, the vowel quality (F1 and F2), F0, and duration are the most important acoustic cues for examining lexical stress in any language. All these aspects correlate of phonetic properties.

The current research investigates stressed and unstressed syllables in Sindhi in order to look at how lexical stress influences other acoustic properties of the syllables. This variable aspect is investigated in, in order to document the acoustic properties of stress patterns in Sindhi.

2.7 Pitch Accent-Languages

This section will begin with the discussion of stress accent and non-stress accent languages and will be followed by the discussion of Hindi and Urdu on account of their generic proximity to

Sindhi, which might lead to predictions about properties expected in Sindhi.

2.7.1 Lexical Pitch Accent

According to Beckman (1986) there are two kinds of languages referencing stress accent and non- stress accent languages (pitch-accent languages). Stress accent languages demonstrate accentual prominence with regard to phonetic aspects, i.e., pitch, intensity, duration, versus acoustic manifestations, i.e., pitch correlates of accent, in non-stress accent languages. The typology of

Beckman can be determined by testing Northern Bizkaian (NB) Basque. Since Northern Bizkaian shares some features with Tokyo, a variety of Japanese language which lacks durational contrasts

(Hualde, 1991, 1999). There is a common feature of Basque variety with Tokyo, that is a lexical difference between unaccented and accented words, and the most lexical items are linked with the unaccented class. Furthermore, these languages often surface lexically accented words, with the

H*+L pitch-accent on a particular syllable. The third factor is that accentual phrases are marked by the initial rising boundary % LH-, with the high target lightly linked with the second syllable.

Gordon (2012) argues in terms of the pitch accents in Chickasaw, if such syllables are acoustically noticeable in words where syllables lack a pitch accent, then how can acoustic properties of prominently be manifested. There may be two possibilities one Chickasaw has less prominent stress in words which lack pitch accents, and as many words lack a pitch accent in Japanese language. This may be possible that along with pitch accent system, the stress system also exists.

The role of different acoustic dimensions in exhibiting stress must be described, if this possibility exists. It may be possible that Chickasaw copies other in terms of function more ‘prototypical’ pitch accent languages like Japanese in its acoustic reliance on F0 over duration and intensity to signal prominence (Beckman, 1986). McDonough (2003) claims to have some evidence for a

stress-like system existing in Navajo. However, it may not be said to be more consistent stress system, but there is a confluence of aspects on the verb stem of Navajo, which makes it more prominent relatively. Stress realizations in many other languages include greater intensity, a lengthier durational aspect, higher pitch and a bigger phonetic inventory in the syllables which are stressed as compared to decreasing in pre-stressed syllables.

In addition, McDonough (2003) further argues that there are some factors of the last syllable in

Navajo with some features as follows: Stem verb is often placed on the right edge of the word, and most of them are monosyllabic. The verbs are inclined to be longer, a greater phonetic inventory and to have a wider pitch range. The final syllable of Navajo has tonal contrasts, however, these are not preceded to the stems. Looking at the facts, it seems that Navajo has these facts tend to make it appear that Navajo has an incipient stress system, and the final syllable is stressed, which is often verb stem. In Navajo, the content words have strong tendency of being more prominent in speech than the functional words, which are inclined to be reduced in speech.

Hayes (1995) argues that function words and morphemes are often decreased in speech. Therefore, it would be very difficult to argue that the verb stems in Navajo have metrical prominence. If so, then there will be at least to extricate the aspects for stress from the attributes of morphemes and content words. However, if the verb stem contains similar attributes, which does not mean to have the existence of stress system. Though most of the verb stems are prominent morphemes semantically, they are also inclined to have more phonetic contrast, longer duration and a wider pitch range, yet these are content morphemes. In addition, the phonetic data which illustrate their

properties make them more distinct for prominence, but these seem not to be so uniform to claim that the stress falls on the final syllable.

McDonough (2003) argues that the stem syllables with either coda consonant or long vowel have usually longer duration than other cooperative syllables however, in case of a conjunct morpheme with a long vocalic sound or consonantal coda, the stem duration is not large. The stems have a long pitch range, which is in fact inclined that tonal contrast are placed on stems. Larger phonetic inventory carries open or content class words, which have cross-linguistically larger phonetic inventory. This evidence suffices that metrical prominence does not exist. In addition, this may be supported further that stress is assigned on perceptual aspects phonemically. Contrastive stress is displayed through pitch and duration, which can influence the phonemic contrast in Navajo. The tonal languages take duration instead of pitch for assigning the stress or displaying aspect for prominence, however, in Navajo duration is phonemic. Another aspect of stress i.e., intensity is correlated with stress, which displays little part in terms of phonetic perception.

Gordon (2012) argues that the phrase-final syllables are linked with higher fundamental frequency, greater intensity and greater duration as analyzed and found the existence of a H* pitch phrase- finally. Greater prominence is more visible in the phrasal-pitch accent where it is linked with sonorant nuclei in particular than voiced obstruent nuclei. There was no phonetic indication in phrase-final syllables for voiceless obstruent nuclei was found, however, vowel epenthesis was triggered for cueing the accent. Moreover, there was a greater intensity at the word-final syllables along with higher fundamental frequency in comparison to the corresponding elements in the

second last syllable of a word. This is consistent analysis with a description of stress on final syllables in words.

Gordon (2012) argues it needs to be differentiating between properties of phrasal pitch and word- level stress since both are closely related to each other. Pitch accents are characteristically allotted to bottom-up fashion depending on word-level stress patterns. In this context, the languages have stressed syllables and unstressed syllables at word level may have a pitch accent. The sentence i.e.,

Rabbits like giraffes, in which first syllable is stressed in Rabbits, while, the final syllable of giraffes may consist of a pitch accent. Languages can differ, in terms of compactness of their pitch accents. One case of this kind exists in Egyptian Arabic (Hellmuth 2006, 2007, as cited in Gordon,

2012), in Egyptian Arabic most words are linked to a pitch accent that tails the second mora of the foot with primary stress.

2.7.2 Intonational Pitch Accent

Intonation aspect of speech is closely related to pitch and duration; these aspects of speech play significant parts in intonation. Intonation is defined in terms of being alike to tone, however, is only realized in the domain of the utterance rather than on the level of word or syllable. These aspects i.e., stress or accent play a major role in intonation of speech, since peaks and valleys in contours are often expected to go together with the stressed syllables on a word level (Beckman and Pierrehumbert, 1986). Kidder (2008) argues about intonation as it is basically linked to its internal structure in the construction of discourse chunks and the understanding of pragmatics of human speech. This topic has remained as a subject matter of interest for researchers to have insights of syntactic and pragmatic meanings for human speech.

The system of the Tones and Breaks Indices (ToBI) is involved in the analysis of Intonation. The

ToBI is basically a system of transcription which was developed by Beckman, M., and G. Ayers

Elam (1993). This system is based on the work by Pierrhumbert (1980), which provides a basic tool for transcription of intonation contours through breaking up phrases into discrete units of high and low pitch accents and these are systematically constructed. Through this model a computer can analyze physical speech signal for the pitch track in order to have intonation analysis, and similarly this may be of F0 over the utterances in intonation pattern.

Tashlhiyt carries phrase-final syllables which are linked with greater fundamental frequency. On the other hand, their counterparts occurring in other syllables which indicate a phonological pitch accent placing on the final syllable of a large intonational unit (Pierrehumbert 1980, as cited in

Gordon, 2012). The pitch accent is associated to voiced obstruent nuclei, which is almost present in phrase-final sonorant nuclei. This pitch accent is most consistently present in phrase-final sonorant nuclei and is variably associated with voiced obstruent nuclei. A virtue of assuming a phrase-final pitch accent in Tashlhiyt is that it is consistent with hypothesis for Intonational Phrase carrying one metrically prominent syllable.

2.8 Stress in Indo-Aryan Languages

This section will conflate first Hindi-Urdu generic discussion in view of different researchers, and then separate sub-section for each variety followed by Sindhi. Basically, Hindi-Urdu is an Indo-

Aryan, a major sub-branch of Indo-European. National language of India is Hindi whereas, the national language of Pakistan is Urdu. Hindi differs from Urdu in terms of literary styles and linguistic aspects as noted by Masica (as cited in Nayyar, 2000-2001). Hindi-Urdu can be

described as two sides of the same coin in terms of quite similar behavior with regard to phonetic and phonological aspects.

In addition, Urdu words are not differentiated with reference to stress alone since stress is not distinct in Hindi-Urdu. Stressed syllables are related to syllable weight, such as in the word, kəlɑ

‘art’; whether stressed as kə'lɑ or unstressed as kəlɑ', it has the same meaning. The phonetically long syllables are basically the stressed syllables and their length is retained without any particular position in a word as argued by Nayyar (2000-2001).

Dyrud (1997) argues that stress is a relatively prominent syllable than the neighboring syllables at word level. The location of stress is marked in some Hindi and Urdu dictionaries i.e., Fallon (1879) and Qureshi (1992). Stress pattern in Hindi-Urdu verse was noted by Fairbanks (1981, as cited in

Dyrud, 1997) which shows that the word stress is predictable on syllable weight. In addition,

Hussain (1997, as cited in Dyrud, 1997) argues that when there are light syllables in a word string then the penultimate syllable is stressed and if final syllable is heavy, then the stress is assigned on final heavy. Assuming extrametricality phenomena, where the final mora carries no weight and is not counted in assigning the stress location.

Furthermore, Dyrud (1997) states that Mohanan (1979) was the first person who utilized extrametricality nation for defining stress patterns in Hindi. Dyrud continued saying that the correlates of stress are durational factor, intensity and fundamental frequency. F0 was analyzed as a reliable cue for stress assignment in several languages. However, some languages can differ in terms of acoustic realizations.

According to the analysis of Moore (1965, as cited in Dyrud, 1997) that every foot in Hindi word is described by a tendency of rising pitch through its durational aspect and further it is argued that the neutral division of the foot is a single foot on single word. In addition, few words which are compounds or derivatives may be divided into two feet or a single foot may be divided into two words. Moore (1965) further argues in terms of intonational factor ‘where utterances are distinguished from one another with regard to prosodic realizations of pitch, intensity and quantity’ in Hindi. In Hindi intonation pitch is not the only cue for associated aspects which may transfer some kind of meaning, but some other important aspects are involved depending on intensity alone or on quantity alone.

2.8.1 Hindi Syllable Structure

Hindi contains eleven vowels: /ɪ, e, ɛ, æ, ǝ, a, u, ʊ o, ɔ/, along with nasalized counterparts. Hindi has three short vowels, /ə/, /ɪ/, /ʊ/, and seven long vowels, /a, i, u, e, o, ɛ, ɔ/. The ash vowel /æ/ occurs only in English loanwords of Hindi. The short vowels do not occur word finally (Ohala,

1992, as cited in Puri, 2013). Pierrehumbert and Nair (1996) argue that Hindi with prosodic structures has complex elements. Hindi may have three moras. Syllable onsets can be minimized to a single consonant. Hindi licenses a nuclear on glide and also an extra consonant at word boundary. As noted by previous literature on Hindi syllable structure, it shows contrastive weight.

This means that weight is related both to the vowel duration/length and the occurrence of postvocalic consonants. Postvocalic consonants within the syllable have one mora each as follows:

Consequently, Hindi syllables can have three moras; the third mora can be used to parse segments.

Secondly, stress provides a test for how medial consonantal clusters are syllabified, for example, the word mʊdrɑ ‘position’. Two syllabification alternatives, mʊ.drɑ and mʊd.rɑ, would rise to the foot and word structures as shown in Figure 2.3.

Figure 2.3. Two different syllable patterns of Hindi word

2.8.2 Hindi Lexical Stress

Nair (1999) argues that lengthened syllable and relative extreme (F1 and F2) vowel formants are strong acoustic correlates of stress in Hindi (as cited in Dyrud, 1997). With regard to formant variations, these variations are not reliable acoustic cues in comparison to durational factor (Nair,

1999). Nair (1999) states the unstressed syllables are more schwa-like vocalic than stressed syllables. In addition, she argues despite of Hindi stress as being non-contrastive, vowel/syllable durational variations and variations in formant values specify Hindi language has lexical stress,

and therefore, this can conclude that as also reported by other authors, Hindi carries lexical stress which consists of acoustic aspects as follows: Extreme vowel formants which is, however, less significant and syllable lengthening (Nair, 1999).

Nair (1999) states that several linguists argue about the existence of stress in Hindi but actually they describe the rules of stress in Hindi (e.g., Hays 1991, 1995; Pandey 1989; Mehrotra 1970;

Kelkar 1968) (as cited in Nair, 1999). However, Ohala established basic work on Hindi words to determine some of its acoustic analysis, while the few other phonologists studying the language mainly relied on intuition (as cited in Nair, 1999). Ohala (1977, 1986 & 1991) made two strong claims in favor of lexical stress in Hindi as follows: Stress may be a favored location in a word for the placement of pitch contour. Interpretation of some words where the wrong syllable is stressed, are judged by the native speakers of Hindi as unacceptable and these judgments vary depending on whether the word is inserted in a sentence or in state of separation.

Kachru (2006) argues that stress in Hindi is not distinctive but is related to the syllable weight.

The syllables are classified as light, medium, and heavy. Stress is assigned through vowel quality and duration of sound (weight of syllable) (Kachru, 2006). Nair (2001) found a less consistent amount of supporting results of Hindi stress, which made her believe that Hindi has pragmatic stress rather than lexical stress. In addition, Nair argues that there is substantial acoustic evidence to have lexical stress in Hindi, as also noted by Ohala (1977, 1986, & 1991 as cited in Puri, 2013).

Kelkar (1968) argues that Hindi has syllable weight, e.g., light, medium and heavy. Lexical stress is assigned in a bi-syllabic word to the heavy syllable, if there is a single heavy syllable. In cases

where both syllables are light or both heavy, the penultimate syllable is stressed. In tri-syllabic words, primary stress is marked on heavy syllable the penultimate, when there are two heavy syllables in a word. Dehli Hindi has initial stress where Kelkar’s Hindi has it elsewhere. Word stress in Dehli Hindi can be assigned by a minimal modification of Hayes (1991) analysis of the

Kelkar dialect as follows: Stress falls on the heaviest available foot, and in the event of a tie, the rightmost non-final candidate wins. The foot in Hindi is trochaic with a minimum of two and maximum three moras comprising it.

2.8.3 Urdu Syllable Structure

Bokhari and Sadaf (2000-2001) report that syllable is a very important aspect of phonology. Urdu strictly follows Sonority Sequencing Principle (SSP). For onset, maximum one consonant can exist and for coda, maximum two consonants can exist in Urdu language. Urdu has an interesting syllabic structure as illustrated in Figure 2.4.

Figure 2.4. Syllable structure in Urdu

2.8.4 Urdu Lexical Stress

In addition, 10 syllable structures were reported and as in other languages, Urdu contains only a single stress in a word. However, in some places multiple stresses were also reported. Syllables are classified as follows: heavy medium and light. The greater the weight of syllable, the stronger the possibility of primary stress on lexical level (Nyyar, 2000-2001). Much work has been conducted on Urdu in terms of phonetics and phonology. An acoustic work was done with reference to lexical stress in Urdu by Hussain (2010), who investigated the acoustic realizations of phonetic correlates of lexical stress in Urdu. As a result, the study found that the lexical stress alters the phonetic properties of both vowels and consonants in Urdu. This was the first such acoustic study of lexical stress in Urdu. Other research on the phonology of Urdu has included

Phonemic Inventory, Urdu templates, and the Urdu sound system.

Hussain (2010) conducted an acoustic analysis of Urdu stress using recordings of Urdu native speakers as its measurement for determining the lexical stress in Urdu. He applied acoustic realizations of vowel duration, their fundamental frequency, relative intensity, and first two formant frequencies of six long and three short vowels of Urdu. Hussain argues that Urdu has lexical stress, which is often marked on a final heavy syllable. However, the final heavy syllable does not contribute to the weight of a final syllable on account of extrametricality. Urdu is a fixed stress language since syllable weight determines the primary stress in a word. Phonetic analysis shows that the quality of vowels is not only affected by stress, but also that phonetic properties of stop closures are modified by the stress. Masica (1991) regards Urdu and Hindi as the same language whereas, Hussain’s, (1997), the analysis in terms of vowel quality he measured for Urdu is different from Hindi.

2.8.5 Sindhi Phonetics

Much work has been done with regard to descriptive phonetics and phonology in Sindhi by

Nihalani (1995), Jatoi (1996), Bughio (2001), Cole (2001) and Allana (2009). Allana (2009) described Sindhi articulary phonetics and phonology, while Jatoi has also contributed a great deal in phonetics and phonology of Sindhi. Bughio (2001) worked on the sociolinguistic aspects of

Sindhi, while Cole (2001-2002) has written encyclopedic research papers on Sindhi phonetics and phonology, as has Nihalani (1995).

2.8.6 Dialects

The geographically standard dialect of the language is called Vicholi (Central) dialect in Sindhi.

Sindhi is formally taught from the elementary to high secondary level, and formal text is also documented in this dialect of learning-ability and teach-ability for the students and the teachers.

This dialect is spoken by educated class of people living in or out of central region of Sindh. The second dialect, Thareli, is spoken in Therparker (desert) region of Sindh. This dialect contains fewer sounds and several consonantal sounds are modified in their speech by the native speakers.

Kachchi, the third dialect, is spoken in Cutch, India, after the partition Sindhi-speaking Hindi community left for India. The fourth dialect, Lari, is spoken in the Lar region of Sindh. Lasi, the fifth dialect, is spoken in the southwest of the Central region of Baluchistan, and sixth dialect

Utradi (Northern) which is spoken in upper Sindh as reported by the phoneticians and historians of Sindh (Allana, 1996).

2.8.7 Utradi (Northern) Dialect

This dialect, also known as Siroli, is the central point of the present study, and is spoken in the

Northern region of upper Sindh. This dialect has had an impact on surrounding regional dialects; however, it has also been affected itself by other dialects spoken in the region. Since this dialect is spoken through Jacobabad to the boundaries of approximately Sukkur region. Jacobabad is a city which is situated at the border of Baluchistan and surrounded by small towns and villages of

Sindh/Baluchistan. Therefore, this dialect is affected much in its lexemes and pronunciation as also noted by Prem (1995). Describing the dialectical aspects of Utradi dialect, Prem (1995) argues that sounds like [ʈ, alveolar] in pʊʈr ‘son’, sʊʈr ‘thread’, and [ɖ, post-alveolar] in kʰʌnɖr ‘sugar’ are trilled affricates; these are in fact the dialectical features, and also regarded as allophones of these sounds e.g., [ʈ, ɖ]. In addition, the elision of /h/ sound is also noted by Prem (1995) in Utradi

(Northern) dialect. Vicholi vs Utradi dialectal different lexical features are as follows: mʊnhdʒo~mãndʒo (my, mine), tʊnhjo~tũndʒo (your, yours), and kɪnhdʒo~ kãndʒo (whose).

2.8.8 Sindhi Vocal System

The division of the Sindhi vocal system according to Bughio (2001) is as follows: long vowels, short vowels, and diphthongs. The long vowels are /ɑ, i, u/. The short vowels are / e, o, ɪ, ʊ, ʌ/, coupled with two diphthongs /ʌo, ʌe/. Whereas, Allana (2009, p. 118) illustrates ten vocalic sounds: /ʌ, ɑ, ɪ, i, ʊ, u, e, o, ʌo, ʌe/. Nihalani (1995) and Allana (2009, p. 110) contend that each oral vowel has a nasalized counterpart and are shown with some examples as follows: əsi ‘eighty’,

əsĩ ‘we’; ɑdʰi ‘half rupee’, ãdʰi ‘storm’; ɗəhi ‘yogurt’, ɗəhĩ ‘tenth’. Nihalani (1995) argues that vowels /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ have a tendency of being diphthongized, as follows: [ɛə] and [əʊ]. He further

explains that closed vowels tend to be shorter than the vowels in an open syllable and most of the vowels are longer than these short vowels e.g., /ə, ɪ, ʊ /.

In addition, Keerio (2010, p. 66) claims to have ten vowels as follows: /i/ /ɪ/ /e/ /ɛ/ /ə/ /ɑ/ /ɔ/ /o/ /ʊ/

/u/, whereas, Bughio (2001) and Allana (2009, p. 119) contend only eight mono-thongs along with two diphthongs. Sindhi diphthongs were in a bit of a controversial position, which has been solved through the acoustic study of diphthongs in Sindhi by Keerio (2010). The eight diphthongs [ɪi, əʊ, eɪ, əe, əo, ʊu, ʊu, əi] in Sindhi were predicted by Jatoi (1996, p. 72) and the acoustic study was carried out and examined by Keerio (2010, p. 112) as follows: [əy, ɪə, oɪ, ɑɪ, əw, uə, ɑʊ, iʊ].

2.8.9 Sindhi Consonantal System

Jatoi (1996, p. 64), Allana (2009, p. 101), and Keerio (2010, p. 156) illustrate Sindhi consonants as follows: /p, pʰ4, b, bʱ5, t, tʰ, d, dʱ, ʈ, ʈʰ, ɖ, ɖʱ, tʃ, tʃʱ, dʒ, dʒʱ, k, kʰ, ɡ, ɡʱ, ɓ, ɗ, ʄ, ɠ, [ɖr, ɖʱr, ʈr ʈʰr]6, m, [mʱ], n, [nʱ], ɳ, [ɳʱ], ɲ, ŋ, f, v, s, z, ʃ, q, x, ɣ, ћ, h, r, rʱ, ɽ, [ɽʱ], w, j, l, [lʱ]. While Cole, (2001) contends stops, affricates, nasals, and liquids have aspirated or breathy voiced counterparts and has a full series of stop consonants, showing contrasts between voicing and un-voicing, aspirating and non-aspiration, and plosives and implosive articulations in Sindhi. It has five places of articulation: labial, dental, retroflex, palatal, and velar, and the prominent aspects of Sindhi are

4 [ʰ] Superscript diacritic for voiceless aspiration. 5 [ʱ] Superscript diacritic for voiced aspiration. 6[ɖr, ɖʱr, ʈr ʈʰr] are allophonic sounds pronounced instead of /ɖ, ɖʱ, ʈ, ʈʰ/ in Sindhi Utradi (Northern) dialect, also noted by Prem (1995).

implosive stops (Cole, 2001). Table 2.6 illustrates Sindhi phonetic inventory as noted by Allana,

Jatoi, and Keerio.

Table 2.6. Sindhi phonemic inventory

In light of prior work, this study will help to break new ground in the study of Sindhi syllable structure and stress patterns by applying objective methods. In order to explore the stress patterns of any language, the study needs to investigate lexical items carrying all targeted sounds in minimal stress pairs occurring at the same positions of lexemes without being affected by neighboring sounds acoustically. If the sounds are influenced by the neighboring sounds then these may be controlled by such words, preventing them from affecting the token sounds.

2.8.10 Sindhi Syllable Structure

Languages can have different numbers of syllabic templates; Sindhi language contains eight syllable templates as reported by Jatoi (1996, pp. 74-75) and summarized in Table 2.7.

Table 2.7. Possible syllable structures in Sindhi Some other SN Sindhi words Meaning Sindhi Templates Sindhi words Meaning 1 ɑ come VV ɑ.lɪ.mʊ scholar 2 nə no CV sə.lɑmʊ peace on you 3 sã with CVV ʃɑ.mʊ evening 4 huə she CVVV piʊ drink 5 ʄɑm cast CVVC kuk shout 6 kyɑ did CCVV prĩ beloved 7 qyɑs forgive CCVVC thyom happened 8 hərdʒ problem CVCC mərz disease

Gordon (2014)7 states that Sindhi syllable structure is interesting that CCVCC is unattested given that onsets and codas are in most theories assumed to function independently of each other, i.e., complexity in the onset should not impact complexity in the coda (or vice versa). But the absence of CCVCC syllable structure in Sindhi seems to suggest a relationship between the two margins.

Cole (2001) states about Sindhi syllable as follows:

‘Syllable structure in Sindhi is maximally CCVC in word-medial position and CCV word

finally. The onset consonant is optional; words may begin in vowel hiatus within words is

frequently resolved through glide insertion or glide formation. Word-medial -CC- clusters

may consist of any combination of obstruent and/or sonorant consonants. In -CC- clusters

with an initial obstruent, there is typically an alternative pronunciation with a vowel

inserted between the two consonants i.e., the word hikɽo ‘one’ and jʰupɽi ‘shack’can be

alternatively pronounced as hikəɽo and jʰupɪɽi by inserting intrusive short vowels /ə /, and

/ɪ/ respectively’ (p, 4).

7 Matthew Gordon (2014) reviewed the dissertation. Gordon’s comments have directly been quoted here on CCVCC syllable structure referencing to Sindhi syllable structure.

Consonant clusters can occur at any three positions of words i.e., at syllable onset, medial and coda; syllables are closed with vowels-semi-vowels in Sindhi (Jatoi, 1983). Sindhi words can have syllables from one to six in a word (Jatoi, 1996), as illustrated in Table 2.8.

Table 2.8. Maximum syllables in Sindhi words Syllable Sindhi Word Meaning one nə no two ɓoli language three kɪt̪ɑbʊ book four kəlɑbɑzi front rolling five nəvekəlɑi loneliness six tʃəvrɑĩdosãsə send words

2.8.11 Consonant Clusters at Onset

Jatoi (1996) contends that CC consonant clusters can occupy initial position when the trill, rolled or flapped /j, r, or ɽ/ consonants or glide follow any initial consonant, for example, kya ‘did’, pri t̪ əm ‘love’, pɽi ‘cattle market’. While Cole (2006) argues that word-initial consonant clusters carry the consonant+ glide (y, w), as do CC of retroflex stop + ɽ (flapped). For example, see Table 2.9 for consonants clusters on onset syllable word initially, and Table 2.10 for CCs on word medially position.

Table 2.9. Consonants cluster onset syllable word initially Sindhi Consonants Cs Onset English kyɑ CC ky did prit̪əm CC pr love pɽi CC pɽ cattle market ɓyɑi CC ɓy disowning

Table 2.10. Onset clusters in non-word initial position Sindhi Consonants CC English Glossary po.ɽho CC ɽh old man sən.nho CC nh lean mã.ɳhũ CC ɳh man

Sindhi may be characterized by its free variation features as follows: Onset CC-clusters (prem and pro.li) are sometimes broken as alternatively pɪrem and pɪroli by insertion of an intrusive short vowel. There are compound consonantal sounds occurring on onset words medially like po.ɽho, sən.nho, and mã.ɳhũ. They are compound individual phonemes and are not part of the Sindhi alphabet (Allana, 2009; Keerio, 2010).

2.8.12 Consonant Clusters at Coda

Consonant Clusters also occur on coda in Sindhi as apocope occurs word finally as is illustrated in Table 2.11.

Table 2.11. Consonant cluster word finally CC- Clusters Phonemes Manner of Articulation Lexemes Glossary CC xt̪ (Fricative+Stop) səxt̪ hard CC st̪ (Fricative+Stop) sʊst̪ lazy CC ndʰ (Nasal+aspirated.Stop) səndʰ joint CC rk (Approximant+stop) t̪ərk give up CC rtʃ (Approximant+stop) xərtʃ expenditure CC rd̪ (Approximant+stop) sʊpərd̪ hand over CC ʃt (Fricative+stop) gəʃt petrol CC ndʒ (Nasal+affricate) rəndʒ agony CC xs (Fricative+stop) ʃəxs person CC nd̪ (Nasal+Stop) gənd̪ garbage

A phonological vowel variation occurs in languages, as noted in aforementioned discussion.

Abbasi and Hussain (2012) contend that this phonological phenomenon occurs in Sindhi language

as well. Many native speakers of Sindhi elide, and many insert a vowel between two consonants and on initial-word position of Sindhi word.

Both Bughio (2001) and Cole (2006) attribute this variation to the social background of the person.

In addition, Cole (2006) argues that the deletion of word-final vowel as follows: Frequent deletion or loss of final word vowel may be distinguished by old and new varieties in Sindhi. Bughio (2001) further notes that the tendency of vowel deletion and insertion on the word-final environment is perceptibly noticed, particularly in Lari, as in Kachchi or Lasi (dialects of Sindhi); this illustrates the impact of Urdu-English on Sindhi, with especial reference to vowel variable occurrences in

English loanwords. This is demonstrated by a list of Sindhi-English loanwords in Table 2.12; several of them have been illustrated by Bughio (2001).

Table 2.12. English loanwords in Sindhi Sindhi English ɪskulʊ school ɪsteʃəni station fɪlɪmʊ film telifuni telephone dʒədʒʊ judge ɪndʒekʃəni injection kəmpyutərʊ computer

Catford (1988) argues that lexical stress is an aspect of syllable, so is treated as to be a prosodic rather than a segmental phenomenon. Nihalani (1995) contends that lexical stress is not distinctive and the first syllable is assigned a stress of the morpheme. If special emphasis is given, then the contrastive stress may be utilized for pointing any contrast idea in Sindhi. Jatoi (1983) argues lexical stress in Sindhi, has no phonemic role, whereas, English plays phonemic role by stressing different syllables in words. This specifies that the word meaning is modified in English by

stressing first or second syllable of English words, whereas, this phonological modification in meaning does not occur in Sindhi.

This study investigates stress patterns in Sindhi through empirical evidence from the native speakers and their voice samples being analyzed through acoustic realizations. The present study looks at lexical stress factors from syllable structure to phonetic aspects of stress; whereas, Keerio

(2010) examined acoustic aspects of Sindhi segmental sounds.

In addition, the present study investigates stress patterns of the language as a phonological phenomenon corresponding to the most prominent syllable in a word. It investigates the word- level stress patterns in Sindhi and identifies the phonological factors that determine stress location in polysyllabic words. This study also investigates the intuition of native speakers by eliciting their judgments about the location of lexical stress in words of two, three, four and five syllables from

150 words selected from three-volume New Comprehensive Sindhi Dictionary (Baloch, 2005).

Chapter 3 Syllable Structure

3.1 Introduction

This study investigated the variable pronunciation of Sindhi indigenous and English loanwords by native speakers. It was motivated in part by the observation that many words in Sindhi have variable pronunciation due to vowels that are optionally present in certain locations. A goal of this study was to identify the syllable structure conditions that trigger optional syncope and/or epenthesis processes that result in variant pronunciations.

In addition, syllable structure was examined in relation to two universal principles, Sonority

Sequencing Principle (SSP) and Maximal Onset Principle (MOP), and with respect to phonotactic constraints particular to Sindhi, with a focus on the status of consonant clusters in syllable-initial,

-medial and -final positions. ‘The SSP requires the onset to rise in sonority towards the nucleus and codas to fall in sonority from the nucleus’ (Kenstowicz, 1994, p. 252). In MOP the onset is as prolonged with consonants as possible, and in this way a legitimate coda is made (Gussenhoven

& Jacob, 2003, p.151). MOP prefers consonants to be on the onset, and therefore allows no coda consonants except for the final word. This chapter will review the basic syllable structure and the process of syllabification in Sindhi in light of this research question.

3.2 Syllable Structure

Disagreement of the numbers of syllable templates occurs in languages on several accounts. This difference of syllable templates may vary e.g., Nayyar (2001) argues 15, Nazar (2002) and Akram

(2002) 11, and Hussain (2010, p. 45) 12 syllabic templates in Urdu. Jatoi (1996, p. 72) contends that Sindhi consists of eight syllable templates, whereas, this study found 12 syllable templates as illustrated in Table 3.1, where, V corresponds short and VV long vowel, C stands for consonant and CC for consonant cluster.

Table 3.1 illustrates that the first syllable in ə.tʃʊ ‘come’ (V) is syllable structure in Sindhi. Second syllable structure is in ɑ.lo ‘wet’ (VV) whereas, in the third syllable structure of ɪl.hɑmə ‘message of Allah’ (VC) as illustrated in Table 3.1. Fourth the syllable structure of ɑr.zu ‘desire’ (VVC….) while, fifth Sindhi template is in ərz ‘request’ (VCC). Sixth syllable template in Sindhi is moɽ

‘turn’ (CVC). Seventh syllable structure is nə ‘no’ (CV), while, eighth is sɑ.rə ‘miss’ (CVV) while ninth Sindhi template is pɽi ‘cattle market’ (CCVV). Tenth syllable structure in Sindhi is prit̪ ‘love’

(CCVVC) as illustrated in Figure 3.1, eleventh syllable structure is kəm.zor ‘weak’ (CVC) and the last but not the least twelfth syllable structure in Sindhi is sʊst ‘lazy’ (CVCC) with consonant cluster at the coda word finally as illustrated in Table 3.1 and Figure 3.1. Nazar (2002) argues that there are eleven syllable templates in Urdu whereas twelve syllable templates in Sindhi as illustrated in Table 3.1. Word initially and word finally Sindhi syllable structures of CC-Clusters on onset and coda are illustrated in Figure 3.1 as follows:

Figure 3.1 Onset and coda consonant clusters at word boundaries of Sindhi Syllables

Table 3.1. Possible Sindhi and Urdu templates Syllable Sindhi Urdu Syllable Glossary SN Glossary Templates Words Words Templates 1 V ə.tʃʊ come V ɪ.ləm knowledge 2 VV ɑ.lo wet VV ɑ.b ɑd̪ happy 3 VC ɪl.hɑmə message of Allah VC ɪt̪. h ɑd̪ unity 4 VVC ɑr.zu desire VVC ɑb.ru respect 5 VCC ərz request VCC ərk liquid 6 CVVC moɽ turn CVVC ɑb.ʃɑr waterfall 7 CV nə no CV ɑ.xɪ.rət̪ hereafter 8 CVV sɑ.rə miss CVV səl ɑmi salute 9 CCVV pɽi cattle market CVC ʃək doubt 10 CCVVC prit̪ love CVVCC yɑ.d̪ ɑʃt memorandum 11 CVC kəm.zor weak CVCC kərz loan 12 CVCC sʊst̪ lazy

3.2.1 Syllabification Process

Syllabification is a process which separates individual syllable and determines how many syllables are in a word and how these words are syllabified. It also establishes the patterns of syllables occurring independently at word-initially, -medially, and at coda final position. Languages have different kinds of syllable templates, and even within the same language. Weerasinghe, R., Wasala,

A., & Gamage, K. (2005) argue that the syllabification algorithms are developed for languages, and these algorithms are often applied to the text to speech (TTS) system for a couple of reasons:

First, for the production of natural sounding speech, and second, to assist speech recognizers in finding words.

The template matching technique was applied to syllabify Sindhi words to determine the syllabification mechanism in Sindhi. Syllabication may be done by matching CV templates from where the word begins to its end. Two forms of suffixes in word formation, one in orthography, the other vocalized, are enlisted by most of the dictionaries in the world.

This study explains phonetic factors of the words, not the orthographic. Sindhi words e.g., mɘttɘ

‘jars’ - (CV) (CV) - suffix /ɘ/ schwa sound is merely vocalized but not orthographically written; whereas, topɪyũ, ‘caps’ in which yũ, the suffix is pronounced and written in orthography. Whereas,

Hussain (2005) argues that there are different ways of doing syllabification that it can either be done through projecting nuclei by the application of SSP and MOP to incorporate other phonological aspects as well, or by fitting syllable CV templates either from right to left or left to right direction.

Template matching techniques was applied to prepare the algorithm; this technique was tested on

100 words. Sindhi words can be syllabified from its beginning to its end by matching C0, 18, VC*9 templates. Algorithm was devised for syllabifying Sindhi words argued by Abbasi and Hussain

(2012), as follows:

a. Nucleus Projection Method b. Direction from Left to Right

8C0, 1 stands for single consonant or more than one 9 C* stands for single consonant or more

1. Project the syllable from each vowel, then

2. attach onset consonant to each vowel, and

3. if there are two consonants on the onset, then attach second one to each vowel and

4. apply SSP then

5. apply MOP if there is some ambiguity for the syllabification, then

6. apply phonotactic constraints with consonant cluster as follows:

i. word-initial position: if the first onset consonant follows /ɽ, y or r/consonants; and

ii. word-medial position: if the first onset consonant follows /ɽ or y/, then

iii. the first onset consonant must also be attached with the same vowel.

iv. else it must be detached and attached to the coda of the previous syllable.

7. finally attach the remaining coda consonants to the vowels concerned.

(An algorithm for the syllabification in Sindhi as illustrated by Abbasi & Hussain 2012)

Languages adopt loanwords and merge them in their lexical dictionaries. These loanwords are adapted to conform to the phonotactic patterns of the borrowing language, and produced in their adapted form by its native speakers. English is one of the major spoken languages in the world; it has also adapted loanwords from French, German, Arabic, Urdu and Latin, etc. Similarly, other languages also adapt loanwords. Sindhi is much influenced by English loanwords and has adapted them into its phonology. This section will also discuss the syllable structure and syllabification process of Sindhi indigenous and English loanword phonology in this chapter.

3.3 Methods and Procedures

3.3.1 Speakers

For this experiment, the sample included 10 (6 males and 4 females) adults with no speech impairment. These individuals were identified by their initials: The males were MM, AM, WA,

MK, JM, and AW, and the females were AC, SJ, SM, and NM. Participating subjects were selected from the Utradi (Northern) dialect of Sindhi, spoken in upper Sindh, and their age ranged from 17 to 40. They all had fourteen & sixteen years of education, including formal education in Sindhi as a compulsory subject in school. One female (AC) subject had sixteen years of education and was a college teacher. Another female (TL) subject had experience teaching both the Sindhi and

English languages in a private school. The author was part of the sample, as an adult, Sindhi native speaker. The rest of the subjects were undergraduate students. All subjects spoke Sindhi as a native language at home and in their native work place. Many of the speakers could speak and understand

English and Urdu.

3.3.2 Stimuli

The materials for this study consisted of 100 Sindhi indigenous and English loanwords of high frequency that exhibit a variety of different syllables and syllable combinations. Fifty English loanword tokens were chosen from among the frequent words used in daily life, based on the perception of the author who is a Sindhi native speaker, as well as an English language instructor.

English word pronunciation was confirmed using the Cambridge English Pronouncing Dictionary

(Jones, 2009). Based on the presence of consonant clusters in the English loanwords that are unattested in native Sindhi words, it was hypothesized that some or all of the loanwords might have varying pronunciations, with epenthesis employed to break up consonant clusters and permit

syllabification with legal Sindhi syllable structures. It was expected that Sindhi speakers would produce variant pronunciations that would render a monosyllabic English word as di-syllabic, and similarly increase by one syllable other English loanwords that contain one ‘excessive’ consonant cluster.

The fifty indigenous Sindhi words were selected from the three-volume New Comprehensive

Sindhi Dictionary (Baloch, 2005). Taken together, the list of 100 Sindhi words and English loanwords included 28 disyllabic, 30 tri-syllabic, 20 four-syllable, and 22 five-syllable words. All

100 words were written in a list on A4 size paper in Sindhi script. However, in Sindhi script, short vowels are not written. Therefore, all 100 words (English loanwords and native Sindhi words) were written without short vowels in Sindhi script in order to investigate dual pronunciation/syllabification of English loanwords and Sindhi indigenous words by native speakers.

3.3.3 Task

The study was designed to conduct two tasks: Design (i) to elicit syllables from participants in order to investigate their intuition of syllables in word structure and Design (ii) to determine native speakers’ syllabification of English loanwords and Sindhi indigenous words and to see how it reflects on the universal principles of syllabification, e.g., MOP, SSP, and Sindhi phonotactics.

Material: Participants were provided with the A4 size two papers listing the 100 English loanwords and Sindhi indigenous words in Sindhi script and asked to mark the syllable boundaries in their natural order of speech. Results can be found in Tables 3.2-3.5 displayed in this chapter (for a list of all 100 words, see Appendix-B). The paper listed the words in a randomized and mixed manner,

with English loanwords and Sindhi indigenous words listed vertically in one column and a number of other blank columns for checking or marking each syllable.

The participants were instructed to pronounce the same word three times at an audible volume until they could clearly understand syllable boundaries, and then to mark the syllable boundaries of the words on the paper. However, they were provided the same list of words before the task began in order to be familiarized with word structure to avoid any confusing situation during the task. The author provided an example to them by syllabifying a Sindhi word, for example nə.vek.la.i with four syllables and nə.ve.kə.la.i with five syllables, etc. However, the participants were strongly advised to use their own intuition to mark the syllable boundaries. For data analysis purpose, the study itself referred to New Comprehensive Sindhi Dictionary (Baloch, 2005) and the

Cambridge English Pronouncing Dictionary (Jones, 2009) as authorities on the Sindhi indigenous words and English loanwords respectively.

3.4 Data Analysis

Some words, including both indigenous Sindhi words and English loanwords, have variable pronunciation due to processes of syncope and epenthesis which affect the syllable count. For example, Table 3.2 shows English loanwords with consonant clusters that are broken up through epenthesis in their Sindhi pronunciation. However, high percentage did not break up /tr, dr/ CC- clusters. Another common phenomenon is the insertion of a vowel following a word-final consonant. The same processes apply as optional rules to indigenous words, as shown in the right column of Table 3.2.

Table 3.2. Dual syllabification English Loanwords Sindhi Indigenous Words English Monosyllabic English loanwords Mono-syllabic Sindhi indigenous English Loanwords pronounced as mono-di-syllabic words pronounced as mono-di-syllabic Meaning train treɪn treɪ.nə pɽi pɪ.ɽi beloved drain dreɪn dreɪ.nə sir si.rə stream pen pen pe.nə prem pre.mə love chain tʃeɪn tʃeɪ.nə mɑl mɑ.lʊ cattle school skul ɪs.kul thya thɪ.ya became desk desk des.kə gənd̪ gən.d̪ ə litter please pliːz pɪ.liːz ʃəxs ʃəx.sə person fruit fruːt fru.tə rəndʒ rən.dʒə anger screw skruː ɪs.kru gəʃt̪ gəʃ.t̪ə patrol road rəʊd rəʊ.də xərtʃ xər.tʃə expenditure slat slæt sɪ.læt t̪ərk t̪ər.kə give up shoe ʃuː ʃu.ə səndʰ sən.dʰə joint mail meɪl meɪ.lə sʊst̪ sʊs.t̪ə lazy glass glɑːs gɪ.lɑ.s səxt̪ səx.t̪ə hard

The word list for the analysis of syllable structure included 28 words total: 14 mono-syllabic

indigenous words from the New Comprehensive Sindhi Dictionary and 14 mono-syllable English

words from the Cambridge English Pronouncing Dictionary. These words were judged by the

participants; their responses indicated that 40 percentage of participants agreed with the dictionary

and 60 percentage disagreed. Figure 3.2 illustrates judgements across English loanwords, while

native Sindhi words are illustrated in Figure 3.3. The figures illustrate percentage in stacked

columns from W1 to W14 English loanwords and W1 to W14 native Sindhi words.

Figure 3.2. Syllable count judgments by words listed in English dictionary as having one or two syllables. Words include English loanwords.

Mono-Syllabic English Loanwords 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30%

Judgment percentage 20% 10% 0% W1 W2 W3 W4 W5 W6 W7 W8 W9 W10 W11 W12 W13 W14

Agree with Dictionary Disagree with Dictionary

Figure 3.3. Syllable count judgments by words, showing percent of subjects whose syllable count agrees or disagrees with Sindhi dictionary syllable count for given words. Disyllabic Sindhi Native Words 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30%

Judgment percentage 20% 10% 0% W1 W2 W3 W4 W5 W6 W7 W8 W9 W10 W11 W12 W13 W14

Agree with Dictionary Disagree with Dictionary

In a similar fashion, some indigenous and English loanwords vary between pronunciation with two or three syllables, due to epenthesis or syncope. Examples are shown in Table 3.3.

Table 3.3. Judgments of disyllable English and Sindhi words English Loanwords Sindhi Indigenous Disyllabic English words pronounced Tri-syllabic Sindhi indigenous English as di-tri-syllabic words pronounced as di-tri-syllabic Meaning table teɪ.bl teɪ.bʊl.lə xə.sis xə.si.sə cheap recess rɪ.ses rɪ.se.sə pri.t̪əm pri.t̪ə.mə love station ste.ʃən ɪs.te.ʃən dʒʰu.pɽi ʤʰu.pɪ.ɽi hut insert ɪn.sɜt ɪn.sɜ.tə d̪ ɪl.d̪ ɑr d̪ ɪl.d̪ ɑ.rʊ beloved mobile məʊ.baɪl məʊ.bɑɪ.lə kɪ.t̪ɑb kɪ.t̪ɑ.bə book music mju.zɪk mju.zɪ.kə hek.ɽo he.kɪ.ɽo single message mes.ɪdʒ me.sɪ.dʒə kʰop.ɽi kʰo.pɪ.ɽi skull paper peɪ.pə r peɪ.pə.rə sʊ.pərd̪ sʊ.pər.d̪ ə hand over biscuit bɪs.kɪt bɪs.kɪ.tə sə.lim sə.li.mə complete doctor dɒk.tə r dɒk.tə.rə bə.d̪ ən bə.d̪ ə.nʊ human body laptop læp.tɒp læp.tɒ.pə sən.ho sən.nə.ho thin letter let.ər le.tə.rə sə.lɑm sə.lɑ.mʊ greet inbox ɪn.bɒks ɪn.bɒk.sə po.ɽho po.ɽə.ho oldman speaking spi.kɪŋ spi.kɪŋ.ŋə rɪh.lət̪ rɪh.lə.t̪ə death writing raɪ.tɪŋ raɪ.tɪ.ŋə qə.miz qə.mi.zə shirt

This study included 30 words that vary between pronunciations with two or three syllables.

According to the New Comprehensive Sindhi Dictionary these fifteen native words are tri-syllabic, whereas English loanwords, according to the Cambridge English Pronouncing Dictionary, are disyllabic words. These are pronounced either bi- or tri-syllabic words by the subjects. As shown in Figure 3.4-5, these words were judged by the participants and their responses were calculated;

53 percentage agreed and 47 percentage disagreed with the English and Sindhi dictionaries. Figure

3.4 illustrates judgements across English loanwords while native Sindhi words are illustrated in

Figure 3.5. The figure illustrates percentage in stacked columns from W1 to W15 English loanwords and W1 to W15 native Sindhi words.

Figure 3.4. Syllable count judgments by words listed in English dictionary as having di-or tri-syllable. Words include English loanwords. Disyllable English Loanwords

100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30%

20% Judgment percentage 10% 0% W1 W2 W3 W4 W5 W6 W7 W8 W9 W10 W11 W12 W13 W14 W15

Agree with Dictionary Disagree with Dictionary

Figure 3.5. Syllable count judgments by words, showing percent of subjects whose syllable count agrees or disagrees with Sindhi dictionary syllable count for given words. Disyllabic Sindhi Native Words

100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30%

20% Judgment percentage 10% 0% W1 W2 W3 W4 W5 W6 W7 W8 W9 W10 W11 W12 W13 W14 W15

Agree with Dictionary Disagree with Dictionary

In a similar fashion, some indigenous and English loanwords vary between pronunciation with three or four syllables, due to epenthesis or syncope. Examples are shown in Table 3.4.

Table 3.4. Tri-four syllable English and Sindhi words English Loanwords Sindhi Indigenous English Tri-syllable English words Tri-syllable Sindhi words pronounced English Loanwords pronounced as tri-four-syllable as tri-four-syllable Meaning radio reɪ.di.əʊ reɪ.di.əʊ.ə pɑ.kɪs.t̪ɑn pɑ.kɪs.t̪ɑ.nə country accident æk.sɪ.dənt æk.sɪ.dən.tʊ ɪs.t̪ɪ.mɑl ɪs.t̪ɪ.mɑ.lʊ use internet ɪn.tə.net ɪn.tə.ne.tə hʊ.ku.mət̪ hʊ.ku.mə.t̪ʊ government computer kəm.pu.tə.r kəm.pu.tə.rə xə.bər.d̪ ɑr xə.bər.d̪ ɑ.rʊ alert injection ɪn.dʒek.ʃə.n ɪn.dʒek.ʃə.nə sʊ.lətʃ.ɳo sʊ.lə.tʃə.ɳo good boy hospital hɑs.pɪ.tə.l hɑs.pɪ.tə.lə mɪl.kɪ.yət̪ mɪl.kɪ.yə.t̪ə property professor prə.fes.ər prə.fe.sə.rə zə.ru.rət̪ zə.ru.rə.t̪ə need admission əd.mɪʃ.ən əd.mɪ.ʃə.nə ɪh.mɪ.yət̪ ɪh.mɪ.yə.t̪ə importance promotion prə.məʊ.ʃən prə.məʊ.ʃə.nə ə.tʰɑ.vih ə.tʰɑ.vi.hə twenty eight procedure prə.si.dʒər prə.si.dʒə.rə dʒe.t̪o.ɳik dʒe.t̪o.ɳi.kə however

This study included 20 words that vary between pronunciations with three or four syllables.

According to the New Comprehensive Sindhi Dictionary, these ten native words are four-syllabic,

whereas the Cambridge English Pronouncing Dictionary identifies the English loanwords as tri-

syllabic. These were pronounced as either tri- or four-syllabic words by the subjects. The

discussion is about English loanwords which are either pronounced with inserting or deleting

vowel. The graphs show the syllable structure of English loanwords. As shown in Figure 3.6-7,

the participants judged these words and their responses indicated that 57 percentage agreed with

the dictionary, while 43 percentage disagreed. While Figure 3.6 illustrates judgements across

English loanwords and Figure 3.7 illustrates native Sindhi words. The figures illustrate percentage

in stacked columns from W1 to W10 English loanwords and W1 to W10 native Sindhi words.

Figure 3.6. Syllable count judgments by words listed in English dictionary as having three-four syllables. Words include English loanwords Tri-syllable English Loanwords

100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30%

20% Judgment percentage 10% 0% W1 W2 W3 W4 W5 W6 W7 W8 W9 W10

Agree with Dictionary Disagree with Dictionary

Figure 3.7. Syllable count judgments by words, showing percent of subjects whose syllable count agrees or disagrees with Sindhi dictionary syllable count for given words. Tri-Syllabic Sindhi Native Words

100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30%

20% Judgment percentage 10% 0% W1 W2 W3 W4 W5 W6 W7 W8 W9 W10

Agree with Dictionary Disagree with Dictionary

Likewise, some indigenous and English loanwords vary between pronunciation with four or five syllables, due to epenthesis or syncope. Examples are shown in Table 3.5.

Table 3.5. Four-five syllable English and Sindhi words English Loanwords Sindhi Indigenous Four-syllable words pronounced as Four-syllable words pronounced English four-five syllable as four-five syllable meaning impossible ɪm. pɒs.ɪ. bl ɪm. pɒ.sɪ. bə.lə gʊs.sɑ.i.d̪ əɽ gʊ.sɑ.ĩ.d̪ ə.ɽʊ irregular information ɪn.fə.meɪ.ʃən ɪn.fə.meɪ.ʃə.nə qə.bə.rʊs.t̪ɑn qə.bə.rʊs.t̪ɑ.nə graveyard American ə.mer.ɪ.kən ə.me.ri.kə.nə ʊk.sɑ.i.d̪ əɽ ʊk.sɑ.i.d̪ ə.ɽʊ provoker operation ɑ.pə. reɪ. ʃən ɑ.pə. reɪ. ʃə.nə sə.t̪e.t̪ɑ.lih sə.t̪e.t̪ɑ.li.hə forty seven education ed.dʒʊ.keɪ.ʃən ed.dʒʊ.keɪ.ʃə.nə e.ke.t̪ɑ.lih e.ke.t̪ɑ.li.hə forty one generator dʒen.ə.reɪ.tə r dʒen.ə.re.tə rə nə.vek.la.i nə.ve.kə.la.i loneliness registration redʒ.ɪ. streɪ.ʃən redʒ.ɪstre.ʃənə d̪ ə.mɑ.ke.d̪ ɑr d̪ ə.mɑ.ke.d̪ ɑ.rʊ combustible convocation kɒn.və.keɪ.ʃən kɒn.və.ke.ʃənə t̪ə.ri.ke.kɑr t̪ə.ri.ke.kɑ.rʊ procedure anniversary æn.ɪ.vɜː.s ə r.i æn.ɪ.vɜː.sə r.i.ə ɪn.sɑ.nɪ.yət̪ ɪn.sɑ.nɪ.yə.t̪ə humanity university juː.nɪ.vɜː.sɪ.ti juː.nɪ.vɜː.sɪ.ti.ə lɪs.sɑ.nɪ.yɑt̪ lɪs.sɑ.nɪ.yɑ.t̪ə linguistics engineering en.dʒɪ.nɪə.rɪŋ en.dʒɪ.nɪə.rɪŋ.ŋə ʊt̪.rɑ.d̪ i.yət̪ ʊt̪.rɑ.d̪ i.yə.t̪ə Northern

This study included 22 words that vary between pronunciations with four or five syllables.

According to the New Comprehensive Sindhi Dictionary, these ten native words are five-syllabic,

whereas the Cambridge English Pronouncing Dictionary identifies the English loanwords as four-

syllabic. These were pronounced as either four or five-syllabic words by the subjects. As shown

in Figure 3.8-9, the participants judged these words and their responses indicated that 54

percentage agreed with the dictionary, while 46 percentage disagreed. While Figure 3.8 illustrates

judgements across English loanwords while Figure 3.9 illustrates native Sindhi words. The figures

illustrate percentage in stacked columns from W1 to W11 English loanwords and W1 to W11

native Sindhi words.

Figure 3.8. Syllable count judgments by words listed in dictionary as having four or five syllables. Words include English loanwords.

Four Syllabic English Loanwords

100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30%

20% Judgment percentage 10% 0% W1 W2 W3 W4 W5 W6 W7 W8 W9 W10 W11

Agree with Dictionary Disagree with Dictionary

Figure 3.9. Syllable count judgments by words, showing percent of subjects whose syllable count agrees or disagrees with Sindhi dictionary syllable count for given words. Four Syllabic Sindhi Native Words

100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30%

20% Judgment percentage 10% 0% W1 W2 W3 W4 W5 W6 W7 W8 W9 W10 W11

Agree with Dictionary Disagree with Dictionary

The word list for the analysis of syllable structure also included 100 words. These are pronounced variously by the subjects. The subjects agreed overall 54 percentage to the dictionaries and 46 percentage disagreed (See Figure 3.10).

Figure 3.10. Overall syllable count judgments by subjects for words listed in English and Sindhi dictionary. Words include native Sindhi & English loanwords.

Judgments Across 100 Words 70

30 Judgment counts Judgment 20

0 S1 S2 S3 S4 S5 S6 S7 S8 S9 S10 Agree with Sindhi & English Dictionary Disagree with Sindhi & English Dictionary

3.4.1 Discussion

3.4.2 Onset Syllable Structure

Sindhi consists of few indigenous words with CC-clusters at word-initial position, e.g., prem, pɽi, prit̪ , kyɑ, thyɑs, pyɑrə, and byɑi, these are variably produced with broken clusters by inserting vocalic sound through epenthesis by some native speakers, as noted in the current analysis. Speech variation partially depends on education, i.e., educated people, who are more influenced by written and spoken English and Urdu, produce onset CC-clusters without breaking them. This ultimately determines that the MOP is also followed by Sindhi on syllable onset word-initially, -medially and

-finally. Table 3.6 illustrates that sounds follow the phonotactic rules of their languages. Since every language contains its phonological rules, they have their own sound sequence. Languages can have their Consonant Cluster licensing on initial, medial and final positions of words.

Generally, languages follow sonority hierarchy as illustrated in Table 3.6.

Table 3.6. Sonority hierarchy Oral Stop Fricative Nasal Liquids Semivowels Vowels Voiceless Voiced Voiceless Voiced ------p b f v m l r y j i u t d ɵ ð n ------e o k g s z ------ɑ

Loanword i.e., prit̪ əm has /pr/ like prĩ indigenous word with legitimate consonant clusters follow the phonotactic constraints of the language. The same constraints are followed by the sequence /p/ precedes /r/ in prit̪ əm and prĩ. Since /r/ sound is more sonorous than /p/ sound in hierarchy of sonority as illustrated in Table 3.6. In this way, the CC prit̪ əm and pri word-initially in Sindhi, as loanword and indigenous word, satisfy MOP. The CC-consonant cluster can occur on onset syllable; in such a case a consonant is followed by gliding /j/, rolled /r/, and flapped /ɽ/ in the language. Sindhi does not start out with consonantal sounds, like /ɳ, ɲ, ŋ/, nor with flapped /ɽ/ or aspirated flapped /ɽʱ/as argued by Jatoi (1996). Mostly the epenthesis exists in languages where free variation phenomenon is involved in loanwords, as noted by Broselow (1999). Sindhi, as noted in this research, contains few indigenous words with consonant cluster on word onset syllable, whereas, other words with consonant cluster on word onset syllable are loanwords. It also consists of consonant cluster on word finally as illustrated in Table 3.7.

3.4.3 Coda Syllable Structure

Primarily short and long vowels occur in word-final position; otherwise the coda position at word- final can occupy two consonants in Sindhi. A dialectical feature of the Utradi (Northern) dialect allows [r] as a third consonant in word-final position, but only following post-alveolar stops, such as [ɖ]. The [r] in these words is not represented in the orthography, nor it is pronounced in other

dialects of Sindhi. Three consonants only can be pronounced while speaking at the coda by Utradi

(Northern) dialect speakers, for instance dʒənɖ [r] and kʰənɖ [r] and these only occur on word edges. Hussain (2010) contends that Urdu licenses two consonantal sounds at coda position, and delimited the restraints to voiceless fricative with a stop at first and second environments at word level in Urdu.

3.4.4 Rime Structure

The structure of rime carries a nucleus and a coda. Consonants themselves cannot become syllabic in Sindhi, while a Sindhi syllable carries a vowel as a nucleus. Consonants can precede a short or long vowel and can also follow vowels in Sindhi, whereas Hussain (2010) contends that Urdu words do not end with short or long vowels. This study found that the native speakers elide vowels at word boundaries of Sindhi indigenous and loanwords and insert vocalic sounds, which ultimately denotes that there is a quite strong evidence that Sindhi is influenced by the impact of

Urdu (and English) on the speech of Sindhi native speakers. This was observed by Bughio (2001) also. Thus, Sindhi follows both universal principles, SSP and MOP (in case CC-clusters are not broken).

3.4.5 Epenthesis Phenomenon

As noted in the present study, the final vocalic sound in English loanwords and indigenous words is elided on account of variation in the language; this variation is relatively higher as noted by

Bughio (2001). This study also found that the word edge vowels, as cited in English loanwords by

Bughio (2001), were as follows: / u, i, ɑ/ for central dialect. This study argues that the schwa vowel is almost pronounced in free variation in Utradi (Northern) dialect. As illustrated in Table 3.7, the

native speakers break the -CC- (consonant cluster)10 of English loanwords (and even indigenous words) word-initially (s-obstruent) on onset syllable. Sindhi abides by the MOP when the native speakers do not break up consonant clusters, if they break up then they do not follow MOP. CC- consonant clusters like /ʈr, ɖr/ are the dialectal features of Utradi (Northern) dialect that are only pronounced along with these stops, e.g., /ʈ, ɖ/, but not written in orthography of Sindhi (See literature review). Sindhi native speakers neither broke nor inserted a vowel between these two consonants in loanwords of English or indigenous because of the existence of stop-rhotic/stop-trill clusters /ʈr, ɖr/ in Sindhi. These phonological aspects are very strong in speech of Sindhi native speakers in Utradi (Northern) dialect.

In addition, consonant clusters, i.e., /st, sp, sk/ may be determined through prothesis, whereas anaplyxis is in free variation in clusters, e.g., /pr, pɽ, ky, kʰɽ, kɽ/. Anaplyxis occurs in clusters, i.e.,

/sl, sm, pl, gl/, but not in free variation, however, a vowel is bonded or elided at word-ending position subject to the variation of speech. This is also illustrated by Bughio (2001), as well as by the indigenous and English loanwords in Table 3.7, which demonstrates how these sounds are pronounced by native speakers using epenthesis aspects of phonology. Table 3.7 illustrates consonant cluster i.e., /ʈr, ɖr/ are dialectical features in Utradi (Northern) Sindhi, which are not broken by native speakers. Similarly, in English native words those contain this kind of consonant clusters are even not broken by Sindhi native speakers, as illustrated in Table 3.7. As argued in the work of Abbasi and Hussain (2012), the following English loanwords and indigenous words are produced with phonological phenomenon, for example epenthesis and syncope, by either inserting

CC consonant clusters

or eliding vowel sounds in words as shown in Table 3.7. The results, thus indicate the language like Sindhi has its phonotactic rules for consonant clusters as discussed in this section.

Table 3.7. A list of Sindhi-English loanwords (Abbasi & Hussain, 2012) Language Rising Sonority Edge Epenthesis Alternative Glossary English dreɪn drenə dreɪn drain English treɪn treɪnə treɪn train Hindi prem pɪremə pɪrem love Hindi prit̪əm pɪrit̪əmə prit̪əm love English slæt sɪletə sɪlæt slat English smɑɪl sɪmaɪlə sɪmɑɪl smile English pli:z pɪlizə pɪliz please English fɪlm fɪlɪmə fɪlɪm film English ɡlɑs ɡɪlɑsə ɡɪlɑs ɡlass Sindhi sukʰɽi sukʰɪɽi sukʰɽi gift Sindhi dʒupɽi dʒupɪɽi dʒupɽi hut Sindhi kʰopɽi kʰopɪɽi kʰopɽi skull Sindhi sekɽo sekɪɽo sekɽo percent Sindhi hekɽo hekɪɽo hekɽo one Sindhi əŋɡrez əŋɡɪrezə əŋɡrez Englishman Broselow, E. (1992) Falling Edge epenthesis Source --- sonority Alternative

Hindi ɪskul ɪskul school --- English ɪspɪrɪtə ɪsprɪt spirit --- English ɪsteʃənə ɪsteʃən station --- Hindi fɪrut --- fruit ---

central Pahari sɪlet --- slate ---

3.4.6 Reliability of Syllable Judgements

In order to check the reliability of the study, three subjects were recruited after a lapse of about two years. The similar procedure was adopted as in the first study. The participating subjects were three female speakers (S1) EM, (S2) TF and third SM with average age of 28. The means of judgements i.e., the new data and the original data are almost similar as shown in tables 3.8-3.9.

Table 3.8 Results of original data with 10 subjects Agree with Sindhi- Disagree with Sindhi- Subjects English Dictionary English Dictionary S1 59 41 S2 62 38 S3 61 39 S4 56 44 S5 54 46 S6 54 46 S7 52 48 S8 59 41

S9 48 52 S10 56 44 Average 56.1 43.9 Table 3.9 Results of new data with 3 subjects Agree with Sindhi- Disagree with Sindhi- Subjects English Dictionary English Dictionary S1 54 46 S2 42 58 S3 72 28 Average 56 44

3.5 Summary

This study explored the phonological factors of syllable structure of Sindhi, the syllable templates and the phonotactic constraints of the language. It identified the rules of syllabification by investigating epenthesis phenomenon in consonant clusters of English loanwords and indigenous, syllable inventory and by the devising of an algorithm in the language. Furthermore, this research examined what possible syllable structures are permitted in Sindhi. The primary investigation found that the CV seems to be a favorite combination in Sindhi. However, it also favors CVC structures with rare consonant clustering on either side of the vowel. The phonological factors of

Sindhi syllable structure are involved in phonotactics of CC-consonant clusters at all three positions of word i.e., initial, medial and final, and an essential query of epenthesis phenomenon in English loanwords and Sindhi indigenous words referencing onset word-initially were the main motivating aspects of the present study.

In addition, this chapter also explored extensively a literature survey of syllable structure in Sindhi and English loanwords and the process of syllabification. Bukhari (n.d.) argues that different languages have different syllable structures, even within the same dialects; some languages allow various template possibilities whereas others are very restricted to a few. The most popular syllable structure in most of the languages in the world is CV, however, English accommodates more than three consonants on coda and three consonants on onset. This chapter concluded by looking at which phonotactic constraints were observed and how the process of syllabification was carried out in syllable formation through the step by step instructions of an algorithm.

3.6 Conclusion

The status of being an open syllable language still stands for Sindhi, however apocope phenomenon tends to be stronger from an open syllable to closed syllable language. Another reason seems to be the influence of English-Urdu on its syllable structure at word boundaries. The syllable comprises a vowel as a nucleus, whereas, syllables cannot be made merely with consonants. The aspects of syllable structure e.g., onset, nucleus, and coda are involved in it.

Jatoi (1996) argues that onset syllable can be occupied by -CC- consonant cluster; provided that the cluster should be followed by flapped /ɽ/, rolled /r/ or gliding /j/. Consonant cluster can begin with the sequence of these consonants i.e., kyɑs ‘forgive’, pɽi ‘cattle market’ and prem ‘love’.

Whereas, three nasal and two flap consonants are not licensed to occur onset word-initially, i.e., retroflex /ɳ/, palatal /ɲ/, velar /ŋ/, flapped sound /ɽ/ and aspirated flapped [ɽʱ]. There can be maximum six syllables and minimum one syllable in a word, whereas, maximum two and minimum one consonant can occupy the syllable word-initially, -medially and -finally.

Moreover, the study of syllable judgment was designed to investigate syllable structure in Sindhi indigenous words and English loanwords. Syllable counts and syllabification judgments were elicited from native speakers for the most frequent words presented in written format. This syllable judgment study sought to determine native speakers’ intuitions about the syllabification of Sindhi words in terms of three major principles: Sonority Sequencing Principle (SSP) and Maximal Onset

Principle (MOP) of syllabification, and phonotactic constraints of the language, referencing to consonant clusters syllable-initially, -medially, and -finally. On the basis of the data, the study

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devised an algorithm with seven parameters devised for words recognition method in Sindhi for syllabification that illustrates how a Sindhi word is syllabified.

Moreover, the study found 12 syllable templates, as highlighted in Table 3.1. Since Sindhi is a flexible language with reference to epenthesis in free variation, along with vowel elision at word boundaries, it is subject to variations in the language. This has been demonstrated in the present data analysis. Sindhi allows two -CC- at the onset, coda, word-medial, and word-final positions.

Though, on account of the impact of Urdu-English the native speakers either break these clusters or insert, elide vowels in native words and English loanwords. Similarly, when native speakers break up consonants clusters, which means, Sindhi does not follow Maximum Onset Principle, whereas, when they do not break up consonant clusters, which manifests that Sindhi follows MOP theory.

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Chapter 4 Syllable Structure and Stress Patterns

4.1 Introduction

Languages differ in stress systems. Some treat syllable weight as one of the important parameters in stress assignment and some do not. Languages also differ in the criteria for syllable weight. For example, Gordon (1999) argues some languages assign weight to coda consonants while coda consonants are weightless in others. Similarly, some languages assign weight to syllables that contain a long vowel (CVV & CVVC). Virtually all languages treat long-voweled syllable as heavy, whereas coda weight is parameterized. This study investigates stress based on the judgments of native speakers about the location of the most prominent syllable in a word. The words selected for inclusion in this study differ in their syllable composition in order to test the role of syllable weight and in the criteria for assigning weight to syllables for the purpose of primary stress assignment.

This study provides quantitative data on the question of whether Sindhi has a quantity-sensitive or quantity-insensitive stress system. Based on the judgments of native speakers and of the author, the investigation further explores the structural parameters that can be used to identify stressed syllables within the word. Table 4.1 illustrates the notations for moraic count of various Sindhi syllable templates which have been used as parameters for devising the Sindhi syllable stress algorithm. The notations which are utilized in this study for weighing syllables are listed in Table as 4.1 as follows: VV represents a long vowel, V a short vowel, and C a consonant. The schwa /ə/ and /ʊ/ in an open syllable are light and that non-schwa vowels are heavy by comparing words

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across tables 4.2 and 4.3. While Table 4.1 illustrates syllable templates plus weight and moraic count.

Table 4.1. Syllable templates and moraic count

SN Syllabic Templates Sindhi Words Moraic Count Weight Metrical Syllable Composition

1 V ə.tʃʊ 1 light mono-moraic short vowel

2 VV ɑ.lo 2 heavy bi.moraic long vowel

3 VC ɪl.hɑmə 2 heavy bi.moraic short+cons.

4 VVC ɑr.zu 3 super heavy bi.moraic long+cons.

5 CV nə 1 light mono-moraic cons.+short

6 CVV sɑ.rə 2 heavy bi.moraic cons.+long

7 CVC kəm.zor 2 heavy bi.moraic cons.+short+cons.

8 CVVC moɽ 3 super heavy tri-moraic closed +long vowel

9 CCVV pɽi 2 heavy bi-moraic CC+long

10 VCC ərz 2 heavy bi-moraic short+CC

11 2 heavy bi-moraic closed+short+CC CVCC sʊst̪ 12 3 super heavy tri-moraic closed+long vowel CCVVC prit̪

The present analysis of lexical stress determines two factors for locating lexical stress in Sindhi as follows: Weight of syllable elements are: light syllable and heavy syllable.

4.2 Methods and Procedures

4.2.1 Speakers

Stress judgments were obtained from 10 (6 male and 4 female) adults with no self-reported speech impairment. These individuals were identified by their initials: The males were MM, AM, WA,

MK, JA, and AW, and the females MA, SJ, SM, and NM. Participants were selected randomly

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from the Utradi (Northern) dialect of Sindhi spoken in Upper Sindh, and their ages ranged from

17 to 40. They all had sixteen years of education in the region where Utradi (Northern) Sindhi is spoken and had also formal education in Sindhi as a compulsory subject in school, with the exception of one female (AM) who had eighteen years of education and is a university teacher.

One female subject (SM) had experience of teaching Sindhi and English languages at the college level as well. The author, an adult native Sindhi speaker, also took part in the study as one of the male subjects. The rest of the subjects were undergraduate students at their respective colleges.

They all spoke Sindhi as their native language at home and at their work place. Many of the speakers were fluent in speaking and comprehending English and Urdu as well.

4.2.2 Stimuli

The questionnaire contained 150 indigenous Sindhi high frequency words. The words included in the sample were chosen with great care to include all possible sequences of syllable types. All 150 words were selected from the New Comprehensive Sindhi Dictionary (Baloch, 2005). There were

39 disyllabic words, 42 tri-syllabic, 38 four-syllable words, and 31 five-syllable words, as listed in Appendix-C-Table-1. The analysis includes all of the possible Sindhi word templates listed in

Jatoi (1996), who noted eight Sindhi templates, and four more templates also observed in the language (See Chapter 3).

4.2.3 Task

The study was designed to collect stress judgment data. Design: Judgments were elicited from participants regarding which syllable in a word is stressed, described as the most prominent stressed syllable. Material: Participating subjects were provided with a questionnaire in printed

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format, consisting of four sheets of A4 size paper printed on both sides. Each printed page presented words in Sindhi script in one column and the corresponding Roman transcription in another column. Columns two through seven were left blank for the purpose of marking the location of stress in the column corresponding to the 1st-5th syllable of the word, as illustrated in

Appendix-C (Table C2-2).

Procedure: Subjects were asked to mark the column corresponding to the syllable which they intuitively judged to be the most prominent (stressed) syllable for each word. Before marking stressed syllables, the subjects were given a brief definition of stress as relative prominence at the word level, and the author gave two example words (not included in the experimental stimuli), identifying in each the syllable judged by the author as the location of primary stress. Subjects were explicitly told that they should report their own judgments without concern for whether their judgment agreed with that of another speaker, including the author. Subjects were given the printed word list to read through in order to familiarize themselves with the words for the purpose of avoiding reading dis-fluencies. Next, they were instructed to proceed through the list, reading each word aloud as many times as necessary to judge which syllable was the most prominent syllable, and then to mark that syllable as the location of primary stress by placing a check in the column corresponding to the syllable position in the word (1st-5th). Every subject was given approximately

30 to 40 minutes to mark primary stress in 150 token words.

4.3 Data Analysis

No Sindhi dictionary indicates the location of stress at the word level (or at any level). Moreover, as Sindhi is written using a modified Arabic alphabet, short vowels are not typically indicated in

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the written language, which means that the written form does not reliably indicate the number of syllables in the word, much less the location of word-internal syllable boundaries. Baloch’s (2005) dictionary, the New Comprehensive Sindhi Dictionary, makes systematic use of short vowel diacritics zeer ‘lower stress’, zabar ‘upper stress’ and paish ‘round lip high back vowel stress’, to indicate the location and quality of short vowels in a word. The present study adopts the word forms from this dictionary for the purpose of identifying the phoneme content of words in the experimental stimuli. These forms are also in accord with the author’s pronunciation. Note that

Baloch’s dictionary forms do not specify syllable structure. The author relied on the intuition of native speakers and his own intuition, since the author is also an adult Sindhi native speaker. The following sections present the stress judgments pooled across subjects for sets of words grouped according to their syllable sequence (i.e., word template). The statistical results are reported as significant with p< 0.05.

4.3.1 Disyllabic Words and Primary Stress Judgment

Table 4.2 below lists the four disyllabic words with the LL template. Each word is shown with its index and IPA transcription. The rightmost two columns show the number of responses indicated stress on the first and second syllable, respectively. There are a total of 10 stress judgments per word, one from each of 10 subjects. The pattern of stress responses shows no clear preference for stress on either the first or the second syllable. Summing of all the responses, 60 percentage of the stress judgments place stress on the second syllable, while the first syllable was marked in 40 percentage of the responses.

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Table 4.2. A list of judgments of stress location of LL syllable template Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Word Index Words Syllable 1 Syllable 2 LL W2 ətʃʊ 2 8 W7 sətʃʊ 1 9 W13 lɪkə 5 5 W27 sɪrə 8 2 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 40% 60%

Table 4.3 shows stress judgments for disyllabic words with an initial heavy syllable and second light syllable. The findings indicate that the first heavy syllable is marked as stressed in 72 percentage of the responses, whereas the second syllable is marked in 28 percentage. The data show a preference for stress on the heavy syllable in HL words. In each Table ‘W’ stands for word.

Table 4.3. A list of judgments of stress location of HL syllable template Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Words Syllable 1 Syllable 2 W1 ɑʊ 9 1 W4 ɑsə 9 1 W6 vehʊ 6 4 W9 sɛrə 9 1 W20 pʊllɪ 6 4 HL W25 tʃorə 6 4 W26 surʊ 8 2 W28 mɑlʊ 6 4 W32 sɑrə 7 3 W33 ɑrə 7 3 W36 rɑt̪ɪ 4 6 W38 kʰirə 8 2 W39 mͻt̪ʊ 8 2 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 72% 28%

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Table 4.4 shows results for four disyllabic words with the LH template. Sixty-eight percent of responses marked stress on the heavy syllable, which is also the final syllable, whereas, the light syllable, also the first, was marked as stressed in 32 percentage of the responses. Hence, it indicates a weak tendency that the native speakers prefer heavy syllable to light syllable for marking as primary stress in disyllabic words.

Table 4.4. A list of judgment of stress location of LH syllable template Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Words Syllable 1 Syllable 2 LH W3 ətʃo 4 6 W8 ɡʊɗo 1 9 W15 kəyo 4 6 W17 t̪əro 4 6 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 32% 68%

Table 4.5 shows results for eighteen disyllable words with the HH template. The first heavy syllable was marked as stressed in 58 percentage of the responses, whereas 42 percentage marked the second heavy syllable. In other words, the stress judgments were nearly evenly split between the two syllables in words with two heavy syllables.

Table 4.5. A list of judgments of stress location of HH stress patterns Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Words Syllable 1 Syllable 2 W5 ɑyo 9 1 W10 tãɗo 7 3 W11 rɪhlət̪ 5 5 W12 ɓoli 7 3 HH W14 kɑro 8 2 W16 mokɪl 3 7 W18 sɑlɪm 6 4 W19 tʃəryo 6 4

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W21 ʃɑd̪ i 6 4 W22 sɑlo 5 5 W23 t̪ɑrɑ 6 4 W24 ɑro 6 4 W29 hɑmi 7 3 W30 limo 7 3

W31 tʃʰoro 8 2 W34 ɑlo 4 6 W35 ɡori 2 8 W37 kɑt̪i 3 7 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 58% 42%

Table 4.6. Overall percentage of lexical stress pattern judgments (Original data) Syllable templates Syllable 1 Syllable 2 LL 40% 60% LH 32% 68% HL 72% 28% HH 58% 42%

Table 4.7. Overall percentage of lexical stress judgments (Second new data) Syllable templates Syllable 1 Syllable 2

LL 17% 83% LH 17% 83% HL 72% 28% HH 52% 48%

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4.4 Summary

Table 4.6 shows overall percentage of disyllable stress judgments of native speakers. It illustrates that in disyllabic words when there is one heavy and another light syllable, then heavy syllable becomes stress attractor in a word irrespective of its location. In addition, when, there are both light then, final syllable has stress and when there are both heavy syllables, then leftmost is stressed.

Binomial mixed-effects regression models were run to test whether the location of stress on the first or second syllable could be predicted on the basis of the syllable template of the word. The dependent variable is the stress judgment (1=stressed, 0=unstressed), and the predictor variable is syllable template with three levels (HL, LH, LL), which are each compared against the stress judgment for words in the HH template. Since stress judgments may reflect other properties of words beyond the syllable template factor modeled here, word is entered as a fixed factor. Further, since responses indicating stress judgment may differ among the 10 subjects in this study, subject was entered in the model as a random factor.

The results in Table 4.6 show that likelihood of stress on the first syllable is significantly greater for the HL template compared to the reference template (HH), and conversely, there is a significantly lesser likelihood of stress on the first syllable for the LH template compared to HH.

There was no significant difference in stress judgments for the LL template compared to HH, at significance level of p < .05. Taken together, these results reveal a preference for stress on the heavy syllable of disyllabic words that contains only one heavy syllable.

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Table 4.8. Results from binomial mixed-effect regression Statistic Test Results for Di-Syllabic Templates Dependent variable Syllable1 vs. Syllable2 (Responses) Templates HL 0.607** (0.292) Templates LH -1.110** (0.439) Templates LL -0.780* Constant 0.351* (0.182) Note: *p<0.1; **p<0.05; ***p<0.01

4.5 Tri-Syllable Words and Primary Stress Judgment

Table 4.9 presents the aggregated stress judgments for five tri-syllabic words with the LLL template. Forty-eight percentage of the responses located stress on the first syllable, with 14 percentage of responses marking the second syllable and 38 percentage the third syllable. The responses show a similar preference for stress located on the first initial or final syllable of the word in words with no heavy syllable.

Table 4.9. A list of judgments of stress location of LLL syllable templates Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Words Syllable 1 Syllable 2 Syllable 3 W4 ɡʊməɳʊ 4 3 3 LLL W8 bəd̪ ənʊ 6 0 4

W11 t̪ərəɳʊ 4 1 5

W23 tʃərəɳʊ 4 2 4

W34 qəbərʊ 6 1 3 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 48% 14% 38%

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Table 4.10 shows results for seven tri-syllabic words with the LHL template. Fifty-six percentage of responses mark stress on the medial heavy syllable, while 24 percentage mark the first light syllable and 20 percentage mark the last light syllable. Thus, these data indicate a preference for stress on the sole heavy syllable when it is in penultimate position.

Table 4.10. A list of judgments of stress location of LHL syllable templates Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Words Syllable 1 Syllable 2 Syllable 3 W5 kɪt̪ɑbʊ 5 4 1 LHL W10 səlɑmʊ 3 6 1

W13 səlimə 1 5 4

W22 dʒəmɑlʊ 3 5 2

W25 dʒəmilə 0 5 5

W37 ʃəmizə 3 7 0

W42 kərɑrə 3 7 0 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 24% 56% 20%

Table 4.11 presents results for six tri-syllabic words with the HLL syllable template. 65 percentage of the responses mark stress on the heavy syllable, which is initial, while 18 percentage mark stress on the medial light syllable, and 17 percentage mark the final light syllable. The data show a preference for stress on the sole heavy syllable when it is in initial position of the word.

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Table 4.11. A list of judgments of stress location across HLL syllable template Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Words Syllable 1 Syllable 2 Syllable 3 W1 ɑlɪmʊ 7 1 2 W6 zɑlɪmʊ 6 4 0 W14 kɑmɪlʊ 8 1 1 HLL W16 bʰɑkʊrʊ 7 2 1 W26 ʃɑmɪlʊ 5 2 3 W28 sɑrɪmʊ 6 1 3 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 65% 18% 17%

Table 4.12 presents results from five tri-syllabic words with the LHH syllable template. The first light syllable is marked as stressed in 20 percentage of the responses, the medial heavy syllable in

56 percentage and the final heavy syllable in 24 percentage. Unlike the templates discussed above, this template has two heavy syllables, and here it is the leftmost of the two, the non-final heavy syllable that is most likely to be identified as the stressed syllable.

Table 4.12. A list of judgments of stress location of LHH syllable template Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Words Syllable 1 Syllable 2 Syllable 3 W12 rəvɑno 2 6 2 W19 zərorət̪ 3 4 3 LHH W24 kəvɑzo 2 5 3 W31 qəd̪ urət̪ 1 6 3 W36 dʒəmɑlo 2 7 1 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 20% 56% 24%

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Table 4.13 contains five tri-syllabic words with the HHL syllable template. The first heavy syllable is marked as stressed in 48 percentage of the responses, whereas the second and third syllables are marked as stressed 32 percentage and 20 percentage of the responses, respectively. As in the previous template, there are two heavy syllables, but in this case the stress preference is somewhat weaker, and on the initial syllable rather than the medial syllable. As was the case for the LHH template, the stress preference with HHL locates stress on the leftmost among two heavy syllables.

Table 4.13. A list of judgments of stress location across HHL syllable template Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Words Syllable 1 Syllable 2 Syllable 3 W2 ɑrɑmʊ 5 3 2 W3 ɪxlɑqʊ 4 4 2 HHL W7 moqufʊ 5 3 2 W27 d̪ ɪld̪ ɑrʊ 3 4 3 W32 ɑkɑʃʊ 7 2 1 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 48% 32% 20%

Table 4.14 presents results from seven tri-syllabic words with the HLH syllable template. Here the first heavy syllable was marked as stressed in 56 percentage of responses, whereas the second light syllable is marked in 18 percentage and the third heavy syllable in 26 percentage. The pattern seen in the above two templates continues here, with a preference for marking stress on the left most of the two heavy syllables, which in this case is the initial syllable.

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Table 4.14. A list of judgments of stress location of HLH syllable template Syllable Marked on Words Syllable Template Words Index Syllable 1 Syllable 2 Syllable 3 W15 mɪlkɪyət̪ 6 3 1 W21 ɡɑrɪyũ 7 2 1 W29 mɑmɪlo 8 0 2 HLH W33 sɑrɪyũ 5 0 5 W38 t̪ɪrkəɳo 5 3 2 W39 ʄɑmɪɽo 4 2 4 W40 ɪhmɪyət̪ 4 3 3 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 56% 18% 26%

Table 4.15 presents results from seven tri-syllabic words with the HHH syllable template. Here 54 percentage of the responses mark stress on the first syllable, while the second heavy syllable is marked as stressed in 23 percentage of responses and the third heavy syllable in 23 percentage.

This template contains three heavy syllables, and the preference is for stress located on the leftmost among them, matching the pattern seen above for templates with two heavy syllables.

Table 4.15. A list of judgments of stress location of HHH syllable template Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Words Syllable 1 Syllable 2 Syllable 3 W9 lɑtʃɑri 9 1 0 W17 ʃərmilo 4 5 1 W18 t̪əkrɑri 4 3 3 HHH W20 ɑbɑd̪ i 7 0 3 W30 tʃəkrɑi 5 3 2 W35 d̪ ərvɑzo 5 2 3 W41 ʊtlənd̪ o 4 2 4 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 54% 23% 23%

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Table 4.16. Overall percentage of stress judgments of tri-syllable words Syllabic Templates Syllable 1 Syllable 2 Syllable 3 LLL 48% 14% 38% LHL 24% 56% 20% HLL 65% 18% 17% LHH 20% 56% 24% HHL 48% 32% 20% HLH 56% 18% 26% HHH 54% 23% 23%

4.6 Reliability of Stress Judgments

In order to check the reliability of the study, three subjects were recruited after a lapse of about two years. The similar procedure was adopted as in the first study. The participating subjects were three female speakers (S1) EM, (S2) TF and third SM with average age of 28. The means of stress judgements from the original and the second data, are very close to the findings that Sindhi is a weak syllable weight sensitive language as shown in table 4.17.

Table 4.17. Overall percentage of stress judgments of tri-syllable words

Syllable templates Syllable 1 Syllable 2 Syllable 3

LLL 40% 47% 13% LHL 5% 95% 0% HLL 94% 6% 0% LHH 20% 47% 33% HHL 7% 93% 0% HLH 53% 33% 14% HHH 38% 57% 5%

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4.7 Summary

When there is a single H, stress is marked on H. With syllables of equal weight (LLL & HHH) stress is marked on initial syllable. Leftmost H is stressed in words with 2 heavy syllables or 2 light syllables. Logistic mixed effects regression models were run on the entire set of tri-syllabic words, with a binary stress judgment (stressed, unstressed) as the dependent variable, syllable template as the predictor variable, item as fixed factor, and subject as random factor. The LLL template is the reference value, so stress responses for all other templates are compared to those for LLL. There are significant effects on stress judgments for all but one of the templates: the likelihood of stress placement on any of the three syllables of HHH words is no different than for

LLL words. This result accords with the findings shown above, where both the HHH and LLL templates showed a weak preference for stress placement on the initial syllable among three syllables of equal weight. The results show a weak dis-preference for final syllable stress in HHH words compared to LLL, though this does not reach statistical significance at p < .05.

Looking at the other templates, we observe a greater likelihood for stress on the second of two heavy syllables in the HHL template, compared to LLL. In LLL words the penultimate position is the least likely to be marked for stress, so the increase in stress likelihood on the penult for HHL can be seen as evidence for the stress attractor property of the medial heavy syllable. This finding is due to the relative dis-preference of penultimate. When there is HLH template it cannot occur on the last syllable nor the penultimate since it is light syllable, this may be the reason. The HLL template shows a statistically significant decrease in the likelihood of stress on the final syllable

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compared to the LLL template, along with a non-significant trend for increased stress likelihood on the initial syllable.

This finding also points to a preference for stress on the sole heavy syllable in HLL, and a dis- preference for final stress when there is a non-final heavy syllable in the word. The LHH template is a highly significant predictor of stress, with less likelihood of stress on the initial syllable compared to LLL, and greater likelihood of stress on the medial heavy syllable. This finding confirms the general pattern of stress on the leftmost heavy syllable. The LHL template similarly predicts a lesser likelihood of stress on the initial syllable and greater likelihood on the medial heavy syllable. Table 4.18 shows statistical results for tri-syllable words as follows:

Table 4.18. Logistic mixed effects statistical test results on tri-syllable words Dependable Variables Syllable1 Syllable2 Syllable3 Template HHH 0.284 0.618 -0.791* (0.372) (0.497) (0.412) Template HHL -0.000 1.062** -0.897* (0.400) (0.508) (0.458) Template HLH 0.310 0.337 -0.571 (0.372) (0.510) (0.400) Template HLL 0.699* 0.321 -1.120** (0.392) (0.527) (0.453) Template LHH -10.306*** 2.056*** -0.663 (0.453) (0.497) (0.441) Template LHL -1.041** 1.914*** -0.722* (0.411) (0.482) (0.421) Constant -0.080 -1.815*** -0.490 (0.283) (0.408) (0.291) Note: *p<0.1; **p<0.05; ***p<0.01

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4.8 Four-Syllable Words and Primary Stress Judgment

Considering next the four-syllable words, there are many more possible templates than with disyllabic and tri-syllabic words many different sequences of heavy and light syllables to examine for stress patterns. Among the words tested here there are 38 four-syllable words, representing 14 different syllable templates. This sample does not cover all of the possible syllable templates, but it provides an opportunity to see how the stress patterns in disyllabic and tri-syllabic words extend to longer words.

There is one four-syllable word in this sample with all light syllables: LLLL. Table 4.19 shows stress judgments for this single LLLL word. For this word 40 percentage of responses place stress on the first syllable, with 30 percentage on the second syllable, 10 percentage on the third, and 20 percentage on the last syllable. This preference for initial syllable stress in words with syllables of equal weight is parallel to the pattern observed in tri-syllabic words with a HHH syllable template, though with only a single example of the LLLL template it is not possible to draw strong conclusions here.

Table 4.19. A list of the judgments of stress location of LLLL template Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Word Syllable 1 Syllable 2 Syllable 3 Syllable 4 LLLL W1 mʊqərərʊ 4 3 1 2 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 40% 30% 10% 20%

Likewise, there is one four-syllable word with single heavy with three light syllables: HLLL. Table

4.20 shows stress judgments for single HLLL word. For this word 60 percentage of responses

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place stress on the first heavy syllable, with 20 percentage on the second syllable, 10 percentage

third and 10 percentage on fourth. There is only single heavy syllable in a word occurring initially,

which is marked as stressed 60 percentage. This indicates that leftmost heavy syllable is preferred

for lexical stress.

Table 4.20. A list of the judgments of stress location of HLLL template Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Word Syllable 1 Syllable 2 Syllable 3 Syllable 4 HLLL W3 mokələɳʊ 6 2 1 1 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 60% 20% 10% 10%

Table 4.21 shows stress judgments for five four-syllable LHLL words. For these words 48

percentage of responses place stress on the second heavy, with 20 percentage on the first light, 12

percentage third and 20 percentage on the fourth. This indicates that the leftmost single heavy

syllable attracts primary stress relatively. This is an evidence for stressing heavy among three light

syllable options.

Table 4.21. A list of the judgments of stress location of LHLL template Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Words Syllable 1 Syllable 2 Syllable 3 Syllable 4

W2 hʊkumət̪ə 4 3 1 2 W5 ɡʊmɑɪɳʊ 1 5 2 2 LHLL W14 ɪʤɑzət̪ə 1 5 1 3 W20 sʊrɑɪɳʊ 3 5 1 1 W25 vɪsɑɪɳʊ 1 6 1 2 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 20% 48% 12% 20%

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We turn now to consider four-syllable words containing two heavy syllables. Table 4.22 contains three four-syllable words with the LHHL syllable template. The first syllable is stressed in 27 percentage of responses, the second syllable, a heavy syllable, is stressed in 17 percentage of the responses, while the third syllable, also heavy, is stressed in 27 percentage of responses. The fourth and final syllable, a light syllable, is stressed in 29 percentage of responses. Here the stress judgments diverge from the pattern as noted foresighted with tri-syllabic words, where it was the leftmost of two heavy syllables that was most often marked as the stressed syllable.

Table 4.22. A list of the judgments of stress location of LHHL template Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Words Syllable 1 Syllable 2 Syllable 3 Syllable 4 W4 xəbərd̪ ɑrʊ 3 0 1 6 LHHL W16 ətʰɑvihə 3 2 3 2 W22 mʊlɑqɑt̪ə 2 3 4 1 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 27% 17% 27% 29%

Table 4.23 contains two words with the HLHL -syllable template. The penultimate heavy syllable is stressed in 35 percentage of responses, the first heavy syllable is stressed in 25 percentage of responses, whereas, the second light is stressed in 10 percentage and the final light syllable is stressed in 30 percentage of responses. Here, as with the preceding template, the preferred location for stress is not the leftmost heavy syllable. Rather, stress judgments are fairly evenly spread over the first, third and final syllables.

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Table 4.23. A list of the judgments of stress location of HLHL template Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Words Syllable 1 Syllable 2 Syllable 3 Syllable 4 W8 beʃʊmɑrʊ 1 2 6 1 HLHL W15 ɪst̪ɪmɑlʊ 4 0 1 5 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 25% 10% 35% 30%

Table 4.24 contains four-syllable six words with the LHLH -syllable template. The second heavy syllable is stressed in 40 percentage of responses and the penultimate light syllable in 25 percentage of responses whereas, final light syllable in 23 percentage of responses. The first light syllable is stressed in 12 percentage of responses. This template conforms to the pattern of stress preference on the leftmost heavy syllable, though it is not a very strong bias.

Table 4.24. A list of the judgments of stress location of LHLH template Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Words Syllable 1 Syllable 2 Syllable 3 Syllable 4 W12 vəɗãd̪ əɽo 1 3 2 4 W17 nəvɑnəve 0 6 1 3 W21 mʊsɑfɪri 2 6 2 0 LHLH W23 sʊlətʃʰəɳo 1 4 3 2 W24 kərɑmət̪ũ 2 3 4 1 W26 səhulət̪ũ 1 2 3 4 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 12% 40% 25% 23%

Table 4.25 contains four-syllable five words with the HHLL syllable template. There are two heavy and two light syllable, both heavy syllables have high percentage of marking stress relatively. The second heavy syllable has highest 40 percentage as compared to the rest of

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syllables. Here the preferred location for stress is on a heavy syllable, but it is not the leftmost or the initial syllable as was seen in tri-syllabic words.

Table 4.25. A list of the judgments of stress location of HHLL template Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Words Syllable 1 Syllable 2 Syllable 3 Syllable 4 W6 səmdʒʰɑɪɳʊ 2 6 1 1 W11 ridʒɑɪɳʊ 4 1 3 2 HHLL W19 ɗekʰɑrəɳʊ 3 4 2 1 W29 ʊklɑɪɳʊ 2 4 4 0 W31 ɑsɑɪʃə 1 5 1 3 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 24% 40% 22% 14%

There are a number of words with three heavy syllables, shown below. Table 4.26 shows four- syllable words with the HHLH syllable template. Stress judgments place stress almost equally on the three heavy syllables, with fewer responses marking the sole light syllable as stressed.

Table 4.26. A list of the judgments of stress location of HHLH template Syllable marked on Syllable template Words index Words Syllable 1 Syllable 2 Syllable 3 Syllable 4 W9 pɑɽesɪri 3 2 2 3 HHLH W18 ekɑəsi 1 4 2 3 W27 ekɑnəve 3 4 1 2 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 23% 33% 17% 27%

Table 4.27 contains a single four-syllable word with the LHHH syllable template. This example also shows a dis-preference for marking stress on the single light syllable, with a weak preference for stress on the leftmost heavy syllable.

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Table 4.27. A list of the judgments of stress location of LHHH template Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Words Syllable 1 Syllable 2 Syllable 3 Syllable 4 LHHH W7 kəlɑbɑzi 1 4 3 2 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 10% 40% 30% 20%

The word list includes seven four-syllable words with the HHHL template, as shown in Table 4.28.

Here we see a preference for stress placement on the penultimate syllable, which is the rightmost heavy, though there is considerable variation in the responses. This pattern does not resemble that of other four-syllable templates; notably, the sole light syllable is not the least marked among the four.

Table 4.28. A list of the judgments of stress location of HHHL template Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Words Syllable 1 Syllable 2 Syllable 3 Syllable 4 W10 dʒet̪oɳikə 4 1 4 1 W30 t̪ɪhkikɑt̪ʊ 0 5 2 3 W32 pɑkɪst̪ɑnə 1 2 4 3 HHHL W33 kohɪst̪ɑnə 1 2 3 4 W35 hɪndʊst̪ɑnə 1 4 4 1 W36 pɑləɳhɑrʊ 2 2 5 1 W37 pɑɳiyɑt̪ʊ 2 2 5 1 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 15% 26% 39% 20%

Table 4.29 presents four-syllable words with the HHHH syllable template. Here it is not a clear preference for stress location, with roughly equal responses marking the second and third syllable, and with similarly lower responses marking the initial and final syllable.

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Table 4.29. A list of the judgments of stress location of HHHH template Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Words Syllable 1 Syllable 2 Syllable 3 Syllable 4 W13 hɪkdʒɪhɽɑi 1 0 2 7 W28 dʒesit̪ãĩ 0 5 5 0 HHHH W34 qʊst̪ʊnt̪ʊnyɑ 3 3 3 1 W38 ʊt̪rɑd̪ iyət 3 4 3 0 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 16% 32% 32% 20%

Table 4.30. Overall percentage of stress judgments on four-syllable words Templates Syllable 1 Syllable 2 Syllable 3 Syllable 4 LLLL 40% 30% 10% 20% HLLL 60% 20% 10% 10% LHLL 20% 48% 12% 20% LHHL 27% 17% 27% 29% HLHL 25% 10% 35% 30% LHLH 12% 40% 25% 23% HHLL 24% 40% 22% 14% HHLH 23% 33% 17% 27% LHHH 10% 40% 30% 20% HHHL 15% 26% 39% 20% HHHH 16% 32% 32% 20%

4.8.1 Summary

Words with syllables of equal weight (HHHH, LLLL) have no consistent pattern; however, when

there is a single heavy syllable, stress is assigned to it; whereas, there are multiple heavy syllables,

the leftmost heavy syllable is preferred for primary stress.

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4.9 Five Syllabic Words and Primary Stress Judgment

The word list includes 31 five-syllable words, representing 13 syllable templates. Stress responses are highly variable in these data, though as with the four-syllable words, it is observed that a preference for stress on a heavy syllable rather than a light syllable. Beyond that it is not possible to draw strong conclusions due to data sparseness. Table 4.31 presents one word with the HLLLL syllable template, which shows a strong preference for stress on the penultimate light syllable.

Table 4.31. A list of the judgments of stress location of HLLLL template Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Word Syll 1 Syll 2 Syll 3 Syll 4 Syll 5 HLLLL W24 dʒɑhɪrɪyət̪ʊ 3 2 0 5 0 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 30% 20% 0 50% 0

The remaining five-syllable words contain multiple heavy syllables. With the exception of two templates, HHHLL and HHHHS, there is a striking preference for stress placed on the penultimate syllable, regardless of its weight.

Table 4.32. A list of the judgments of stress location of HHLLL template Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words index Word Syll 1 Syll 2 Syll 3 Syll 4 Syll 5 HHLLL W26 ɪhsɑsɪyət̪ə 1 0 1 6 2 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 10% 0 10% 60% 20%

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Table 4.33. A list of the judgments of stress location of LLHHL template Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Word Syll 1 Syll 2 Syll 3 Syll 4 Syll 5 LLHHL W25 qəbərʊst̪ɑnə 1 2 1 4 2 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 10% 20% 10% 40% 20%

Table 4.34. A list of the judgments of stress location of HLLHL template Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Word Syll 1 Syll 2 Syll 3 Syll 4 Syll 5 HLLHL W12 mɛd̪ ɪnɪyɑt̪ə 1 1 1 7 0 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 10% 10% 10% 70% 0

Table 4.35. A list of the judgments of stress location of HLLHL template Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Word Syll 1 Syll 2 Syll 3 Syll 4 Syll 5 LHLHL W18 ʃʊmɑrɪyɑt̪ə 0 3 2 5 0 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 0 30% 20% 50% 0

Table 4.36. A list of the judgments of stress location of LHLHH template Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Words Syll 1 Syll 2 Syll 3 Syll 4 Syll 5 W1 nəvekəlɑi 1 1 1 4 3 LHLHH W11 xʊsusɪyɑt̪ũ 0 2 1 6 1 W29 sɪrɑɪkɪst̪ɑn 0 0 3 5 2 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 3% 10% 17% 50% 20%

Table 4.37 contains five-syllable six words with the LHHHL syllable template. The penultimate heavy syllable is stressed in 48 percentage of responses; whereas, the second heavy is stressed in

20 percentage of responses.

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Table 4.37. A list of the judgments of stress location of LHHHL template Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Words Syll 1 Syll 2 Syll 3 Syll 4 Syll 5 W7 ʊɳet̪ɑlihə 1 4 1 3 1 W10 sət̪et̪ɑlihə 0 2 3 5 0 W17 d̪ əmɑked̪ ɑrʊ 0 3 2 4 1 LHHHL W19 t̪ərikekɑrʊ 1 1 1 6 1 W20 səliked̪ ɑrʊ 1 1 1 6 1 W23 bəlotʃɪst̪ɑnə 1 1 0 5 3 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 7% 20% 13% 48% 12%

Table 4.38. A list of the judgments of stress location of HLHHL template Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Word Syll 1 Syll 2 Syll 3 Syll 4 Syll 5 HLHHL W27 t̪ɑdʒɪkɪst̪ɑnə 1 0 3 4 2 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 10% 0 30% 40% 20%

Table 4.39. A list of the judgments of stress location of HHLLH template Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Word Syll 1 Syll 2 Syll 3 Syll 4 Syll 5 HHLLH W15 petʃidɪgɪyũ 0 1 2 5 2 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 0 10% 20% 50% 20%

Table 4.40. A list of the judgments of stress location of HHLHL template Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Words Syll 1 Syll 2 Syll 3 Syll 4 Syll 5 W13 hevɑnɪyɑt̪ə 1 0 2 7 0 HHLHL W16 mɑholɪyɑt̪ə 1 2 0 7 0 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 10% 10% 10% 70% 0

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Table 4.41. A list of the judgments of stress location of HHLHH template Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Word Syll 1 Syll 2 Syll 3 Syll 4 Syll 5 W21 məsrufɪyɑt̪ũ 1 2 0 7 0 HHLHH W31 ʊst̪ɑd̪ ɪyɑɳi 0 0 0 2 8 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 5% 10% 0 45% 40%

Table 4.42. A list of the judgments of stress location of HHHLL template Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Words Syll 1 Syll 2 Syll 3 Syll 4 Syll 5 W9 ɪnsɑniyət̪ə 1 2 4 3 0 HHHLL W2 ɡʊssɑid̪ əɽʊ 0 1 5 1 3 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 5% 15% 45% 20% 15%

Table 4.43 contains five syllable six words with the HHHHL syllable template. The heavy penultimate syllable is stressed in 43 percentage of responses whereas, third heavy syllable is stressed in 28 percentage of responses.

Table 4.43. A list of the judgments of stress location of HHHHL template Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Words Syll 1 Syll 2 Syll 3 Syll 4 Syll 5 W4 eket̪ɑlihə 1 0 2 4 3 W5 tʃʰɑetɑlihə 0 0 4 5 1 W8 bɑet̪ɑhihə 1 3 1 5 0 HHHHL W14 lɪssɑniyɑt̪ə 0 1 1 8 0 W22 ʊksɑid̪ ɑɽʊ 2 1 6 1 0 W28 əfxɑnɪst̪ɑnə 0 1 3 3 3 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 7% 10% 28% 43% 12%

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Table 4.44. A list of the judgments of stress location of LHLHS template Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Word Syll 1 Syll 2 Syll 3 Syll 4 Syll 5 LHLHS W30 mʊhɑdʒɪrɪst̪ɑn 1 0 2 5 2 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 10% 0 20% 50% 20%

Table 4.45. A list of the judgments of stress location of LHHHS template Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Word Syll 1 Syll 2 Syll 3 Syll 4 Syll 5 LHHHS W6 səɗɑĩd̪ omãs 0 2 1 4 3 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 0 20% 10% 40% 30%

Table 4.46. A list the judgments of stress location of HHHHS template Syllable Marked on Syllable Template Words Index Word Syll 1 Syll 2 Syll 3 Syll 4 Syll 5 HHHHS W3 tʃəvrɑĩd̪ osãs 0 0 3 3 4 Total Stressed Syllable Percentage 0 0 30% 30% 40%

Table 4.47. Overall percentage of stress judgments on five-syllable words Templates Syllable 1 Syllable 2 Syllable 3 Syllable 4 Syllable 5 HLLLL 30% 20% 0% 50% 0% HHLLL 10% 0% 10% 60% 20% LLHHL 10% 20% 10% 40% 20% HLLHL 10% 10% 10% 70% 0% LHLHL 0% 30% 20% 50% 0% LHLHH 3% 10% 17% 50% 20% LHHHL 7% 20% 13% 48% 12% HLHHL 10% 0% 30% 40% 20% HHLLH 0% 10% 20% 50% 20%

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HHLHL 10% 10% 10% 70% 0% HHLHH 5% 10% 0% 45% 40% HHHLL 5% 15% 45% 20% 15% HHHHL 7% 10% 28% 43% 12% LHLHS 10% 0% 20% 50% 20% LHHHS 0% 20% 10% 40% 30% HHHHS 0% 0% 30% 30% 40%

4.9.1 Summary of Lexical Stress Judgments

The stress judgments of native speakers show a preference for stressing a heavy syllable. This pattern is strongest in words that have a single heavy syllable. In words with multiple heavy syllables the pattern is less clear. In tri-syllabic words there appears to be a preference for stress on the leftmost heavy syllable, while four-syllable words do not share this preference. Five-syllable words, on the other hand, show a preference for stress on the penultimate syllable, which does not seem to depend on syllable weight. This may be because of multi-morphemic five-syllabic words.

From this data, the study concludes that Sindhi is not a fixed stress language. The location of stress varies in words of different syllable templates. In addition, the data show partial evidence of quantity sensitivity, which is strongest in tri-syllabic words. This, according to the available evidences, the study argues that Sindhi is a weak quantity-sensitive language and it not be a fixed stress language.

4.10 Graphic Analysis of Lexical Stress

The bar graphs in Figures 4.1-4.4 below show the frequency of stress responses on each syllable of the disyllabic, tri-syllabic, four-syllable, and five-syllable words. Each bar corresponds to an individual word, and the bar colors show the number of responses marking each syllable as

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stressed. Figure 4.1 graph the responses for 39 disyllabic words. For each word, the blue portion of the bar shows the number of responses marking stress on the first syllable, and the red portion represents responses marking stress on the second syllable. Figure 4.1 reveals the striking variability in response patterns, and also shows that there is not a single disyllabic word where stress is consistently judged by all 10 subjects in this study.

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Figure 4.1. Primary stressed syllable judgments by across speakers

Judgments across 39 disyllabic words

W37 W35 W34 W31 W30 W29 W24 W23 W22

HH W21 W19 W18 W16 W14 W12 W11 W10 W5

W39 W38 W36 W33 W32

HL W28 W26 W25 W20 W9 W6 W4 W1

W17

LH W15 W8 W3

W27

LL W13 W7 W2 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%

Syllable1 Syllable2

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Figure 4.1 contains four different stress patterns, e.g., (HH, LH, HL and LL) and it reads from top to bottom in this sequence: The graph of HH syllable template with 18 words, is stressed first heavy syllable by higher margin relatively. The next is HL syllable template, which is a slightly distinguishable from each other. The graph illustrates the pattern first heavy syllable with blue bars is relatively stronger than the red bars. The next LH syllable template has four words. The graph indicates that the second heavy syllable is stressed by relatively higher than the first light. This indicates that the syllable being heavy draws the stress in a word. This sounds another evidence for the heavy syllable, which attracts the stress. The final syllable template of bi-syllabic word is

LL (light light). There are four words, here the second syllable is preferred rather than the first light, and however, the both syllables are light. The graph clearly illustrates the red pattern bars have higher 60 percentage than the first syllable with 40 percentage.

Figure 4.2 graphs the response patterns for 42 trisylllabic words. The blue portion of each bars shows the number of responses marking stress on the first syllable,with red marking second syllable stress and light green marking third syllable stress. Again, there is no word that has a consistent stress placement across all 10 subjects.

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Figure 4.2. Primary stressed judgments by across speakers

Stressed Syllable Judgments across 42 Words

W41 W35 W30 W20 HHH W18 W17 W9

W40 W39 W38

HLH W33 W29 W21 W15

W32 W27

HHL W7 W3 W2

W36 W31

LHH W24 W19 W12

W28 W26

W16 HLL W14 W6 W1

W42 W37 W25

LHL W22 W13 W10 W5

W34 W23

LLL W11 W8 W4 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%

Syllable1 Syllable2 Syllable3

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Figure 4.2 contains seven different stress patterns, e.g., (LLL, LHL, HLL, LHH, HHL, HLH, and

HHH) the graph reads from top to bottom in this sequence: The first on the top is HHH, all three syllables are heavy. The first syllable is stressed by higher percentage since blue lines show half- filled relatively. Whereas, second and third syllable show almost equal pattern of stress, however, second may have one higher marginally. As for as HLH template is concerned, first heavy syllable is stressed by relatively higher margin as the graph shows blue strip lines darker than others. The syllable template HHL, whose first heavy syllable is stressed by higher margin as the graph illustrates. The template LHH, whose heavy penultimate syllable is stressed by higher percentage.

The next is HLL template has one heavy syllable, which is marked as primary stressed syllable by highest margin relatively. This indicates some evidence for stressing heavy syllable irrespective of location in the string of word. The next template is LHL, heavy syllable is the strong stress attractor here also. The final template of tri-syllabic word is LLL, interestingly the first syllable is stressed whereas, in LL template the first syllable is stressed, and in addition to that HH or HHH templates where first syllables are stressed by high margin. The judgment of stressing heavy syllables makes the evidence stronger that the stress is attracted by the heavy and is not fixed on any particular syllable, however, native speakers tend to stress on heavy and sometimes penultimate syllable as primary stressed syllable.

Figure 4.3 graphs the stress responses for 38 four-syllable words (W1 to W38), with blue color bars marking the number of responses with first syllable stress,red bars marking second syllable stress, light grey bars marking third syllable stress, and yellow bars representing fourth syllable stress.

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Figure 4.3. Primary stressed syllable judgments by across speakers

Stressed Syllable Judgments across 38 Words

W38 W34

W28 HHHH W13

W37 W36 W35

HHHL W33 W32 W30 W10

LHHH W7

W27

HHLH W18 W9

W15 HLHL W8

W31 W29

HHLL W19 W11 W6

W26 W24 W23 LHLH W21 W17 W12

W22

LHHL W16 W4

W25 W20

LHLL W14 W5 W2

HLLL W3

LLLL W1 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%

Syllable1 Syllable 2 Syllable 3 Syllable 4

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Figure 4.3 contains eleven different stress patterns, e.g., (LLLL, HLLL, LHLL, LHHL, HLHL,

LHLH, HHLL, HHLH, LHHH, HHHL and HHHH) the graph reads from top to bottom in this sequence: The first template HHHH consists of 4 words, in which the penultimate and third last syllable are stressed by relatively higher 32 percentage as compared to neighboring syllables. The second last and third last syllables are equally marked as the stressed syllable in four words. Second

HHHL template consists of seven words whose first three syllables are heavy and the final is light.

The heavy penultimate syllable has the higher 39 percentage while 26 percentage of syllables are marked for second heavy and 20 and 15 for first and final light syllables. There is LHHH syllable template, where second syllable is stressed by the highest 40 percentage relatively. HHLH template contains three words, the second heavy syllable is stressed by the highest 33 percentage and last heavy is 27 with percentage as compared to neighboring syllables. The HHLL template is stressed on the second heavy syllable by the highest 40 percentage while first heavy syllable is marked with 24 percentage. The LHLH template is stressed on the second heavy syllable by the highest

40 percentage. The next syllable template is HLHL, whose heavy penultimate syllable is stressed

35percentage relatively higher than the neighboring syllables. LHHL template is stressed on the last syllable by 29 percentage, whereas, first and penultimate syllables by 27 percentage. The

LHLL is stressed by 48 percentage on the second heavy while first and last light syllables by 20 percentage. There is a single word template HLLL, is stressed on the very first heavy syllable by

60 percentage. The last template is LLLL, whose first syllable is stressed by 40 percentage higher than the neighboring syllables.

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4.11 Five-Syllable Words Graphic Analysis of Lexical Stress

Figure 4.4 indicates frequency of the word from 1 to word 31 (W1 to W31) in vertical axis whereas horizontal axis with light blue color blue bars represent first syllable,red color bars represent second syllable, light brown color bars represent third syllable, yellow color bars represent fourth syllable and the last navy color represents fifth syllable bars, as illustrated in Figure 4.4.

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Figure 4.4. Primary stressed judgments by across speakers

Judgments across 31 five-syllabic words

S W3

HH HH

W6 LHHHS

W30 LHLHS

W28 W22 W14

HHHHL W8 W5 W4

W31

HHLHH W21

HHHLL W2

W16

HHLHL W13

W15 HHLLH

W27 HLHHL

W23 W20 W19

LHHHL W17 W10 W7

W29

W11 LHLHH W1

W18 LHLHL

W12 HLLHL

W25 LLHHL

HLLLL W24

W26 HHLLL 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Syllable 1 Syllable 2 Syllable 3 Syllable 4 Syllable 5

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Figure 4.4 contains 16 stress patterns, e.g., (HLLLL, HHLLL, LLHHL, HLLHL, LHLHL,

LHLHH, LHHHL, HLHHL, HHLLH, HHLHL, HHLHH, HHHLL, HHHHL, LHLHS, LHHHS, and HHHHS), it reads from top to bottom on graph as follows: first HHHHS consists of single word, the percentage of stressing on the final syllable is 40, penultimate, and antepenultimate syllables have 30 percentage. All preceding syllables are heavy and the final syllable is super heavy, which authenticates the claim that weight aspect of syllable attracts the stress in a word.

The next LHHHS template contains single word which is stressed by higher 40 percentage on the penultimate heavy syllable rather than the final super heavy syllable by 30 percentage. There can be the reason behind this phenomena, native speaker may have applied free variation by inserting vowel in the end, which divided the weight of the final syllable. Similar case is with the LHLHS template, which is also stressed on penultimate heavy syllable by 50 percentage. The HHHHL template contains six words. The penultimate heavy syllable is stressed by highest percentage of

43 percentage as compared to neighboring syllables. The next template is HHLHH, whose single light syllable is not even stressed by once. The penultimate heavy syllable is stressed by 45 percentage higher than the other heavy syllables. HHLHL is the next one template whose penultimate heavy syllable is stressed by 70 percentage highest as compared to other neighboring syllables. The template HHLLH is surprisingly stressed on the light syllable, however, the location of stress is the penultimate which seems to be the favorite location of stressing syllable in Sindhi as the analyses show for five syllable word string. The syllable template HLHHL consisting of a single word, is stressed on the penultimate syllable as stressed by 40 percentage higher relatively.

The template LHHHL containing six words, is stressed on the penultimate syllable by highest 48 percentage as compared to second heavy syllable is stressed by 20 percentage in a word. The syllable template LHLHH consisting of three words, is stressed on the penultimate syllable by

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higher 50 percentage relatively. The remaining syllable templates, e.g., LHLHL 50 percentage penult, HLLHL 70 percentage penult, HLLLL 50 percentage penult, and HHLLL 60 percentage, consisting of one word are stressed on the penultimate syllable on either heavy or light syllables.

4.11.1 Summary of Syllable Stress Judgments

The stress judgments among the native speakers show a preference for stressing the heavy syllable in a word. The agreement of participants on stressing the heavy syllable in a word is evidence that

Sindhi is a quantity-sensitive language. Another pattern, shown particularly on five-syllable words, is for stress on the penultimate syllable. However, this pattern was not consistent across words of different length, and so it cannot be claimed that Sindhi is a fixed stress language. Many five- syllable words are poly-morphemic, which may affect stress location. For this, the study suggests that for five-syllable words, further study on morphemic base is required for researchers to know stress location in longer Sindhi words. Therefore, this study concludes that Sindhi is a weak quantity-sensitive language, however, the stress is not fixed on any particular syllable and the heavy penultimate syllable is a preferred location for stress in longer Sindhi words.

4.12 Discussion

The present study investigated the stress pattern of the language as a phonological phenomenon corresponding to the most prominent syllable in a word. The primary syllable stress in Sindhi is assigned according to the weight of a syllable in a word. The syllable weight can be measured by means of the moraic count of each syllable. The long vowels are heavier while short vowels are light in weight, and the long vowels are bi-moriac, whereas short vowels are mono-moraic in

Sindhi, coupled with a coda consonant of each syllable equal to a single mora.

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4.12.1 Disyllable

Stress first heavy syllable when followed by second light (HL), for example, 'si.rə. If both are light syllables (LL), then final syllable is stressed, for example, sə.'tʃʊ ‘truth’. Stress heavy when it is preceded by light syllable (LH), e.g., ə.'tʃo ‘come’. If both are heavy (HH), then the leftmost is stressed, e.g., 'tã. ɗo ‘burning coal’.

4.12.2 Tri-Syllable

Stress first if there are three light syllables (LLL), e.g., 'bə.də.nʊ ‘body’. If first heavy syllable precedes two light (HLL), then first is stressed, for example, 'zɑ.lɪ.mʊ ‘cruel’. If heavy syllable is preceded and followed by light syllable (LHL), then stress is on the heavy syllable, e.g., kɪ.'tɑ.bʊ

‘book’. Stress the leftmost of two heavy syllables, e.g., if two heavy syllables are preceded by light syllable (LHH), kə.'vɑ.zo ‘plank’. Stress the leftmost heavy syllable in words with an HLH syllable pattern as well, e.g., 'mɑ.mɪ.lo ‘matter’. Stress the leftmost heavy syllable if two heavy syllables are followed by a light syllable (HHL), e.g., 'dɪldɑrʊ ‘beloved’. Stress leftmost heavy syllable if all three are heavy (HHH), for example, 'tək.rɑ.ri ‘arguer’.

4.12.3 Four-Syllable

Stress first syllable in four-syllable words, when all four syllables are light (LLLL), e.g., 'mʊqərərʊ

‘speaker’, or the first is heavy followed by three light syllables (HLLL), 'mokələɳʊ, ‘to send’.

Stress second heavy syllable with long vowel, preceded by single light and followed by two light syllables (LHLL), e.g., gʊ'mɑɪɳʊ, ‘make someone visit’. Stress the second leftmost heavy with long vowel, when it is preceded by short vowel or long vowel (LHLH), e.g., ridʒɑ'ɪɳʊ, ‘to calm someone down’. However, stress the penultimate heavy with long vowel when the first three heavy

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syllables are followed by light syllable (HHHL), for example, pɑləɳhɑ'rʊ ‘Sustainer’. Stress the second heavy when all syllables are heavy (HHHH), for example, hɪkdʒ'ɪhɽɑi, ‘unity’.

4.12.4 Five-Syllable

Five-syllable words show a preference for stress on the penultimate syllable, which does not seem to depend on syllable weight. This may be because of multi-morphemes syllables in words, which need morphemic analysis of five-syllable words to figure out placement of primary stress.

4.13 Summary

The present study concludes that Sindhi is a language that is sensitive to the weight of a syllable.

The stress assignment attracts the heavy syllable as the primary stress in a word. Sindhi stress often falls prominently on the syllables which have the long vowels. There may be multiple reasons why participants disagree on stressing any particular syllable; one possible reason might be that native speakers each speaks two or three languages, e.g., Sindhi, Urdu, and English, that may influence stress placement. This preliminary perceptual study of syllable stress patterns resulted in a number of observations for further research. This was also observed that there is a great need of awareness among the native speakers regarding primary stress on lexical level in Sindhi. The study documented very important phonological stress aspects of Sindhi for the first time, however, the study was limited by the number of participants studied and the number of words with possible syllable templates analyzed. Despite its limitations, the study provided the foundational work for further studies of these perceptually important phonological factors of lexical stress in Sindhi by future researchers.

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Chapter 5 Acoustic Analysis of Lexical Stress

5.1 Introduction

This chapter presents an analysis of acoustic correlates of lexical stress in Sindhi. This investigation rests on the hypothesis that lexical stress causes changes in the acoustic properties of consonants and vowels in Sindhi, as in many other languages. The present analysis is based on recordings of 10 Sindhi word stress pairs, where the stress paired words are phonologically very similar except for the location of stress. These words were repeated 10 times in a fixed carrier phrase by each of 10 native speakers of the Utradi (Northern) dialect, for a total of 2000 voice samples. The acoustic parameters examined here as correlates of lexical stress are duration, fundamental frequency (F0), vowel quality as measured by formants, F1and F2, and stop closure.

5.2 Method and Procedure

5.2.1 Speakers

The data were obtained from 10 subjects (5 males and 5 females) who read aloud each target word in the same carrier phrase, with neutral focus. These individuals were identified by the codes S1-S10

(Speaker1-Speaker10) adults who self-reported with no speech impairment. Their ages ranged between 17 to 40 years with an average age of 27. Sampling was randomly selected from the

Utradi (Northern) dialect of Sindhi, spoken in upper Sindh, Pakistan. The subjects were graduates and undergraduates with sixteen and fourteen years of education along with formal education in

Sindhi as a major in school. They all spoke Sindhi as a native language at home and at their work place. Many of the speakers could also speak Urdu and English.

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5.2.2 Task

5.2.2.1 Speech Material

Experiment 1. Twenty disyllabic words were chosen as the words for this study. The words were selected in order to keep any effects unrelated to stress from influencing the acoustic measurements. Therefore, mostly highly familiar words were picked up from the Sindhi lexicon, and the words in each pair were matched as closely as possible for segmental context, with labio- dental and bi-labial stops as the onset consonants in the first syllable of each word. The vowel of the first syllable of each word was analyzed by measuring four phonetic properties: F0, duration,

F1, and F2 the latter two representing vowel quality. Highly frequent words of the Utradi

(Northern) dialect were selected, however, a few less frequent words were also selected to achieve greater phonological similarity between the two words of the pair. Table 5.1 contains the minimal stress pairs of words. Words with HL syllable pattern are in the third column and the fourth column contain words with an HS syllable pattern. One exception to this is the word in row 8, where the word in the fourth column has the LS syllable pattern. This pattern is also expected to have stress on the second syllable, as with the HS pattern. Table 5.1 illustrates seven long vowels from first to seven row and from bottom three rows contain three short vowels.

Table 5.1. Minimal stress pairs used in the study First Syllable English First Syllable English SN Vowel Stressed Glossary Unstressed Glossary 1 i 'd̪ i.d̪ ə eyesight d̪ i'.d̪ ɑr glimpse 2 e 'be.zɑ eggs be.'zɑr unhappy 3 ɛ 'bɛ.t̪ə poem bɛ.'t̪ɑb anxious 4 ɑ 'bɑ.zə falcon bɑ.'zɑr market 5 ɔ 'd̪ ɔ.rə time d̪ ɔ.'rɑn duration 6 o 'd̪ o.ɣʊ curd d̪ o.'ɣɑb leg piece 7 u 'bu.zə animal bu.'zɑn crazy 8 ə 'bədʒ.dʒɑ right bə.'dʒɑdʒ cloth merchant 9 ɪ 'd̪ ɪl.lɪ heart d̪ ɪl.'d̪ ɑr beloved 10 ʊ 'bʊs.sə chaff bʊs.'t̪ɑn garden

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5.2.2.2 Recording Procedure

The participating subjects for the experiment 1 were all 10 native speakers from the Utradi

(Northern) dialect spoken in Sindh. Experiment 1. Subjects were provided with a set of 10 cards with two carrier phrases written on each card in Sindhi script for recording purposes. Twenty words comprising ten near-minimal stress pairs were picked from the New Comprehensive Sindhi dictionary (Baloch, 2005). All of the token words embedded in carrier phrases were written on the set of cards. The paired words had the same CV (onset-vowel) as the first syllable, but with stress

(expected to be) realized on the first syllable of one word in the pair, and on the second syllable in the other word in the pair. This expected difference in stress location is based on the relative weight of the first and second syllable, following the Quantity-sensitive stress pattern discussed in Chapter

4.3.1. Each word was embedded in identical carrier phrases and presented in Sindhi script on each card, for example: i. [əli d̪ i.d̪ ə tʃəyo] ‘Ali said d̪ i.d̪ ə’ (first syllable stressed) ii. [əli d̪ i.d̪ ɑr tʃəyo] ‘Ali said d̪ i.d̪ ɑr’ (first syllable unstressed)

There were a total of 10 cards, i.e., one card for each pair of words, containing stressed and unstressed tokens in carrier phrases, where the paired words were matched in their first syllable and differed in the weight of the second syllable. The hypothesis tested here is that stress assignment will be different for the paired words, with stress attracted to the heavier of the two syllables: H in HL and S in HS. Measurement compares the first syllable in the two words which are otherwise identical segmentally apart from the fact that they are stressed in the first word but unstressed in the second. Unstressed in the second because that is an HS word that gets stress on the second syllable. In addition, the set of 10 cards was read with 10 repetitions by each subject.

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The cards were reshuffled after each repetition in a block randomized design, and subjects read aloud the phrases on each card in sequence with a short break between repetition blocks.

In addition, the participants were provided a quiet and calm environment, with no background noise, in a closed room far from the sounds of city traffic. The microphone used faced them at a distance of around six inches. They were instructed to maintain a normal speech rate and to read the phrases using a neutral focus, as in ordinary talking conditions. Subjects were recorded directly onto a laptop computer Acer Travel Mate Core i3 system using the Praat Speech Processing Tool

(Boersma &Weenink, 2012) and a high quality microphone.

Figures 5.1-5.2 show the annotated pictorial view of male speaker’s production of token phrases of stressed and unstressed syllables. Annotated phrase is divided into four pictorial view. Top most is a waveform, second illustrates spectrographic view of stressed token phrase [əli bɛ.t̪ə tʃəyo] in

Figure 5.1 and unstressed token phrase [əli bɛ .t̪ɑb tʃəyo] in Figure 5.2. In addition, third segmentation and fourth token phrases are illustrated below in annotated view.

5.3 Acoustic Measurements 5.3.1 Duration Measurements

All measurements of duration of the stressed and unstressed vowels were taken manually by visual inspection of wideband spectrographic display on computer screen. Start and end points of the target vowels were measured in milliseconds on the spectrographic displays. Both beginning and ending points were measured using Praat Speech Processing Tool (Boersma & Weenink, 2012).

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5.3.2 Vowel Quality (F1-F2) Measurements

All formant measures for the lowest two formants, F1 and F2, were taken manually based on formant tracks at the visually located mid-point of the target vowel in stressed and unstressed tokens. Whenever a mismatch between the tracks and the visually apparent formant band in the spectrogram was detected, the formants were checked by visual inspection of wideband spectrographic display on computer screen.

5.3.3 Fundamental Frequency (F0) Measurement

The pitch contours were manually extracted using autocorrelation method through Praat Speech

Processing Tool. Measurements were taken at the visually located mid-point of each target vowel in stressed and unstressed tokens.

5.3.4 Stop Closure Measurements

Stop closure duration was measured in milliseconds from the end of the preceding vowel to the beginning of the release burst. Closure duration was analyzed by the Praat Speech Processing Tool.

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Figure 5.1. A spectrographic view of stressed token phrase [əli bɛ.t̪ ə tʃəyo] & the pitch contours of male speaker

Figure 5.2. A spectrographic view of unstressed token phrase [əli bɛ .t̪ ɑb tʃəyo] & the pitch contours of male speaker

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Figures 5.3-5.4 show the spectrographic view of female speaker’s production of token phrases of stressed and unstressed syllables. Both spectrograms read as Figure 5.3 is stressed token phrase which is clearly darker (intensity) than the unstressed token in Figure 5.4.

Figure 5.3. A spectrographic view of stressed token phrase [əli dɔ.rə tʃəyo] & the pitch contours of female speaker

Figure 5.4. A spectrographic view of unstressed token phrase [əli dɔ.rɑn tʃəyo] & the pitch contours of female speaker.

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5.4 Validity and Reliability of the Study

Validity: The instruments and the procedure were used in this research are valid. For the acoustic analysis, Praat Speech Analysis Software (Boersma and Weenink, 2014) was used to examine

2000+69 recorded voice samples of Sindhi speech (neutral focus and contrastive focus). This instrument is an international recognized, reliable and valid tool for the analysis and measurement of speech sounds. For the acoustic analysis of lexical stress Fry (1955, 58) was a pioneering figure to analyze English minimal stress pairs for the investigation of lexical stress in English. The parameters Fry used was Fundamental frequency (F0), F1, F2, intensity, and duration of vowels.

Fry found that stressed syllables had higher intensity, F0, vowel quality (F1, F2) and the greater vowel duration; whereas, in unstressed syllables had lower frequency and shorter duration in all acoustic manifestations. The similar results were found in this study.

In addition, the statistical tests were run on the F0, F1, F2, and on the duration measurements in stressed and unstressed conditions. The overall results are highly significant and a single set of male F0 data was low significant statistically. However, overall results were valid and reliable.

Reliability: To check the reliability of the measurements, a subset of the data was re-measured after a lapse of about two years. The data were selected from stop closure duration on the onset position arbitrarily. The subset of the data was selected from two male speakers (S1) AM and (S2)

MR (2 speakers × 2 stress conditions×10 repetitions). The measurement means of both speakers’ stop closures which were re-measured between stressed-unstressed conditions as follows:

Measurements from original to second data are average 7 ms difference in stressed whereas, in second data are 2 ms. As a result, the close agreement of first and second subset of calculations is shown in the table 5.2.

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Table 5.2. Original and new calculation results for means of stop closures Duration Stop Closure (bilabial & alveolar) Stop Closure (bilabial & alveolar) Speakers AM MR Stress +stress -stress +stress -stress Measurements 1 2 1 2 1 2 1 2 b 98 109 78 77 98 112 78 92 d 100 102 79 77 100 86 79 74 Average 99 106 79 77 99 99 79 83

5.5 Data Analysis

The study analyzed the impact of stress in Sindhi by measuring four acoustic correlates of stress.

Many phoneticians agree that phonetic correlates of stress include vowel quality as measured through duration, F1, F2, and F0. In addition, the stop consonants in onset position of the target syllable were analyzed for stress effects on stop closure duration. Durational data were collected from the matched initial syllables of each word in the word pair. The segments preceding and following the word-initial syllable were identical for each word in the pair. For example, the duration of di was taken from the initial stressed syllable of didə and from the initial unstressed syllable of didɑr. The long and short vowels were separately analyzed statistically. Statistical analyses were conducted using the SPSS (Statistical Package for the Social Sciences). The statistical results are reported as significant with p< 0.05 (for more detail results, see Appendix-

A).

5.5.1 Duration of Stressed and Unstressed Syllables

The duration of vocalic sounds is one of the strongest manifestations of stress distinctions in some languages. The vocalic analysis illustrates that there were statistically significant effects on vowel duration. The present study analyzed the duration of lexically stressed vowels and found stressed

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vowels were longer in duration relatively. While the duration of unstressed vowels was also measured and the analysis found the unstressed syllables were shorter in duration relatively. The blue-shaded bars are displayed as stressed syllables, whereas red-shaded bars represent unstressed syllables in Figure 5.5.

Figure 5.5. Mean vowel duration for each vowel, data pooled across speakers

Duration means of ten vowels by speakers 250

200

150

100 Duration(ms)

0 i e ɛ a ɔ o u ɪ ə ʊ

Stressed Unstressed

Figure 5.5 mean duration values of all vowels show a highly significant effect of stress on duration of all vowels. Individual speakers showed a significant overall effect of stress on duration; for instance, primary stressed vowels were longest (e.g., 150 milliseconds) averaged over all speakers.

This significant difference of stressed syllables indicates that there is greater inter-speaker variability relative to primary stressed vowels.

Whereas, Figure 5.5 mean duration values of all unstressed vowels were shortest (e.g., 110 milliseconds). This significant difference of unstressed syllables indicates that there is greater

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inter-speaker variability relative to primary unstressed vowels. Figure 5.6 displays stressed and unstressed long vowels and also indicates the individual average duration, as each bar is labeled, representing stressed and next adjacent unstressed vowels.

Figure 5.6. Long vowel duration by speaker. Each bar represents the mean vowel duration for one speaker

Duration means of long vowels by speakers 250

200

150

100 Duration(ms)

0 Long Vowel Stressed Long Vowel Unstressed

Figure 5.7 shows in short vowels the stressed syllables are longer in duration across vowels. There is also statistical significant effect on stressed short vowels as shown in Table 5.2. Similarly, Figure

5.7 illustrates unstressed short vowels variability in duration across short vowels. The short vowels duration values across speakers are also statistical significant as shown in Table 5.3.

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Figure 5.7. Mean duration across short vowels

Short Vowels 80 70 60 50 40

30 Duration(ms) 20 10 0 Stressed Un-stressed Stressed Un-stressed Stressed Un-stressed ɪ ə ʊ

Statistical test results shown in Tables 5.3, 5.4 and Figure 5.8 show that the female speakers’ duration of stressed first syllable for long vowels was 181 milliseconds and for unstressed syllable

148 milliseconds, whereas male speakers’ duration value for stressed long vowel was 163 milliseconds and for unstressed vowel was 121 milliseconds. These values are statistically significant as the values differ for stressed versus unstressed syllables within a group and between the groups for long vowels. However, female value for stressed short vowel was 70 milliseconds and for unstressed 64 milliseconds, whereas male speakers duration value for stressed vowel was

65 milliseconds and for unstressed vowel 59 milliseconds. The value for short vowels is a statistically significant difference within the group and between the groups.

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Figure 5.8. Mean duration of long & short vowels by male and female speakers

Duration means of long and short vowels 200 180 160 140 120 100 80

Duration(ms) 60 40 20 0 Long Vowel Short Vowel

Stressed Female Unstressed Female Stressed Male Unstressed Male

The overall average of long vowels duration was 150 milliseconds for stressed and 110 milliseconds for unstressed vowels. The overall mean of short vowels duration was 75 milliseconds for stressed and 66 milliseconds for unstressed. The mean difference between stressed and unstressed was 40 milliseconds for long vowels and 9 milliseconds for short vowels.

Figures 5.8 shows all long and short vowels across speakers. The graphs clearly show that unstressed duration of vowel sounds is shorter as compared to stressed syllable. Thus, the data in this study provide strong evidence that unstressed vowels are shorter and stressed vowels are longer in duration. Similar results are also noted by researchers measuring the acoustic properties of lexical stress in various languages (see literature review for detail).

A separate paired t test for long vowels on the mean durations of all subjects showed that the stressed long vowels were significantly longer than the unstressed long vowels (t=6.59, df=9, p

<.01), whereas stressed short vowels were significantly longer than the unstressed short vowels

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(t=5.629, df=9, p < .01). Figure 5.9 illustrates quite a large difference in the duration of stressed and unstressed vowels in spectrogram. The spectrogram shows the production of male speaker tokens as follows: bɛtə in stressed syllable and bɛtɑb in unstressed syllable. Spectrogram in view of tokens were analyzed as greater duration in terms of stressed syllables and relatively shorter in unstressed syllables. The greater duration of Figure 5.9 clearly indicates that the vowel /ɛ/ in stressed syllable is larger while unstressed syllable is shorter relatively as illustrated in Figure 5.9.

Figure 5.9. A spectrographic view of phonetic contrast in vowel length by male speaker

The paired-sample t test reports df =9, which suggests that a single mean value was compared for stressed vs. unstressed vowels for each of 10 speakers (or, for each of five speakers if the df =4).

T tests were run on the mean values of acoustic measures, pooling together all repetitions and all the distinct vowels that belong to the comparison groups. Table 5.3-4 shows that the df=9, comparing the stressed-unstressed differences across the speakers. So, the dependent variable is the average duration for all long or short stressed (or all unstressed) vowels for a given speaker.

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Table 5.3. Dependable variable duration

95% Confidence Neutral focus Paired Differences Interval of the t- Difference df Significance values Std. Std. Error Long-Short Vowels Mean Lower Upper Deviation Mean Long vowel stressed Pair 1 36.755 17.636 5.577 24.139 49.371 6.590 9 p< 0.001 Long vowel unstressed Short vowel stressed Pair 2 5.987 3.365 1.064 3.582 8.397 5.629 9 p< 0.001 Short vowel unstressed

Table 5.4. Paired sample statistics

Long-Short Vowels Mean N Std. Deviation Std. Error Mean Long vowel stressed 172.169 10 25.767 8.148 Pair 1 Long vowel unstressed 135.413 10 21.257 6.722 Short vowel stressed 67.605 10 8.145 2.576 Pair 2 Short vowel unstressed 61.615 10 6.041 1.910

In summary, mean durational values of stressed and unstressed syllables indicate that the phonetic

properties of vocalic sounds change with the lexical stress since stressed duration values were

significantly higher than unstressed values for these three acoustic factors. This is acoustic

evidence of existing lexical stress in Sindhi. Primary stress was duration-ally distinguished across

speakers. Therefore, the statistically significant results indicate evidence of increased duration,

which may be considered to be a reliable property associated with lexical stress in Sindhi.

5.5.2 Fundamental Frequency (F0)

Reetz and Jongman (2009) state ‘all methods are contaminated with error, which might either

result in wrong F0 values, computing no values at all, or computing values for voiceless stretches

of a signal. Even though, the computer programs calculate F0, it is advisable to consult the speech

waveform to verify the accuracy of the F0 contour’ (p. 120). The current study applied both

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methods for calculating the F0 of Sindhi speech in order to avoid any miscalculation errors, not relying solely on computing calculation but also visually inspecting the speech waveform to verify the accuracy of the F0 contour.

The study analyzed F0 through the default settings of Praat (Lieshout, 2003). The same settings were used for male and female speakers. After using the spectrogram display of target pitch sound on Praat to select pitch on the whole target vowel, the pitch values were noted by keeping the curser in the mid of the vowel. These values were confirmed by clicking the tab file of the pitch, which pops up by the menu list. By going to pitch F0 values, and clicking again, a window opens with the pitch values. These can then be compared with manually taken values, which was done in this study (Lieshout, 2003).

The average F0 values were obtained from 10 speakers for all ten vowels. The recorded tokens are represented in Figure 5.10. The graph shows that overall means of F0 in stressed syllables are greater relatively in all ten token sounds. The representation of male and female participants are reported and graphed separately due to the effects of speaker gender on F0. All values have been taken from the same context of minimal stress pairs occurring in first syllable of all token words.

The data indicate that there is no difference in F0 values found between speakers of the same gender, however, there is a relatively significant difference between male and female speakers.

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Figure 5.10. Means of F0 of stressed and unstressed vowels by speakers

F0 stressed and unstressed vowels by speakers 270

260

250

240

230

220

210 Fundamentalfrequency (Hz)

200 'i' 'e' 'ɛ' 'a' 'ɔ' 'o' u' 'ɪ' 'ə' 'ʊ'

Stressed Unstressed

Figure 5.11 displays male heightened F0 of stressed syllables as compared to unstressed syllables.

The graph indicates that the five male speakers’ average F0 was 165 Hz for stressed long vowels and 155 Hz for unstressed. For the five male speakers, the average F0 was 165 Hz for stressed short vowels and 154 Hz for unstressed. In this context, the average F0 values of male speakers for stressed long vowels was 10 Hz higher than for the unstressed long vowels, while F0 values for the stressed short vowels was 8 Hz higher than the unstressed vowels.

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Figure 5.11. Means of F0 of stressed and unstressed vowels for each vowel values from male speakers shown separately

Figure 5.12 illustrates female participants and their value analyses. In contrast, in Figure 5.12, the five female speakers’ F0 was 246 Hz for stressed long vowels and 228 Hz for unstressed measured.

The average F0 for the stressed short vowels among the females was 246 Hz, whereas for the unstressed vowels it was 226 Hz. In addition, F0 values for stressed long vowels of the female speakers was 20 Hz higher than the unstressed; whereas, F0 values for the short vowels was 20 Hz higher than the unstressed short vowels.

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Figure 5.12. Means of female F0 of stressed and unstressed vowels for each vowel

Female F0 for stressed and unstressed vowels

270

260

250

240

230

220

Fundamentalfrequency(Hz) 210

200 'i' 'e' 'ɛ' 'a' 'ɔ' 'o' u' 'ɪ' 'ə' 'ʊ'

Stressed Unstressed

Paired sample t tests were carried out to test the effects of stress on F0. Among female speakers,

F0 was significantly higher for both stressed long vowels (t=5.97, df=4, p < .05) and stressed short vowels (t=6.97, df=4, p < .05). For males, F0 values were not significantly different for stressed and unstressed vowels with long vowels (t=2.2, df=4, p < .05), nor with stressed short vowels

(t=2.3, df=4, p < .05).

Table 5.5. Paired samples statistics (F0)

Neutral focus Mean N Std. Deviation Std. Error Mean Female long vowel stressed 227.378 5 40.555 18.137 Pair 1 Female long vowel unstressed 207.045 5 45.123 20.179 Female short vowel stressed 226.141 5 40.897 18.289 Pair 2 Female short vowel unstressed 207.910 5 43.647 19.519 Male long vowel stressed 167.003 5 33.510 14.986 Pair 3 Male long vowel unstressed 155.441 5 25.151 11.248 Male short vowel stressed 169.058 5 34.061 15.233 Pair 4 Male short vowel unstressed 156.644 5 24.612 11.006

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Table 5.6. Paired sample test (F0) 95% Confidence --- Long & Short Vowel Paired Differences Interval of the Difference t-values df Significance Std. Std. Error --- Neutral focus Mean Lower Upper Deviation Mean Female Long vowel stressed Pair 1 20.334 7.612 3.404 10.882 29.786 5.973 4 p< 0.004 Female Long vowel unstressed Female Short vowel stressed Pair 2 18.232 6.714 3.002 9.895 26.569 6.072 4 p< 0.004 Female Short vowel unstressed Male Long vowel stressed Pair 3 11.562 11.558 5.169 -2.789 25.913 2.237 4 p< 0.089 Male Long vowel unstressed Male Short vowel stressed Pair 4 12.414 12.035 5.382 -2.529 27.357 2.307 4 p< 0.082 Male Short vowel unstressed

Overall mean of seven long vowels F0 values were greater for stressed syllables than unstressed

syllables irrespective of gender. F0 values of stressed syllables were analyzed statistically

significant for long vowels. The results are illustrated in Tables 5.5-5.6. Overall average of three

short vowels were analyzed statistically significant difference for stressed vowels as compared to

unstressed syllables. These values were statistically significant as illustrated in Tables 5.5-5.6.

In summary, F0 was higher on the word-level stressed syllable, while unstressed syllables showed

lower F0 values. The results were statistically significant for female for both long and short vowels

however, mean values of male speakers for long and short vowels were not significant.

Furthermore, data showed that the female participants’ F0 values fell between 200-280 Hz, while

male participants between 120-200 Hz.

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5.5.3 Vowel Quality (F1 and F2)

The first two vowel formants (F1 and F2) were measured to determine if vowel quality differed as a function of stress level in Sindhi. Experimental phoneticians agree that vowel quality can be calculated by analyzing the center frequencies of lower resonances in the acoustic signal. The center frequency of the lowest resonance of vocal tract, called first formant frequency (F1), and corresponds closely to the articulatory or perceptual dimension of vowel height.

Roughly speaking, the basic articulatory characteristics, which first two formants (F1 and F2) are as follows: Tongue body displacement in mouth (height and back-ness) and lip rounding

(Ladefoged, 1993; Pfitzinger, 2003). However, these formant frequencies can vary from speaker to speaker on phonological, phonetic, and acoustic variations, as noted by Rosen (2003). The first

(F1) and second (F2) formant frequencies are considered enough for acoustic-phonetic analysis, although for speech recognition and synthesis F3, F4, and F5 are needed (Parsons, 1987). For an average male voice, F1 values range between 200 Hz for a high vowel /i/ to some 800 Hz for a low vowel /ɑ/. The second formant frequency (F2) reflects the place of maximal constriction during the production of vowels, i.e., the front vs. back dimension, such that F2 values range roughly from 2200 Hz for front /i/ down to some 600 Hz for back /u/. For female voices, formant frequencies are 10 to 15 percent higher, because of the fact that the resonance cavities in the female vocal tract are smaller by 10 to 15 percent than in the male vocal tract (Wang & van Heuven,

2006).

Overall mean F1 values of all ten stressed vowels were higher relatively as illustrated in Figure

5.15. Similar results were also found in other languages for F1 values for stressed vowels (See

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literature review for detail). Overall mean F1 values of all ten unstressed vowels were lower relatively as illustrated in Figure 5.15. Similarly, other researchers also show F1 lower values for unstressed vowels as noted in this study (see literature review for detail). Figure 5.15 illustrates overall mean values of first formant frequencies (F1) of stressed and unstressed syllables. The blue-shaded bars are represented by stressed vowels, whereas, blue-shaded bars display the unstressed syllables.

Figure 5.13. Means of F1 of the first syllable long and short vowels

Formant frequency by speakers

1000 900 800 700 600

500 F1 F1 (Hz) 400 300 200 100 0 i e ɛ a ɔ o u ɪ ə ʊ

Stressed F1 Unstressed F1

Paired sample t tests were run on F1 means of stressed and unstressed vocalic sounds; statistical results show that the F1 for female speakers was significantly higher for both the stressed long vowels (t=5.539, df=4, p <.01) and the stressed short vowels (t=7.053, df=4, p <.01). For male speakers, there were also statistically significant differences between F1 values for stressed vowels for both long and short vowels when compared to the unstressed vowels, (t=4.183, df=4, p <.01) and short vowels (t=6.120, df=4, p <.01).

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Table 5.7. Paired samples statistics (F1)

--- Neutral focus Mean N Std. Deviation Std. Error Mean Female long vowel stressed 589.746 5 67.081 29.999 Pair 1 Female long vowel unstressed 529.879 5 49.158 21.984 Female short vowel stressed 562.351 5 42.298 18.916 Pair 2 Female short vowel unstressed 518.119 5 48.946 21.889 Male long vowel stressed 494.214 5 42.931 19.199 Pair 3 Male long vowel unstressed 460.796 5 35.702 15.967 Male short vowel stressed 456.919 5 54.401 24.329 Pair 4 Male short vowel unstressed 422.144 5 44.949 20.102

Table 5.8. Paired samples test (F1)

95% Confidence Interval --- Neutral focus Paired Differences of the Difference t-values df Significance --- Long-Short Vowels Mean Std. Deviation Std. Error Mean Lower Upper F11 Long Vowel Stressed Pair 1 59.867 24.167 10.808 29.859 89.875 5.539 4 p< 0.005 Long Vowel Unstressed F Short Vowel Stressed Pair 2 44.232 14.024 6.272 26.819 61.645 7.053 4 p< 0.002 Short Vowel Unstressed M12 Long Vowel Stressed Pair 3 33.418 17.865 7.989 11.236 55.600 4.183 4 p< 0.014 Long Vowel Unstressed M Short Vowel Stressed- Pair 4 34.776 12.7046 5.682 18.999 50.553 6.120 4 p< 0.004 Short Vowel Unstressed

The present research has examined F1 formant frequencies of stressed and unstressed syllables, as illustrated in Figure 5.14. The graph shows female values of stressed vowels are higher as compared to unstressed vowels as shown in Figure 5.14.

11 F stands for female 12 M stands for male

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Figure 5.14. Means of F1 of first syllable long and short vowels

Female F1 stressed and unstressed by vowels

1000 900 800 700 600 500

F1 F1 (Hz) 400 300 200 100 0 i ɪ e ɛ ə a ɔ o ʊ u

F1 Stressed Vowel F1 Unstressed

Overall average values of F2 for stressed vowels were higher relatively. This pattern is also noted in other languages as discussed in literature review of current study. Whereas, mean values of F2 for unstressed were lower relatively.

Figure 5.15. Means of F2 for stressed and unstressed by vowels

F2 for stressed and unstressed by vowels

2500

2000

1500

1000 F2 F2 (Hz)

500

0 i e ɛ a ɔ o u ɪ ə ʊ

Stressed F2 Unstressed F2

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Paired t tests were run on F2 means for female speakers, as illustrated in Table 5.10. The F2 values were significantly higher for front long stressed vowels (t=3.297, df=4, p <.05) and stressed front short vowels (t=5.933, df=4, p <.05), while back vowels had lower F2. For male speakers, F2 values were not significantly different for front and back stressed and unstressed long vowels

(t=0.127, df=4, p <.05), however, front and back short vowels were statistically significant different (t=3.535, df=4, p <.05).

Figure 5.16. Means of male F2 of stressed and unstressed by vowels

Formant frequency F2 by male

2500

2000

1500

1000 F2 F2 (Hz)

500

0 i ɪ e ɛ ə a ɔ o ʊ u

F2 Stresed Vowel F2 Unstressed

Figure 5.17. Means of female F2 of stressed and unstressed by vowels

Formant frequency F2 by female

2500

2000

1500

F2 F2 (Hz) 1000

500

0 i ɪ e ɛ ə a ɔ o ʊ u

F2 Stresed Vowel F2 Unstressed

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Table 5.9. Paired samples statistics (F2)

Neutral Focus Mean N Std. Deviation Std. Error Mean Female long vowel stressed 1636.891 5 262.160 117.242 Pair 1 Female long vowel unstressed 1590.151 5 248.039 110.927 Female short vowel stressed 1728.567 5 281.137 125.728 Pair 2 Female short vowel unstressed 1663.133 5 262.582 117.430 Male long vowel stressed 1544.911 5 167.436 74.879 Pair 3 Male long vowel unstressed 1538.936 5 123.203 55.098 Male short vowel stressed 1590.127 5 124.077 55.489 Pair 4 Male short vowel unstressed 1519.151 5 117.670 52.63

Table 5.10. Paired samples test (F2)

95% Confidence Interval of the Neutral focus Paired Difference Difference t-values df Significance Std. Std. Error Long-Short Vowels Mean Lower Upper Deviation Mean Female long vowel Pair 1 46.740 31.702 14.177 7.377 86.103 3.297 4 0.030 stressed & unstressed Female short vowel Pair 2 65.435 24.456 10.937 35.068 95.801 5.983 4 0.004 stressed & unstressed Male long vowel Pair 3 5.975 105.203 47.048 -124.652 136.602 0.127 4 0.905 stressed & unstressed Male short vowel Pair 4 70.975 44.892 20.076 15.234 126.716 3.535 4 0.024 stressed &

Mean F1 and F2 values were higher for stressed long vowels and short vowels, while F1 and F2 values were lower for unstressed long and short vowels. Overall average of F1 and F2 values were statistically significant difference within the group and between the groups. However, within the group of male data for long vowels stressed vs- unstressed syllables values were not significant as illustrated in paired sample test Table 5.10.

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The study utilized formant-plotting software (J-Plot-Formants) (2002) for plotting Sindhi stressed and unstressed vowels as illustrated in Figure 5.18. The stressed vowels are displayed by filled circles and unstressed syllables represent unfilled circles on J-plot-formant.

Figure 5.18. J-Formant plot of stressed and unstressed Sindhi vowels

The schwa vowel in both stressed and unstressed positions behaves more front or more backward.

The front unstressed vowels (unfilled circles in acoustic vowel space) are more backward positioned vs. filled stressed vowels, whereas, back unstressed vowels are higher in acoustic vowel space. Epsilon, the low-mid front unrounded vowel differs its position of unstressed vowel which is more forward in acoustic vowel space while stressed vowel is lower positioned as compared to other vowels.

In addition, Figure 5.18 illustrates that the front stressed vowels become decentralized, going to the left corner, whereas, back vowels to the right corner and slightly lowering from the acoustic space. It is a very interesting result for back vowels in Sindhi, because stressed vowels become

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more centralized instead of going to the right corner, whereas, the unstressed back vowels were

more decentralized relatively; however, positions of Urdu back vowels were centralized for

stressed while decentralized for unstressed as noted by Hussain (2010). The lowering effect on the

back vowels under stress could be interpreted as sonority-increasing effect as noted (Crosswhite,

2001b; Padgett & Tabain, 2005).

Unstressed vowels are shorter than stressed vowels, and they are also centralized relative to

stressed vowels. Consequently, the unstressed vowels are less distinct from one another in the

acoustic vowel space, while the stressed vowels are more distinctive (Flemming, 2005). Vowel

quality does not only change with stress in Sindhi but it changes cross-linguistically. Distances (in

Hz) in F1-F2 are calculated between stressed and unstressed vowels for a quantitative comparison

of change in vowel quality with stress. The distance formula was run on the calculations of

distances as follows:

Distance =√ [(F1 stressed- F1 unstressed) ² + (F2 stressed- F2 unstressed) ²])

Table 5.11. Average distance of stressed and unstressed vowels for each speakers Stressed Unstressed Speaker Sindhi Vowels Distance Average of F1 Average of F2 Average of F1 Average of F2 1 i 337 1897 315 1845 56 2 e 499 1935 474 1790 147 3 ɛ 554 1852 490 1915 90 4 ɑ 823 1467 749 1449 77 5 ɔ 600 1363 550 1351 52 6 o 569 1313 510 1309 59 7 u 412 1309 380 1293 36 8 ɪ 433 1888 416 1802 87 9 ə 612 1698 566 1610 99 10 ʊ 483 1393 428 1361 63 Means 554 1580 507 1542 77

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The shortest distance in Hertz between stressed and unstressed vowels in F1-F2 acoustic space is calculated by the above formula. The distance provides a tool to compare stress impact on different vowels. Table 5.11 shows that the distance between stressed and unstressed vowels was greater for low vowels than for high vowels. On average, the distances between stressed and unstressed long vowels were greater than the distances between stressed and unstressed short vowels. Hence, quality of long-short and high-low vocalic sounds were most affected by lexical stress. Therefore, the quality of stress was affected for high and low vowels and distance between stressed and unstressed vowels was calculated to be 77 Hz on average.

5.5.3.1 Summary of Vowel Quality (F1 and F2)

The data analysis shows that there were statistically significant differences between short vowel values of stressed and unstressed syllables. The F1 of long and short vowels were higher in stressed syllables in comparison to unstressed syllables in Sindhi, similar to what researchers have also found in other languages. F2 was similarly higher for stressed vowels than for unstressed vowels, though this result is surprising for back vowels. In addition, the results demonstrated that vowel quality (F1 and F2 frequencies) of females were higher than the male vowel quality values.

5.6 Stop Closures

There were only two stop closures in carrier phrases occurring word-initially, bilabial and alveolar stops, which were calculated. The words chosen for this study were carefully chosen from the New

Comprehensive Sindhi Dictionary (Baloch, 2005) to obtain minimal stress pairs. The words were chosen to include only two stops: labial and dental, /b/ and /d/. Across the speakers, the mean duration of onset stop closure was 99 milliseconds and of unstressed onset stop closure was 79

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milliseconds. Thus, with lexical stress, onset duration increased by 20 milliseconds over the unstressed duration, whereas, the place of articulation shows that closure durations were ranked as follows: labial /b/> alveolar /d/ (98 milliseconds and 100 milliseconds for stressed duration, and

78 milliseconds and 79 milliseconds for unstressed syllables respectively). Figures 5.19 illustrates a blue-colored bar for the stressed closure duration of alveolar whereas, red-colored bar representing the voiced bilabial closure of unstressed syllable.

Figure 5.19. Closure duration of onset stops in stressed and unstressed syllables

Means of onset closure duration

120

100

40 Duration(ms) 20

0 b d

Stressed Unstressed

A paired samples t test was run on means of stop closures to compare the stressed and unstressed closure duration of onset stops. The average analysis for stop closures in stressed syllables were significantly longer than closure durations for the stops in unstressed syllables (t=8.06, df=9, p

<.05). The separate analysis for the closures showed that closure duration for stops in stressed syllables were also significantly longer than closure duration for stops in unstressed syllables for voiced bilabial stop /b/ (t=11.56, df=9, p <.05) and for voiced alveolar /d/ (/d/ t=4.56, df=9, p <.05).

Figure 5.20 illustrates overall means across speakers for distinct CV syllables with /b/ and /d/ onsets.

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Figure 5.20. Means of stop closures across speakers

Means of stop closures

140

120

100

60 Duration(ms) 40

0 di dɪ be bɛ bə ba dɔ do bʊ bu

Stressed Un-Stressed

5.6.1 Summary of Onset Stop Data

Stress significantly affected the duration of stop closure, as analyzed in this section. The results show that duration of onset stop stressed syllables increased by stress. This is quite strong evidence of lexical stress in Sindhi.

5.7 Discussion The present research documented lexical stress patterns in Sindhi, how it is realized phonetically and phonologically. By documenting stress patterns, the study investigated phonetic properties that are modified by lexical stress. Sindhi lexical stress modifies phonetic factors in terms of duration of long and short vowels in stressed and unstressed environments.

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Stressed and unstressed vowels are compared anti-clock wise e.g., high front vowel /i/ has overall across speakers 145 milliseconds values in stressed position whereas, unstressed high front vowel has 120 milliseconds values. The difference between stressed and unstressed vowel in duration is

25 milliseconds. Mid front stressed vowel /e / has 140 milliseconds values while unstressed vowel has 130 milliseconds values. The difference between stressed and unstressed vowel is 10 milliseconds. Mid front stressed vowel /ɛ / has 160 milliseconds values while unstressed vowel has 110 milliseconds values. The difference between stressed and unstressed vowel is 40 milliseconds.

Low back stressed second longest vowel /ɑ / has 197 milliseconds values; whereas, unstressed vowel has 150 milliseconds values. The difference between stressed and unstressed vowel is 47 milliseconds. Longest vowel /ɔ / in duration is analyzed mid back stressed vowel it has 210 milliseconds values, while unstressed vowel has 165 milliseconds values. The difference between both vowels is of 45 milliseconds. Third longest mid back stressed vowel /o / has 196 milliseconds while unstressed values are 146 milliseconds. The difference between stressed and unstressed vowel is 50 milliseconds.

High back long stressed vowel /u / has 163 milliseconds values while unstressed vowel has 132 milliseconds values. The difference between stressed and unstressed vowel is 35 milliseconds.

Short vowels have almost close values and not even more difference in unstressed vowels. High front short stressed vowel /ɪ / has 67 milliseconds values and unstressed vowel is 62 milliseconds values. The difference between them is only of 5 milliseconds. Mid central stressed vowel /ə / has

71 milliseconds values while unstressed values are 65 milliseconds; the difference between them is only of 6 milliseconds. The last high back short stressed vowel /ʊ/ has 72 milliseconds while

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unstressed vowel has 58 milliseconds values. The difference between them is 14 milliseconds.

Overall average of long vowels across speakers is 150 milliseconds for stressed vowels and 110 milliseconds for unstressed.

Short vowels overall average across speakers is 75 milliseconds for stressed and 66 milliseconds for unstressed. The mean difference between stressed and unstressed was 40 milliseconds for long vowel and 9 milliseconds for short vowels. It means long vowels increase in duration with stress is double in duration as compared to short vowels. On account of lexical stress increase in duration varies for different syllables. The durational increase with stress is 60 milliseconds for third longest vowel /o/ between stressed and unstressed vowels; whereas, durational lowest increase with stress was found in mid front vowel /e/ between stressed and unstressed syllable, was 10 milliseconds for only long vowels. The durational increase of short vowels is concerned is as follows: maximum durational increase is 14 milliseconds in short vowels is of mid back vowel

/ʊ/ whereas, minimum durational increase is 5 milliseconds is of high front vowel /ɪ /.

These phonetic differences of values analyzed for Sindhi are smaller than those described by

Sluijter and Heuven (1996). They state a difference in value of 103 milliseconds between stressed and unstressed [kɑ] syllable in the words kɑnonvs. Kanon ('cannon' - 'canon') in Dutch. In addition,

Sluijter and Heuven (1996) found in Dutch vowel duration is good predictor for lexical stress, whereas, intensity levels of stressed and unstressed variants of the same vowel were almost the same, which means intensity in Dutch is not strong predictor for lexical stress. In perception- experiments (Sluijter, Heuven, & Pacilly, 1996) described that the subjects were more inclined to place judgments of stressed syllable on the spectral slope than on the means of intensity.

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Similarly, the stressed and unstressed vowels in context, i.e., bezɑ vs. bezɑr, for /e/ vowel, analyzed in Sindhi showed a difference in value of only 47 milliseconds. Meanwhile, Bergem (1993) reported in Dutch a mean difference of around 20 milliseconds between stressed and unstressed vowels in context of candy vs canteen for /æ/vowel. While, in Sindhi, the maximum difference between stressed and unstressed /o / vowel is 50 milliseconds, furthermore the difference between stressed and unstressed /e / vowel is 10 milliseconds.

Hyper-articulation of stressed vowels may cause longer vowel duration and decrease the possibility of co-articulation between neighboring sounds, resulting in reducing the impact of context; thus, most of the stressed vowels are placed at a more extreme position in the mouth cavity (Hillenbrand,

J. Laura A. Getty, Clark, M. J & Wheeler, K, 1995). In addition, the Hyper-Articulatory theory where de Jong et al. (1993) and de Jong (1995) suggest this model to explain the phonetic effects of stress. This Hyper-articulation model rightly predicts that high and back stressed vowels will be higher and more back in comparison with unstressed vowels in the same context. The same behavior was observed in the present data that female vowel duration with stress is longer than male vowel duration and the stressed back vowels become more back as compared to unstressed vowels. This explains more different articulatory target for /t/ in ‘put’ and more protrusion and lowering of lip in the production of /ʊ/ in ‘put’, as noted by de Jong et al. (1993).

As reported in the present data, the quality of vowels is affected by lexical stress, since the distances were calculated between each vowel. A central schwa indicated that vowels become more central when unstressed, as also noted by Lindblom (1963). Vowel quality (F1 and F2) frequencies of vowels are the strong cues for stress in Sindhi, as noted in the present study.

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In addition, the average F0 values of male speakers for stressed long vowels was 10 Hz higher than for the unstressed long vowels, while F0 values for the stressed short vowels was 8 Hz higher than the unstressed vowels. While, F0 values for stressed long vowels of the female speakers was

20 Hz higher than the unstressed; whereas, F0 values for the short vowels was 20 Hz higher than the unstressed short vowels.

The results indicate that acoustic realizations of stop consonants are modified by stress. The data show across speakers, average duration of onset stop closure was 99 milliseconds and unstressed onset stop closure was 79 milliseconds. Hence, with stress, the onset duration increased by 20 milliseconds over the unstressed duration, whereas the places of articulation showed that closure durational values were ranked as follows: labial > alveolar (98 milliseconds and 100 milliseconds respectively for the stressed duration- 78 milliseconds and 79 milliseconds for unstressed syllables respectively).

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5.8 Experiment 2

This experiment provides initial grounds for major intonation study in Sindhi. This is the first-ever study on lexical stress and initial study of intonation (pitch contour). This experiment was carried out to determine the relationship between stress and intonation. Specifically, it investigates the role of stress in the alignment of the pitch rise that marks pitch accent in Sindhi.

5.8.1 Methods and Procedures

5.8.2 Speakers

Participants were two Sindhi native speakers, one graduate PhD student (R) from UIUC, USA, and the author himself. Speaker R is a speaker of Utradi dialect who had been living in the USA since last year, however, he also visited the States for his education some years back. At that time, he lived in the States for two years.

5.8.3 Recording Procedure

This experiment was conducted at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, USA in order to determine if intonation patterns provide any evidence for word-level stress. The speakers recorded 69 words in contrastive focus for pitch accent analysis. F0 of vowel pitch contours were analyzed for evidence that the location of the beginning of the pitch rise, or the pitch peak varies in relation to the location of the stressed syllable in the word. The speakers were seated in a phonetic sound-proof booth with an AKG C520 head-worn condenser microphone for recording acoustic signals onto a Marantz PMD 570 recorder for phonetic-recording purposes, and the computer system Core i7 was used to display 69 words on the screen. The words were recorded in

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contrastive focus context, in which a person speaks emphatically or repeats the words as if someone has not heard him/her.

5.8.4 Speech Material

Sixty-nine words of various syllabic templates (17 disyllabic, 22 tri-syllabic, 20 four-syllable, and

10 five-syllable words), were selected in order to analyze pitch accent contours of Sindhi speech.

Each word was produced in a carrier phrase, ‘mũ (token) tʃəyo’. The data were analyzed using the latest version of the Praat Speech Processing Tool (Boersma & Weenink, 2014). This exploratory study revealed that there was a rising pitch contour on the target words, suggesting a LH pitch accent. This pitch contour was aligned variously in the words examined here, as shown in the following figures. The following pitch tracks indicate Sindhi has some different intonation patterns in contrastive focus phrases.

Figure 5.21. LH Pitch contour on the target word ‘təro’ in the carrier phrase ‘mũ təro tʃəyo’. L is anchored on (tə) and H on (ro)

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Figure 5.22. L, anchored on ‘kɑ’ and H, anchored on ‘ro’

Figure 5.23. L anchored on ‘ʃər’ L ‘mi’ while H, anchored on ‘lo’

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Figure 5.24. L anchored on ‘rə’, H anchored on ‘no’ and L anchored on final tone of the phrase

5.8.5 Pitch Contour Analysis in Contrastive Focus

There are four main pitch patterns in contrastive focus words: LH in disyllabic words, and LHL,

HHL, and HLL in words with three or more syllables. The data illustrate that words with Light-

Heavy or Heavy-Heavy syllable sequences do not differ in their pitch contours. LH pattern is also characteristic of words with a heavy first syllable. Chapter 4 shows evidence for stress assignment to a heavy syllable in words with a single heavy syllable, but no evidence was found from the pitch contours of focused words that pitch contour alignment was sensitive to the stress pattern of the word.

Figure 5.24 illustrates the pitch contour on the Sindhi word /rəvɑno/, whose pitch contour shows from the start. Pitch continues to rise from first and second syllable; there is rise but in the third

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syllable rise is higher and then the pitch falls. Looking at other tri-syllabic words we observe that the H target of the LH pitch contour anchors variably on the second or third syllable irrespective of the weight of that syllable (heavy or light).

In disyllabic words, the LH contour spans the entire word, most typically with the L on the first syllable, rising to a H peak on the second. In three syllable words, we find a L anchored on the first syllable and a rise to the peak H on either the second or third syllable.

In summary, Sindhi pitch accent rises from the first syllable in disyllable words, irrespective of syllable weight, and the rise is followed by a fall at end of the word. Thus it was observed, there was a rise and fall in intonation of contrastive focus accentual phrase. A peak occurs on the second or third syllable and may span over two syllables in longer words.

5.9 Conclusion

In addition to the first experiment, the second experiment was carried out to determine if pitch contours in focused words varied in the alignment of low or high pitch targets, depending on the location of word stress. No such evidence was found, though there is clear evidence of a rising

(low-high) pitch accent on Sindhi words.

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Chapter 6 Conclusion 6.1 Summary

This dissertation investigated the word level stress in terms of phonetic and phonological aspects.

In Sindhi, word level stress is dependent on syllable weight. The study discussed what stress was and how it was analyzed phonetically and phonologically, with evidence from acoustic realizations. In addition, the syllable structure in Sindhi indigenous and English loanword phonology and the process of syllabification was examined. It further explored the phonological factors of syllable structure, including the syllable templates and the phonotactic constraints in

Sindhi. The study described the rules of syllabification by investigating the intuition of native speakers and identified the syllable inventory of Sindhi indigenous and English loanwords.

Furthermore, this research determined which possible syllable structures are permitted through the use of empirical data from native speakers’ intuition, and how these reflect on the major principles

(Sonority Sequencing Principle and Maximum Onset Principle) of syllabification and phonotactic constraints of the language. Sindhi allows two -CC- at the onset, coda, word-medial, and word- final positions. In this regard, Sindhi follows both universal principles, the SSP and the MOP, in case native speakers do not break consonant clusters.

The prevalence of open syllables was observed in the data investigated in Sindhi. However, the tendency of converting open syllables to closed syllables through apocope was also observed, and may reflect the influence of English and Urdu, languages with a greater tolerance for closed syllables. In the syllable structure comprising of onset, nucleus, and coda, the syllable carries the

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vowel as a nucleus while consonants do not make syllables. A Sindhi syllable can have one minimum and two maximum consonants optionally at the syllable onset word-initially, -medially, and -finally. Sindhi has one minimum and six maximum syllables in a word. In addition, this research found 12 syllable templates (patterns of light and heavy syllable), as highlighted in Table

3.7. An algorithm with some parameters was devised for syllabification in Sindhi.

The present study concludes that Sindhi stress assignment at the word level is sensitive to syllable weight, at least in words of two and three syllables. Heavy syllables attract word stress. Notably, the findings from the stress judgment study show that Sindhi word level stress often occurs prominently on the syllables which are with long vowels. This study shows that native Sindhi speakers may differ in their judgments of stress location. There may be multiple reasons why speakers disagree on the location of stress. It may be possible that native speakers speak two to three languages, e.g., Sindhi, Urdu, and English, that influence stress placement. This preliminary perceptual study of syllable stress patterns resulted in a number of observations for further research. The study documented the important phonological stress factors of Sindhi for the first time, however, the study was limited by the number of participants studied and the number of minimal stress pairs analyzed. Despite of limitations, the study provided basic foundation work for further or in-depth studies on these important phonological aspects of lexical stress in Sindhi.

This is acoustic evidence of existing word level stress in Sindhi, since the primary stress was duration-ally distinguished by across speakers, and statistically significant results indicate evidence from increased duration, which may be considered a reliable property associated with word level stress in Sindhi. The vocalic analysis illustrated that there is a statistically significant

186

difference on duration of syllable vowels, as stressed vowels had greater values than unstressed vowels, particularly long vowels as compared to short vowels.

In addition, the acoustic data supported the perceptual analysis in terms of syllable stress pattern.

The durational values of stressed and unstressed syllables indicated that the phonetic properties of vocalic sounds change with the stress since stressed duration values were significantly greater than unstressed values of vocalic duration, stop closure duration, vowel quality (F1 and F2), and F0 acoustic aspects.

According to the data analysis, there is statistically significant difference between short vowel values of stressed and unstressed syllables. Formant frequencies (F1 and F2) of long and short vowels are greater in stressed syllables in comparison to unstressed syllables in Sindhi; similarly, researchers have also found greater values for stressed and lower values for unstressed syllables in other languages. Higher values were also found with regard to formant frequency of syllables.

Stress significantly affects the duration of stop closure, also analyzed in this study. As the results show, duration of onset stop stressed syllables increased by stress. This is also one of the strong evidences of word level stress in Sindhi.

The acoustic results of stress were based on voice samples of 2000 voice samples from the native speakers. This initial study of syllable stress patterns resulted in a number of observations for further research. It documented for the first time important stress manifestations and different vowel acoustic factors distinguishing vowels in phonetic and phonological aspects in Sindhi words. The study was limited in terms of the number of participants studied and the number of

187

pairs of words analyzed (10), however, it provides a basis for more in-depth studies of these perceptually important phonetic-acoustic and phonological factors of word level stress.

To look at the role of pitch between stress and intonation of contrastive focus accentual phrase in

Sindhi, F0 of vowel pitch contours were analyzed for evidence that the location of the beginning of the pitch rise, or the pitch peak varies in relation to the location of the stressed syllable in the word. Sindhi pitch accent rises from the first syllable in disyllable words, irrespective of syllable weight, and the rise is followed by a fall at end of the word. Thus it was observed, there was a rise and fall in intonation of contrastive focus accentual phrase. A peak occurs on the second or third syllable and may span over two syllables in longer words.

6.2 Recommendations

Future work on Sindhi speech is awaiting those researchers aspiring to the phonetic and phonological study of Sindhi. Generic word level work was done for this dissertation, now detailed research is needed on word classes, for example, noun, pronoun, and adjective, etc., in order to analyze separately each category of word class and its stress patterns. There is also need of developing footing Sindhi stress algorithm in terms of metrical phonology. After stress pattern, there is more research ahead, for which this study took an initial step by analyzing the intonational study of limited contrastive focus words in order to look at the role of pitch between stress and intonation in Sindhi. This is just the foundation work begun for future researchers to continue.

Intonational study should be done one step ahead by analyzing different kind of sentences, e.g., assertive in neutral and contrastive focus.

188

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Appendix-A Table A-1: Means of duration of long vowels by all speakers Vowel d̪ i.d̪ ə d̪ i.d̪ ɑr be.zɑ be.zɑr bɛ.t̪ə bɛ.t̪ɑb bɑ.zə bɑ.zɑr d̪ ɔ.rə d̪ ɔ.rɑn d̪ o.ɣʊ d̪ o.ɣɑb bu.zə bu.zɑn Stress + - + - + - + - + - + - + - S1 119 105 131 121 163 122 183 126 217 161 204 144 158 116 S2 186 102 140 125 211 103 261 160 280 179 202 153 236 148 S3 165 168 157 155 169 143 192 150 226 200 207 175 153 161 S4 148 146 157 142 165 133 213 165 224 203 224 174 158 163 S5 167 147 159 151 171 121 197 157 219 196 232 185 219 162 S6 122 100 119 112 121 95 194 137 162 128 164 120 127 119 S7 106 87 131 107 99 81 157 115 146 113 154 100 123 87 S8 131 95 117 109 121 94 190 156 206 169 184 153 146 129 S9 135 106 132 122 159 98 192 156 175 134 164 137 144 117 S10 169 128 153 128 181 109 230 164 230 164 194 124 165 128

Table A-2: Means of duration of short vowels by all speakers Vowel d̪ ɪl.lɪ d̪ ɪl.d̪ ɑr bədʒ.dʒɑ bədʒ.dʒɑdʒ bʊs.sə bʊs.t̪ɑn Stress + - + - + - S1 50 46 56 55 61 52 S2 104 97 58 49 90 65 S3 65 59 84 78 69 68 S4 70 57 68 61 70 64 S5 64 62 71 69 77 68 S6 57 55 69 66 58 58 S7 75 75 55 52 55 42 S8 51 46 82 84 53 46 S9 54 47 74 71 67 61 S10 75 73 76 67 70 59

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Table A-3: Means of F0 of long vowels by all speakers

Vowel d̪ i. d̪ ə d̪ ɪl.lɪ d̪ ɪl. d̪ ɑr bə.dʒɑ bə.dʒɑdʒ bʊs.sə bʊs.t̪ɑn bɑ.zɑr d̪ ɔ.rə d̪ ɔ.rɑn d̪ o.ɣʊ d̪ o.ɣɑb bu.zə bu.zɑn Stress + - + - + - + - + - + - + - S1 196 177 181 167 181 164 177 167 190 171 190 174 198 170 S2 142 132 133 191 137 146 139 130 137 128 140 130 149 169 S3 159 131 146 128 151 127 148 126 154 131 158 126 174 130 S4 244 217 226 205 229 207 248 224 269 221 215 213 279 220 S5 246 242 247 242 256 245 251 244 250 238 249 241 261 229 S6 223 196 191 176 202 186 210 198 201 183 214 179 249 207 S7 137 129 125 119 133 125 133 122 133 123 138 124 129 121 S8 169 150 152 143 160 148 149 141 170 154 171 150 166 150 S9 248 219 255 222 249 238 243 234 255 241 254 238 252 242 S10 241 223 215 207 233 220 230 218 238 219 237 218 249 221

Table A-4: Means of F0 of short vowels by all speakers Vowel d̪ ɪl.lɪ d̪ ɪl.d̪ ɑr bədʒ.dʒɑ bədʒ.dʒɑdʒ bʊs.sə bʊs.t̪ɑn Stress + - + - + - S1 189 175 199 180 201 183 S2 146 181 129 125 148 131 S3 152 132 134 125 175 139 S4 243 217 215 197 257 223 S5 264 221 243 236 252 246 S6 214 187 185 170 239 197 S7 138 131 135 128 134 121 S8 167 152 151 143 163 144 S9 251 243 233 229 254 242 S10 248 225 227 222 243 225

206

Table A-5: Means of F1 of long vowels by all speakers Vowel d̪ i.d̪ ə d̪ i.d̪ ɑr be.zɑ be.zɑr bɛ.t̪ə bɛ.t̪ɑb bɑ.zə bɑ.zɑr d̪ ɔ.rə d̪ ɔ.rɑn d̪ o.ɣʊ d̪ o.ɣɑb bu.zə bu.zɑn Stress + - + - + - + - + - + - + - S1 227 267 449 450 584 529 739 659 478 495 474 460 258 265 S2 308 310 421 379 577 397 691 614 552 481 454 415 362 384 S3 329 288 596 522 619 523 871 813 676 537 669 544 442 420 S4 485 427 653 593 747 615 936 866 798 758 637 547 533 464 S5 284 279 474 489 484 443 842 771 572 517 517 484 303 342 S6 342 321 506 498 472 502 790 673 618 545 632 581 500 445 S7 314 284 430 428 428 415 722 707 478 463 473 452 333 302 S8 335 304 500 469 600 541 763 740 576 570 587 489 323 294 S9 447 410 513 505 524 487 951 811 530 481 519 501 532 466 S10 296 261 443 406 502 449 929 834 726 651 727 624 536 416

Table A-6: Means of F1 of short vowels by all speakers Vowel d̪ ɪl.lɪ d̪ ɪl.d̪ ɑr bədʒ.dʒɑ bədʒ.dʒɑdʒ bʊs.sə bʊs.t̪ɑn Stress + - + - + - S1 367 350 518 477 317 297 S2 411 345 555 520 394 392 S3 355 438 813 731 697 545 S4 497 528 686 604 519 457 S5 518 502 674 618 532 513 S6 450 411 578 589 502 429 S7 369 337 539 534 311 276 S8 410 357 603 576 530 442 S9 506 484 588 538 525 485 S10 448 408 570 472 507 449

207

Table A-7: Means of F2 of long vowels by all speakers

Vowel d̪ i.də d̪ i.d̪ ɑr be.zɑ be.zɑr bɛ.t̪ə bɛ.t̪ɑb bɑ.zə bɑ.zɑr d̪ ɔ.rə d̪ ɔ.rɑn d̪ o.ɣʊ d̪ o.ɣɑb bu.zə bu.zɑn Stress + - + - + - + - + - + - + - S1 1531 1720 1799 1621 1622 2811 1223 1277 1022 973 1120 1146 857 884 S2 2296 1924 2055 1831 1914 1892 1217 1241 1167 1190 1068 1090 1049 1113 S3 1578 1498 1538 1497 1549 1519 1530 1448 1383 1302 1350 1284 1370 1195 S4 1374 1427 1513 1463 1507 1447 1491 1468 1523 1435 1294 1247 1383 1384 S5 1622 1529 2320 2206 2292 2247 1724 1721 1453 1461 1464 1474 1357 1355 S6 1437 1403 1728 1522 1591 1525 1463 1406 1404 1355 1293 1299 1353 1281 S7 1919 2016 2072 2042 2239 2042 1422 1401 1410 1353 1425 1429 1447 1403 S8 2524 2371 2306 2003 1976 1897 1377 1416 1284 1445 1224 1295 1240 1247 S9 3167 3111 2539 2252 2370 2338 1666 1602 1555 1536 1465 1415 1588 1532 S10 1523 1449 1480 1459 1457 1436 1557 1513 1430 1458 1431 1407 1450 1541

Table A-8: Means of F2 of short vowels by all speakers

Vowel d̪ ɪl.lɪ d̪ ɪl.d̪ ɑr bədʒ.dʒɑ bədʒ.dʒɑdʒ bʊs.sə bʊs.t̪ɑn Stress Stressed Unstressed Stressed Unstressed Stressed Unstressed S1 1669 1571 1504 1480 1121 1133 S2 1983 1872 1704 1640 1221 1276 S3 1436 1468 1557 1444 1437 1319 S4 1515 1473 1490 1444 1529 1471 S5 2398 2237 1862 1755 1474 1488 S6 1467 1427 1529 1420 1463 1337 S7 1926 1784 1777 1748 1377 1411 S8 1920 1866 1809 1564 1381 1258 S9 2675 2509 2247 2131 1462 1464 S10 1887 1813 1499 1474 1460 1457

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Table A-9: Means of durations of closure of stops in onset position by all speakers Stop Closure Duration b d Stress + - + - S1 109 77 102 77 S2 112 92 86 74 S3 93 70 79 68 S4 96 76 86 74 S5 98 79 142 83 S6 76 60 80 67 S7 98 82 112 92 S8 122 101 126 99 S9 85 74 96 80 S10 86 65 94 77

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Appendix-B

Table B-1: A list of 100 words for syllabification in Sindhi and English loanwords

SN Loanwords Indigenous Loanwords Indigenous Bi-Syllable Four-Syllable 1 school pɽiə radio ɪst̪ɪmɑlʊ 2 pen sirə accident pɑkɪst̪ɑnə 3 drain premə internet hʊkumət̪ʊ 4 chain mɑlʊ computer xəbərd̪ ɑrʊ 5 train thɪya injection sʊlətʃɳo 6 desk gənd̪ ə hospital mɪlkɪyət̪ə 7 please ʃəxsə professor zərurət̪ 8 fruit rəndʒə admission ɪhmɪyət̪ ə 9 screw gəʃtə promotion ətʰɑvihə 10 road xərtʃə procedure dʒet̪oɳikə 11 slat t̪ərkə Five -syllable 12 shoe səndʰə engineering gʊssɑid̪ əɽʊ 13 mail sʊst̪ə information qəbərʊst̪ɑnə 14 glass səxt̪ə American ʊksɑid̪ əɽʊ Tri-syllable Words operation sət̪ et̪ɑlihə 1 table xəsisə education eket̪ɑlihə 2 recess prit̪əmə generator nəvekəlai 3 station dʒʰupɪɽi registration d̪ əmɑked̪ ɑrʊ 4 insert d̪ ɪld̪ ɑrʊ convocation t̪ərikekɑrʊ 5 message kɪt̪ɑbə anniversary ɪnsɑnɪyət̪ə 6 music hekɪɽo university lɪssɑnɪyɑt̪ə 7 mobile kʰopɪɽi impossible ʊt̪rɑd̪ iyət̪ə 8 paper sʊpərd̪ ə 9 biscuit səlimə 10 doctor bəd̪ ənʊ 11 laptop sənnəho 12 letter səlɑmʊ 13 inbox poɽəho 14 speaking rɪhlət̪ə 15 writing qəmizə

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Table B-2: Questionnaire for investigation of the number of syllables in words

Name………………………… Mother Tongue……………… Age ……….. 1st 2nd 3rd 4th SN Test words in IPA σ σ σ σ 1 school 2 pen 3 drain 4 chain 5 train 6 desk 7 please 8 fruit 9 screw 10 road 11 slat 12 shoe 13 mail 14 glass 15 pɽiə 16 sirə 17 premə 18 mɑlʊ 19 thɪyɑ 20 gənd̪ ə 21 ʃəxsə 22 rəndʒə 23 gəʃtə 24 xərtʃə 25 t̪ərkə 26 səndʰə 27 sʊst̪ə 28 səxt̪ə 29 table 30 recess 31 station 32 insert 33 message 34 music 35 mobile 36 paper 37 biscuit 38 doctor 39 laptop 40 letter

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Table B-3: Questionnaire for investigation of the number of syllables in words

Name………………………… Mother Tongue……………… Age ……….. 1st 2nd 3rd 4th 5th SN Test words in IPA σ σ σ σ σ 1 inbox 2 speaking 3 writing 4 xəsisə 5 prit̪əmə 6 dʒʰupɪɽi 7 d̪ ɪld̪ ɑrʊ 8 kɪt̪ɑbə 9 hekɪɽo 10 kʰopɪɽi 11 sʊpərd̪ ə 12 səlimə 13 bəd̪ ənʊ 14 sənnəho 15 səlɑmʊ 16 poɽəho 17 rɪhlətə 18 qəmizə 19 radio 20 accident 21 internet 22 computer 23 injection 24 hospital 25 professor 26 admission 27 promotion 28 procedure 29 ɪst̪ɪmɑlʊ 30 pɑkɪst̪ɑnə

212

Table B-4: Questionnaire for investigation of the number of syllables in words

Name………………………… Mother Tongue……………… Age ……….. 1st 2nd 3rd 4th 5th 6th SN Test words in IPA σ σ σ σ σ σ 1 hʊkumət̪ʊ 2 xəbərd̪ ɑrʊ 3 sʊlətʃɳo 4 mɪlkɪyət̪ə 5 zərurət̪ 6 ɪhmɪyət̪ ə 7 ətʰɑvihə 8 dʒet̪oɳikə 9 engineering 10 information 11 American 12 operation 13 education 14 generator 15 registration 16 convocation 17 anniversary 18 university 19 impossible 20 gʊssɑid̪ əɽʊ 21 qəbərʊst̪ɑnə 22 ʊksɑid̪ əɽʊ 23 sət̪ et̪ɑlihə 24 eket̪ɑlihə 25 nəvekəlai 26 d̪ əmɑked̪ ɑrʊ 27 t̪ərikekɑrʊ 28 ɪnsɑnɪyət̪ə 29 lɪssɑnɪyɑt̪ə 30 ʊt̪rɑd̪ iyət̪ə

213

Appendix-C Table C-1: Lexemes used for marking primary stress syllable SN Di-Syllabic (39) Tri-Syllabic (42) Four-Syllabic (38) Five-Syllabic (31) 1 ɑʊ ɑlɪmʊ mʊqərərʊ nəvekəlɑi 2 ətʃʊ ɑrɑmʊ hʊkumət̪ə gʊssɑid̪ əɽʊ 3 ətʃo ɪxlɑqʊ mokələɳʊ tʃəvrɑid̪ osãs 4 ɑsə gʊməɳʊ xəbərd̪ ɑrʊ eket̪ɑlihə 5 ɑyo kɪt̪ɑbʊ gʊmɑɪɳʊ tʃʰɑet̪alihə 6 vehʊ zɑlɪmʊ səmdʒʰɑɪɳʊ səɗaid̪ omãs 7 sətʃʊ moqufʊ kəlɑbɑzi ʊɳet̪ ɑlihə 8 gʊɗo bəd̪ ənʊ beʃʊmɑrʊ bɑet̪ɑlihə 9 sɛrə lɑtʃɑri pɑɽesɪri ɪnsɑnɪyət̪ə 10 tãɗo səlɑmʊ dʒet̪oɳikə sət̪ et̪ɑlihə 11 rɪhlət̪ t̪ərəɳʊ ridʒɑɪɳʊ xʊsusɪyɑt̪ ũ 12 ɓoli rəvɑno vəɗãdəɽo mɛdɪnɪyɑt̪ə 13 lɪkə səlimə hɪkdʒɪhɽɑi heyɑnɪyɑt̪ə 14 kɑro kɑmɪlʊ ɪʤɑzət̪ə lɪssanɪyat̪ə 15 kəyo mɪlkɪyət̪ ɪst̪æmɑlʊ petʃidəgɪyũ 16 mokɪl bʰɑkʊrʊ ətʰavihə mɑholɪyɑt̪ə 17 t̪əro ʃərmilo nəvɑnəve dəmɑked̪ ɑrʊ 18 sɑlɪm t̪əkrɑri ekɑəsi ʃʊmɑrɪyat̪ ɪ 19 tʃəryo zərorət ɗekʰɑrəɳʊ t̪ərikekɑrʊ 20 pʊllɪ ɑbɑd̪ i sʊrɑɪɳʊ səliked̪ ɑrʊ 21 ʃɑd̪ i gɑrɪyũ mʊsɑfɪri məsrufɪyət̪ũ 22 sɑlo dʒəlɑmʊ mʊlɑq t̪ə ʊksɑid̪ əɽʊ 23 t̪ɑrɑ tʃərəɳʊ sʊlətʃʰəɳo bəlotʃɪst̪ɑnə 24 ɑro kəvɑzo kərɑmət̪ũ dʒɑhɪrɪyət̪ʊ 25 tʃorə dʒəmilə vɪsɑɪɳʊ qəbərʊst̪ɑnə 26 surʊ kɑmɪlʊ səhulət̪ũ ɪhsɑsɪyət̪ə 27 sɪrə dɪldɑrʊ ekɑnəve t̪ɑdʒɪkɪst̪ɑnə 28 mɑlʊ sɑrɪmʊ dʒesit̪ãĩ əfxɑnɪst̪ɑnə 29 hɑmi mɑmɪlo ʊklɑɪɳo sɪrɑɪkɪst̪ɑn 30 limo tʃəkrɑi t̪ɪhkikɑt̪ʊ mʊhɑdʒɪrɪst̪ɑn 31 tʃʰoro qəd̪ urət̪ ɑsɑɪʃə ʊst̪ɑd̪ ɪyɑɳi 32 sɑrə ɑkɑʃʊ pɑkɪst̪ɑnə 33 ɑrə sɑrɪɪyũ kohɪst̪ɑnə 34 ɑlo qəbərʊ qʊt̪ ʊnt̪ʊnya 35 gori d̪ ərvɑzo hɪnd̪ ʊst̪ɑnə 36 rɑt̪ɪ dʒəmɑlo pɑləɳhɑrʊ 37 kɑt̪i ʃəmizə pɑɳiyɑt̪ʊ 38 kʰirə t̪ɪrkəɳo ʊt̪rɑd̪ ɪyət̪ 39 mͻt̪ʊ ʄɑmɪɽo 40 ɪhmɪyət̪ 41 ʊtlənd̪ o 42 kərɑrə

214

Table C-2: Questionnairefor investigation of primary stress

Name………………………… Mother Tongue……………… Age ……….. 1st 2nd 3rd SN Sindhi words in IPA σ σ σ 1 ɑʊ 2 ətʃʊ 3 ətʃo 4 ɑsə 5 ɑyo 6 vehʊ 7 sətʃʊ 8 gʊɗo 9 sɛrə 10 tãɗo 11 rɪhlət̪ 12 ɓoli 13 lɪkə 14 kɑro 15 kəyo 16 mokɪl 17 təro 18 sɑlɪm 19 tʃəryo 20 pʊllɪ 21 ʃɑd̪ i 22 sɑlo 23 t̪ɑrɑ 24 ɑro 25 tʃorə 26 surʊ 27 sɪrə 28 mɑlʊ 29 hɑmi 30 limo 31 tʃʰoro 32 sɑrə 33 ɑrə 34 ɑlo 35 gori 36 rɑt̪ɪ 37 kɑt̪i 38 kʰirə 39 mͻt̪ʊ

215

Table C-3: Questionnaire for investigation of primary stress

Name………………… Mother Tongue………. Age ……….. Sindhi words 1st 2nd 3rd SN 4thσ in IPA σ σ σ 1 ɑlɪmʊ 2 ɑrɑmʊ 3 ɪxlɑqʊ 4 gʊməɳʊ 5 kɪt̪ɑbʊ 6 zɑlɪmʊ 7 moqufʊ 8 bəd̪ ənʊ 9 lɑtʃɑri 10 səlɑmʊ 11 t̪ərəɳʊ 12 rəvɑno 13 səlimə 14 kɑmɪlʊ 15 mɪlkɪyət̪ 16 bʰɑkʊrʊ 17 ʃərmilo 18 t̪əkrɑri 19 zərorət̪ 20 ɑbɑd̪ i 21 gɑrɪyũ 22 dʒəlɑmʊ 23 tʃərəɳʊ 24 kəvɑzo 25 dʒəmilə 26 kɑmɪlʊ 27 d̪ ɪld̪ ɑrʊ 28 sɑrɪmʊ 29 mɑmɪlo 30 tʃəkrɑi 31 qəd̪ urət̪ 32 ɑkɑʃʊ 33 sɑrɪɪyũ 34 qəbərʊ 35 d̪ ərvɑzo 36 dʒəmɑlo 37 ʃəmizə 38 tɪrkəɳo 39 ʄɑmɪɽo 40 ɪhmɪyət̪ 41 ʊtlənd̪ d̪ o 42 kərɑrə

216

Table C-4: Questionnaire for investigation of primary stress

Name………………… Mother Tongue………… Age ……….. Sindhi words 1st 2nd 3rd 4th 5th SN in IPA σ σ σ σ σ 1 mʊqərərʊ 2 hʊkumət̪ə 3 mokələɳʊ 4 xəbərd̪ ɑrʊ 5 gʊmɑɪɳʊ 6 səmdʒʰɑɪɳʊ 7 kəlɑbɑzi 8 beʃʊmɑrʊ 9 pɑɽesɪri 10 dʒet̪oɳikə 11 ridʒɑɪɳʊ 12 vəɗãdəɽo 13 hɪkdʒɪh ɽɑi 14 ɪʤɑzət̪ə 15 ɪst̪æmɑlʊ 16 ətʰavihə 17 nəvɑnəve 18 ekɑəsi 19 ɗekʰɑrəɳʊ 20 sʊrɑɪɳʊ 21 mʊsɑfɪri 22 mʊlɑqɑt̪ə 23 sʊlətʃʰəɳo 24 kərɑmət̪ũ 25 vɪsɑɪɳʊ 26 səhulət̪ũ 27 ekɑnəve 28 dʒesit̪ãĩ 29 ʊklɑɪɳo 30 t̪ɪhkikɑt̪ʊ 31 ɑsɑɪʃə 32 pɑkɪt̪ɑnə 33 kohɪst̪ɑnə 34 qʊst̪ʊnt̪ ʊnya 35 hɪndʊst̪ɑnə 36 pɑləɳhɑrʊ 37 pɑɳiyɑt̪ʊ 38 ʊt̪rɑd̪ ɪyət̪

217

Table C-5: Questionnairefor investigation of primary stress

Name………………… Mother Tongue…… Age ……….. Sindhi words in 1st 2nd 3rd 4th 5th 6th 7th SN IPA σ σ σ σ σ σ σ 1 nəvekəlɑi 2 gʊssɑid̪ əɽʊ 3 tʃəvrɑid̪ osãs 4 eketɑlihə 5 tʃʰɑet̪alihə 6 səɗaid̪ omãs 7 ʊɳet̪ ɑlihə 8 bɑet̪ɑlihə 9 ɪnsɑnɪyət̪ə 10 sət̪ et̪ɑlihə 11 xʊsusɪyɑt̪ ũ 12 mɛdɪnɪyɑt̪ə 13 heyɑnɪyɑt̪ə 14 lɪssanɪyat̪ə 15 petʃid̪ əgɪyũ 16 mɑholɪyɑt̪ə 17 dəmɑked̪ ɑrʊ 18 ʃʊmɑrɪyat̪ ɪ 19 t̪ərikekɑrʊ 20 səliked̪ ɑrʊ 21 məsrufɪyət̪ũ 22 ʊksɑid̪ əɽʊ 23 bəlotʃɪst̪ɑnə 24 dʒɑhɪrɪyət̪ʊ 25 qəbərʊst̪ɑnə 26 ɪhsɑsɪyət̪ə 27 t̪ɑdʒɪkɪst̪ɑnə 28 əfxɑnɪst̪ɑnə 29 sɪrɑɪkɪst̪ɑn 30 mʊhɑdʒɪrɪst̪ɑn 31 ʊst̪ɑd̪ ɪyɑɳi

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Table C-6: The number of words along with templatesdivided into syllable categories 39 Di-Syllable Words SN Templates Words Syllable1 Syllable2 1 LL 4 16 24 2 LH 4 13 27 3 HL 13 93 37 4 HH 18 105 75 42 Tri-Syllable Words SN Templates Words Syllable1 Syllable2 Syllable 3 1 LLL 5 24 7 19 2 LHL 7 18 39 13 3 HLL 6 39 11 10 4 LHH 5 10 28 12 5 HHL 5 24 16 10 6 LHL 7 39 13 18 7 HHH 7 38 16 16 38 Quadric Syllable Words SN Templates Words Syllable1 Syllable2 Syllable 3 Syllable 4 1 LLLL 1 4 3 1 2 2 LHHH 1 6 2 1 1 3 LHLL 5 10 24 6 10 4 LHHL 3 8 5 8 9 5 LHLH 6 7 24 15 14 6 HHLL 5 12 20 11 7 7 HLHL 2 5 2 7 6 8 HHLH 3 7 10 5 8 9 LHHH 1 1 4 3 2 10 HHHL 7 11 18 27 14 11 HHHH 4 7 12 13 8 31 Five Syllable Words SN Templates Words Syllable1 Syllable2 Syllable 3 Syllable4 Syllable 5 1 LHLLL 1 1 0 1 6 2 2 HLLLL 1 3 2 0 5 0 3 LLHHL 1 1 2 1 4 2 4 HLLHL 1 1 1 1 7 0 5 LHLHL 1 0 3 2 5 0 6 LHLHH 3 1 3 5 15 6 7 LHHHL 6 4 12 8 29 7 8 HLHHL 1 1 0 3 4 2 9 HHLLH 1 0 1 2 5 2 10 HHLHL 2 2 2 2 14 0 11 HHHLL 2 1 3 9 4 3 12 HHLHH 2 1 2 0 9 8 13 HHHHL 6 4 6 17 26 7 14 LHLHS 1 1 0 2 5 2 15 LHHHS 1 0 2 1 4 3 16 HHHHS 1 0 0 3 3 4

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Appendix-D Table D-1: Sixty nine words of different syllable category used for contrastive focus recording for analyzing pitch contours for investigating the role of pitch and intonation in Sindhi

SN Disyllable Tri-syllable Four-syllable Five-syllable 1 lɪkə LL bəd̪ ənʊ LLL mʊqərərʊ LLLL xʊsusɪyatũ LHLHH 2 sɪrə LL gʊməɳʊ LLL qʊrʊbʊd̪ ɑr LLLH nəvekəlɑi LHLHH 3 t̪əro LH gɪd̪ ɪro LLH mokələɳʊ HLLL səliked̪ ɑrʊ LHHHL 4 mələm LH sɪd̪ ɪrɑ LLH dʒoɽəkət̪ə HLLL bəlotʃɪst̪ɑnə LHHHL 5 gʊɗo LH zɑlɪmʊ HLL hʊbəd̪ ɑrə LLHL t̪ərikekɑrʊ LHHHL 6 vehʊ HL kɑmɪlʊ HLL sələwɑt̪ə LLHL sɪlsɪlewɑrə HLHHL 7 pʊllɪ HL sɪrɑdʒʊ LHL sələwɑt̪ũ LLHH tʃəvraid̪ osãs HHHHS 8 surʊ HL kɪt̪ɑbʊ LHL gʰərəwɑri LLHH heyanɪyɑt̪ ə HHLHL 9 sʊrkə HL rəvɑno LHH ridʒɑɪɳʊ HHLL lɪssɑnɪyɑt̪ə HHLHL 10 sʊt̪əl HH kəvɑzo LHH sĩgɑrəɳʊ HHLL məsrufɪyət̪ũ HHLLH 11 ɓoli HH zərorət̪ LHH bʊlləbʊlɑ HLLH 12 t̪əryo HH qərorət̪ LHH sɑɽəsəɽo HLLH 13 fɪt̪rət̪ HH gɑrɪyũ HLH kəlɑbɑzʊ LHHL 14 kɑro HH sɑrɪɪyũ HLH sʊlemɑnʊ LHHL 15 muməl HH t̪ɪrkəɳo HLH sʊbed̪ ɑrʊ LHHL 16 səryo HH mɪlkɪyət̪ HLH sʊrɑɪɳo LHLH 17 mʊhlət̪ HH ɑkɑsʊ HHL səhulət̪ũ LHLH 18 moqufʊ HHL hʊkumət̪ũ LHLH 19 kɑmoro HHH gʊmɑɪɳo LHLH 20 ʃərmilo HHH beʃʊmɑrʊ HLHL 21 t̪əkrɑri HHH 22 sonɑro HHH

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Appendix-E Figures 1-20. The waveforms of voice samples of token phrases across speakers

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Appendix-F Figures 1-27: Contrastive focus pitch contours of the templates used for the pitch study

LL LH 350 400 300 300 250 200 200 150 100

100 PitchContour Hz in 0 50 1 2 0 təro LH 185 216 PitchContour Hz in 1 2 lɪkə LL 294 333 mələm LH 210 338 sɪrə LL 283 260 gʊɗo LH 230 176

HL HH 300 350 250 sʊtəl HH 200 300 150 ɓoli HH 100 250 50 200 təryo HH 0 PitchContour Hz in 1 2 150 fɪt.rət HH vehʊ HL 198 240 100 karo HH pʊllɪ HL 231 248 Pitchcontour inHz 50 muməl HH surʊ HL 256 247 0 sʊrkə HL 256 247 səryo HH 1 2 3

LLL LLH 250 250 200 200 inHz 150 150 100 100 50 50 0 0

1 2 3 Pitchcontours in Hz 1 2 3 Pitchcontour bədənʊ LLL 164 199 187 gɪdɪro LLH 173 208 175 gʊməɳʊ LLL 138 187 179 sɪdɪra LLH 192 215 178

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LHL HLL 250 200 200 150 150 100 100 50 50

Pitchcontours in Hz 0 1 2 3 Pitchcontours in Hz 0 1 2 3 zalɪmʊ HLL 144 190 152 sɪradʒʊ LHL 199 218 142 kamɪlʊ HLL 161 180 142 kɪtabʊ LHL 183 190 130

HLH HHL 250 250 200 200 150 100 150 50 100

Pitchcontours in Hz 0 1 2 3 50 garɪyũ HLH 139 177 167 Pitchcontours in Hz 0 sarɪɪyũ HLH 187 215 177 1 2 3 tɪrkəɳo HLH 211 213 174 akasʊ HHL 171 211 159 mɪlkɪyət HLH 173 197 192 moqufʊ HHL 175 217 164

LHH HHH 250 250 200 200 150 150 100 100 50 50

Pitchcontours in Hz 0 0 1 2 3 Pitchcontours in Hz 1 2 3 rəvano LHH 137 157 199 kamoro HHH 162 197 189 kəvazo LHH 176 183 150 ʃərmilo HHH 181 199 151 zərorət LHH 161 200 178 təkrari HHH 192 225 191 qərorət LHH 167 206 213 sonaro HHH 181 183 128

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LLLL HLLL 205 250 200 200 195 150 190 100 185 50 0 180 Pitchcontours in Hz 1 2 3 4 175 mokələɳʊ 170 189 218 183 144 Pitchcontours in Hz 1 2 3 4 HLLL mʊqərərʊ dʒoɽəkətə 180 200 195 184 196 202 162 127 LLLL HLLL

LLLH LLHH 250 250 200 200 150 150 100 100 50 Pitchcontours in Hz 0 50 1 2 3 4 sələwatũ Pitchcontours in Hz 0 189 205 168 149 1 2 3 4 LLHH qʊrʊbʊd:ar gʰərəwari: 217 229 199 140 195 207 146 121 LLLH LLHH

LLHL LHHL 250 300 250 200 200 150 150 100 100 50

Pitchcontours in Hz 0

Pitchcontours in Hz 50 1 2 3 4 kəlabazʊ 0 198 186 223 228 1 2 3 4 LHHL hʊbəd:arə sʊlema:nʊ 192 205 176 147 249 232 269 182 LLHL LHHL sələwatə sʊbed:arʊ 198 210 186 142 187 193 228 251 LLHL LHHL

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HHLL LHLH 300 350 300 250 250 200 200 150 100 150 50 0 100 Pitchcontours in Hz 1 2 3 4 50 sʊraɪɳo LHLH 217 195 251 292 0 səhulətũ Pitchcontours in Hz 199 246 243 310 1 2 3 4 LHLH ridʒaɪɳʊ hʊkumətũ 205 194 259 273 246 238 248 268 HHLL LHLH sĩ:garəɳʊ gʊmaɪɳo 202 189 230 252 200 210 258 306 HHLL LHLH

HLHL LHLHH 300 250 250 200 200 150 100 150 50 100 0 Pitchcontours in Hz 1 2 3 4 5 50

Pitchcontours in Hz xʊsusɪyatũ 0 225 205 198 170 128 1 2 3 4 LHLHH beʃʊmarʊ nəvekəlai 195 202 214 239 155 202 194 161 145 HLHL LHLHH

LHHHL HHLLH 250 250 200 150 200 100 50 150 0 Pitchcontours in Hz 1 2 3 4 5 100 səlikedarʊ 187 207 186 183 179 LHHHL 50 bəlotʃɪstanə Pitchcontours in Hz 176 213 185 126 112 0 LHHHL 1 2 3 4 5 təri:kekarʊ məsrufɪyətũ 183 208 200 180 176 164 218 187 174 163 LHHHL HHLLH

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HLHHL HHLHL 250 300 250 200 200 150 150 100 100 50

Pitchcontours in Hz 0 50 1 2 3 4 5

Pitchcontours in Hz heyanɪyat.tə 0 181 193 186 207 268 1 2 3 4 5 HHLHL sɪl.sɪ.le.wa.rə lɪssanɪyatə 191.5 192 166 155 156 212 199 209 254 277 HLHHL HHLHL

HHHHS 250 200 150 100

50 Pitchcontours in Hz 0 1 2 3 4 5 tʃəvraidosãs 200 226 210 173 138 HHHHS

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