Meretz USA Youth Symposium

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Meretz USA Youth Symposium Meretz USA Youth Symposium Between June 11th, 2007 and June 14, 2007, Meretz USA partnered with the World Union of Meretz to sponsor an educational program in the West Bank for young American Jews. Twenty people participated in the trip, whose goal was to show the hardships of life under the Israeli occupation and to highlight the work of Israelis who work daily to change that reality. The trip was premised on the desire of young progressive American Jews to travel to the Palestinian Territories and the lack of opportunities to do so with organizations not antagonistic to Israel. Although the trip revealed many injustices, it also highlighted a face of Israel deeply committed to social equality and peace. The tour guides included Israelis from the Geneva Initiative, Rabbis for Human Rights, Machsom Watch, Breaking the Silence, and Ta’ayush. They stressed the importance of showing the Palestinians, who typically only encounter Israelis soldiers or settlers, to Israelis and Jews concerned for their well being. Much of the trip painted a harsh reality, but it also showed the best of Israeli society. June 11, 2007 – East Jerusalem Day one of the Youth Symposium was spent in East Jerusalem, learning about the separation barrier with the Geneva Initiative, a joint Israeli- Palestinian effort that suggests a detailed peace agreement, and about home demolitions with Rabbis for Human Rights, which promotes social justice in Israel from a rabbinic perspective. Throughout the morning, Noa, our guide from the Geneva Intiative, discussed the restrictions of the Occupation, asking whether or not they were all actually necessary for security. Pointing out small “settlements” – single houses purchased largely by an American from Miami named Irving Moskovitch, Noa also showed how some Jews are slowly trying to gain a foothold in East Jerusalem. Most striking was a visit to the Arab neighborhood of Abu Dis, which is cut right down the middle by the Wall. It should be noted that the separation barrier is primarily made of fence, but around cities like Jerusalem, there are portions of it that are wall. Built on the line drawn after the Six Day War to define Jerusalem’s borders, the Wall does not take into consideration the neighborhoods which have long existed in its path. The Wall severely disrupts the lives of the residents of Abu Dis. For instance, children who have school in the other section of town must travel a long distance for their education. Moreover, the way in which the Wall has been constructed does little to make one believe it is necessary for security. Noa observed that it separates Arabs from Arabs, not Jews from Arabs. And with gaps where Palestinians can cross almost unhindered, the Wall does not even fully separate one side from the other. At the small checkpoint, Noah pointed out such a gap. There, she said, Palestinians could climb through, without being stopped by the soldiers standing right around the corner. As we left, Noa hypothesized that the wall functions more as a sign of power than a security barrier. Following lunch, we met up with Rabbi Arik Asherman, Executive Director of Rabbis for Human Rights, for a very immediate and powerful look at the housing disputes taking place in East Jerusalem. We first visited a family whose house had been demolished that morning and then a family whose house was subject to repeated attempts by settlers to take it over. When we got to the demolished house, the Red Cross was leaving having dropped off a tent, three mattresses, and some other provisions – a poor substitute for the home that had housed the family of ten. Rabbi Asherman explained that house demolitions frequently tear apart the families they affect – lowering the children’s esteem for the parents who were unable to prevent the tragedy. The father of the family explained that the house had been built 10 years before, but that the Interior Ministry had told them three years ago that they needed to apply for a permit for the land. After years of struggle and much money spent, the army had notified them that morning of the impending demolition. The children had gone to school blissfully unaware of what would happen, and returned to find that they no longer had a home. Before leaving, we helped them put up the tent. Even with the house demolished, they brought us cold drinks, welcoming us into what home they could. Our final stop was a house in Silwan / Ir David. For the past week, settlers from the organization El ‘Ad had been attempting to take over the home in the sacred city, which rests on an important archaeological site. One family member explained the complicated situation: They owned the house through “key money.” A form of rent control, key money means that the family living in a house has all the rights to the home, but are not the actually owners. One of the owners had supposedly sold the group of settlers her portion of the house. One week ago, the family had received a phone call notifying them they would have to leave. That evening, the El‘Ad settlers came to the house and tried to forcibly remove the family. The family had resisted, and was now taking the case to the court. But, for reasons that were unclear, multiple family members had been arrested and the court had not yet decided the verdict. For now, the family, who had lived there for 50 years, is trying to hold onto their house against continued takeover attempts. At all times one member would be present in the house, and they were trying to get media attention for their cause. Wishing them luck, we left, promising to tell their story. June 12, 2007 – Hebron On our second day, Yehuda Shaul of Breaking the Silence, a group of discharged Israeli soldiers speaking out against IDF abuses in the Territories, led us on a tour of Hebron, the site of a violent and ugly struggle between Palestinians and Israelis. Hebron is divided into two sections: H1, which is under the control of the Palestinian Authority, and H2, which is under Israeli control. H2, where we spent our time, is home to all 600-800 settlers and some estimate 30,000 of the 120,000 Palestinians in the city – as more settlers have moved in, more Palestinians have been driven out. Nevertheless, H2 is essentially a ghost town. Walking the streets of Hebron, we saw primarily military vehicles. Yehuda showed us pictures of the bustling city, taken 10 years ago. The pictures showed a stark contrast to the now deserted, boarded up, and ruined streets. These days, Hebron is almost entirely segregated. Palestinians cannot drive in 60% of the city and they cannot walk on certain streets. In some places, they must climb over several roofs just to get out of their houses and onto the streets. Many Palestinians are not allowed to own stores – in total about 2,200 are closed. After being blocked by the army from visiting a Palestinian home inside the Hebron settlement of Tel Rumaida, we spoke briefly to the owner on the street. As he left to return to his shop, a settler, Baruch Marzel, came up to us, asking if we wanted to hear the other side. We said yes, and he explained to us that if the military lifted the restrictions, he would be happy to share the city with the Palestinians. It seemed an ironic encounter once we returned to Yehuda’s house and viewed a video, In God’s Bunker, where the same settler was shown quoting a song “have you killed an Arab today?” In reality, Marzel is the former leader of the outlawed Kach party, created by the right-wing radical Rabbi Meir Kahane. He has a long criminal record which includes assaults of Palestinians and even an Israeli police officer. Before leaving Hebron, we stood on a hill and looked over the large portion of the city controlled by the Palestinians. The bustling area seemed entirely different from the eerily quiet place where we stood. June 13, 2007 – The Checkpoints & South Mount Hebron The third day of the Symposium was spent with Hanna Barag (who not so long ago spoke at Beit Shalom) of Machsom Watch, a group of women who go out each day to the checkpoints to document abuses and, to the best of their ability, to relieve Palestinian suffering, and later with Avichai Sharon of Ta’ayush, a group of Arabs and Jews working together to end the occupation and to achieve civil equality. Hanna, a 70 year old grandmother, took us first to the Etzion District Commanding Office (DCO), which regulates the flow of Palestinians from Bethlehem who wish to work in the Gush Etzion settlement bloc. It is incredibly difficult to get a permit to do so – particularly for anyone under the age of 27 (because the Israelis have found that most suicide bombers are young people). Most Palestinians return to the DCO day after day without success. However, getting a work permit is not the end to a Palestinian’s troubles. Frequently, employers deduct ahead of time the permit’s cost from the worker’s salary. Thus, if a Palestinian is unable to get to work one day – perhaps because of troubles at the checkpoints – the money has already been taken. He loses both that amount and his day’s salary. That afternoon, we met up with Avichai to explore the South Mount Hebron area. The residents of the region are primarily Palestinian farmers and herders, who have lived in caves and shacks for generations.
Recommended publications
  • Israel's National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict
    Leap of Faith: Israel’s National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict Middle East Report N°147 | 21 November 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iv I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Religious Zionism: From Ascendance to Fragmentation ................................................ 5 A. 1973: A Turning Point ................................................................................................ 5 B. 1980s and 1990s: Polarisation ................................................................................... 7 C. The Gaza Disengagement and its Aftermath ............................................................. 11 III. Settling the Land .............................................................................................................. 14 A. Bargaining with the State: The Kookists ................................................................... 15 B. Defying the State: The Hilltop Youth ........................................................................ 17 IV. From the Hills to the State ..............................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • JCRC Statement in Response to Potential Inclusion of Otzma Yehudit in Israeli Government
    For Immediate Release Contact: Jeremy Russell February 25, 2019 Director of Marketing and Communications [email protected] JCRC Statement in Response to Potential Inclusion of Otzma Yehudit in Israeli Government San Francisco, CA – The Jewish Community Relations Council of San Francisco, the Peninsula, Marin, Sonoma, Alameda and Contra Costa Counties (JCRC) is deeply concerned about reports of an agreement between the Bayit Yehudi or “Jewish Home” and the Otzma Yehudit or “Jewish Power” parties to run on a joint list in the April Knesset (Israeli Parliament) elections. Otzma Yehudit is the ideological successor of the Kach party, which was founded by Meir Kahane, who espoused racist, extremist and violent views. Kach was designated a terrorist organization under Israeli, American and European law. Furthermore, it was banned from the Knesset for inciting violence, and ultimately outlawed from Israel altogether. Statements from party leaders and the party platform make it clear that Otzma Yehudit continues to hold these reprehensible views. Since 2007, the Bay Area Jewish community has been on record in support of “a two‐state solution to end the conflict between Palestinians and Israelis, in which the parties peacefully coexist with fully normalized diplomatic relations, in mutual cooperation that promotes the economic development and social welfare of their respective citizens.” Furthermore, in 2018, at the culmination of a nine-month education and deliberation process that engaged the wide swath of the Jewish community, the JCRC Assembly – comprised of 80 community members representing the rich diversity of the Bay Area Jewish community – issued a consensus policy statement on the delegitimization of Israel.
    [Show full text]
  • 'The Left's Views on Israel: from the Establishment of the Jewish State To
    ‘The Left’s Views on Israel: From the establishment of the Jewish state to the intifada’ Thesis submitted by June Edmunds for PhD examination at the London School of Economics and Political Science 1 UMI Number: U615796 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615796 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F 7377 POLITI 58^S8i ABSTRACT The British left has confronted a dilemma in forming its attitude towards Israel in the postwar period. The establishment of the Jewish state seemed to force people on the left to choose between competing nationalisms - Israeli, Arab and later, Palestinian. Over time, a number of key developments sharpened the dilemma. My central focus is the evolution of thinking about Israel and the Middle East in the British Labour Party. I examine four critical periods: the creation of Israel in 1948; the Suez war in 1956; the Arab-Israeli war of 1967 and the 1980s, covering mainly the Israeli invasion of Lebanon but also the intifada. In each case, entrenched attitudes were called into question and longer-term shifts were triggered in the aftermath.
    [Show full text]
  • "The War of the Torah": the Israeli Religious Peace Movements' Struggle for Legitimation
    "THE WAR OF THE TORAH": THE ISRAELI RELIGIOUS PEACE MOVEMENTS' STRUGGLE FOR LEGITIMATION Gerald Cromer Since the Six-Day War, religious Zionism has been increasing ly identified with the ideology of the Complete Land of Israel (Er etz Yisrael Hashlema). The maximalist stance on the territorial issue has become depoliticized and achieved a taken-for-granted status. The religious peace movements have interpreted privileged texts and politicized the annual cycle offestivals in an attempt to break this ideological hegemony and to show that their more dov ish stance is also grounded in an authentic reading of Jewish tra dition. However, they have failed to create the cultural resonance that is an essential prerequisite for success. The Long Journey to the Right With the signing of the armistice agreements in 1948, the question of Israel's boundaries disappeared from the public agen da. The right-wing Herut movement continued to dream and sing about "the two banks of the Jordan," but for all intents and pur poses the subject was no longer relevant. Only after the Six Day War, nearly twenty years later, did it become a live issue again. The debate as to whether the territories that came under Israeli jurisdiction had been liberated or occupied was not just a Jewish Political Studies Review 13:3-4 (Fall 2001) 159 This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.72.226 on Tue, 13 Nov 2012 06:42:46 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 160 Gerald Cromer semantic one; it reflected the conflicting opinions about their fu ture and that of Israeli society as a whole.
    [Show full text]
  • Nationalism and Religion -- Take 2
    H-Nationalism Nationalism and Religion -- Take 2 Blog Post published by Yoav Peled on Monday, May 24, 2021 In this post Yoav Peled, Tel Aviv University, discusses the relations between nationalism and religion among Muslims and Jews in Israel. In March 2021 Israel held its fourth general election in two years, which resulted in the same deadlock between Benjamin Netanyahu’s populist supporters and his opponents as the previous three campaigns. (This is not an issue of left and right, as the anti-Netanyahu bloc includes several right- wing parties.) Right before the elections, the United Arab List (UAL), an Islamist political party which represents one of two affiliates of the Muslim Brotherhood in Israel (the other affiliate has been outlawed), split from the United List, a coalition of four Arab political parties espousing different shades of Palestinian nationalism. Upon leaving the United List, UAL’s leader, Mansour Abbas, a dentist by profession, declared that his party would be open to negotiate with either side of the political map, including Netanyahu’s bloc, the most nationalist, i.e., anti-Palestinian, political formation in Israel’s history. As it turned out, after the elections Netanyahu and his bloc were short two Knesset seats (out of 120) to form a governing coalition, and the UAL had four seats, which could have carried Netanyahu over the top. However, Religious Zionism, the most right-wing party in Netanyahu’s bloc, which gained six seats, refused to participate in a coalition that would depend on an Arab party, even if that party’s support will be only in the form of abstaining in the crucial vote in the Knesset.1 Religious Zionism Religious Zionism is a tendency within the Zionist movement, established in 1902.
    [Show full text]
  • Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949-2019
    WID.world WORKING PAPER N° 2020/17 Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949-2019 Yonatan Berman August 2020 Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949{2019 Yonatan Berman∗ y August 20, 2020 Abstract This paper draws on pre- and post-election surveys to address the long run evolution of vot- ing patterns in Israel from 1949 to 2019. The heterogeneous ethnic, cultural, educational, and religious backgrounds of Israelis created a range of political cleavages that evolved throughout its history and continue to shape its political climate and its society today. De- spite Israel's exceptional characteristics, we find similar patterns to those found for France, the UK and the US. Notably, we find that in the 1960s{1970s, the vote for left-wing parties was associated with lower social class voters. It has gradually become associated with high social class voters during the late 1970s and later. We also find a weak inter-relationship between inequality and political outcomes, suggesting that despite the social class cleavage, identity-based or \tribal" voting is still dominant in Israeli politics. Keywords: Political cleavages, Political economy, Income inequality, Israel ∗London Mathematical Laboratory, The Graduate Center and Stone Center on Socio-Economic Inequality, City University of New York, [email protected] yI wish to thank Itai Artzi, Dror Feitelson, Amory Gethin, Clara Mart´ınez-Toledano, and Thomas Piketty for helpful discussions and comments, and to Leah Ashuah and Raz Blanero from Tel Aviv-Yafo Municipality for historical data on parliamentary elections in Tel Aviv.
    [Show full text]
  • A Threshold Crossed Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution WATCH
    HUMAN RIGHTS A Threshold Crossed Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution WATCH A Threshold Crossed Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution Copyright © 2021 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-62313-900-1 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org APRIL 2021 ISBN: 978-1-62313-900-1 A Threshold Crossed Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution Map .................................................................................................................................. i Summary ......................................................................................................................... 2 Definitions of Apartheid and Persecution .................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • What Is the Yisrael Beiteinu Party? What Is Avigdor
    Factsheet: The Challenge of Avigdor Lieberman and Yisrael Beiteinu Factsheet Series No. 57, Created March., 2009, Canadians for Justice and Peace in the Middle East The February 2009 general elections saw Yisrael Beitenu receive 15 seats in the Israeli Parliament (Knesset), amounting to roughly 11% of the popular vote. As a result of coalition bargaining, Avigdor Lieberman, leader of the party, will likely assume the role of Foreign Minister of Israel. His appointment will present a dilemma for Canadian policy makers who may be encouraged by their political duties or constituencies to interact with him. Elected leaders and public servants, however, are bound by Canadian laws and treaty obligations and required to temper their relations with representatives of other states accordingly. Yisrael Beiteinu’s ideological commitments are beyond the pale of the Canadian political spectrum. Not only does Mr. Lieberman pose a grave threat to the Israeli/Palestinian peace process and to the rights of Arab citizens of Israel, but his views are anathema to the very nature of the Canadian project of a bi-national, inclusive, multi-cultural, and rights-based society. What is the Yisrael Beiteinu Party? Founded in 1999 by Avigdor Lieberman, Yisrael Beiteinu (hereafter Beiteinu) is translated as Israel is our Home. When said in Hebrew, the emphasis is placed on the ‘our’ - the connotation of which is understood in negative relation to ethnic Arab citizens of Israel. The party’s base is predominantly comprised of immigrants from Russia and ex-Soviet states; roughly one million of which immigrated to Israel in the early 1990s. Beiteinu’s platform, “to actualize the Zionist vision of a Jewish State for the Jewish People” is one of ultra- right wing ethnic nationalism,1 whose tenets relating to citizenship, military service and land allocation can accurately be described as fascist.
    [Show full text]
  • Israel BP Proof
    THE ROYAL INSTITUTE OF Middle East INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Programme Briefing Paper No. 3 MARCH 2003 Doves Vote Hawk: The January 2003 Elections in Israel Yossi Mekelberg Introduction Israeli elections are not renowned for producing conclusive results. Observers are usually as perplexed on the day after them as they were on the day before. Nevertheless, this was not the case on 28 January 2003, when the Likud Party led by Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, and the right wing in general, emerged as clear winners. In contrast, the Labour Party and its allies on the left suffered a painful defeat. Opinion polls had consistently predicted a Likud victory, though the margin of that victory was a surprise to most. Yet a comfortable result at the ballot box does not guarantee the quick and easy formation of a new government. BRIEFING PAPER 2 Doves vote hawk: the January 2003 elections in Israel Despite winning less than one-third of the seats, and rifts and eventually the final irreversible crisis. The so- needing to ensure the support of at least twenty-three called national unity government had become a more Members of Knesset (MKs) in order to form a government of national paralysis, and was the main majority coalition, Ariel Sharon emerged as the big reason for the lack of progress of any political, winner of Israel’s elections, with the luxury of economic or social policies – above all the peace considering a number of options for constructing his process with the Palestinians. A number of groupings coalition. within the Labour Party grew exasperated at After experimenting for nearly seven years and supporting and serving in a government which gave three election campaigns with an electoral system them little chance of implementing any of their party’s whereby voters cast two separate ballots, one for policies.
    [Show full text]
  • Ian S. Lustick
    LUSTICK: THE RED THREAD OF ISRAEL’S “DEMOGRAPHIC PROBLEM” THE RED THREAD OF ISRAEL’S “DEMOGRAPHIC PROBLEM” Ian S. Lustick Dr. Lustick is at the University of Pennsylvania. n the spring and early summer of Israel”) explains much about the history of 2018, Israeli forces shot or gassed Zionism and Israel. It also explains Israel’s more than 16,000 people. The ferocity unblinking use of violence against thou- of this response to the massing of Pal- sands of men, women and children and Iestinians near the barrier surrounding the why Israel’s inability to sustain a Jewish Gaza Strip is striking but not astonishing. majority is accelerating its adoption of less It reflects a fundamental truth and springs and less deniable forms of apartheid. from a deep fear. The truth is that the es- The longest and bitterest unresolved sential aspiration of the late nineteenth conflict within Zionism is the territorial and early twentieth century architects of question. If Zionism requires a Jewish the Zionist movement was to ensure that majority, should Zionists forgo options somewhere in the world — and that place for territorial expansion in Palestine/the came to be Palestine — there would be a Land of Israel in order to protect Jewish majority of Jews. The fear is of Jews losing demographic preponderance? Or should the majority they achieved. the movement’s commitment to “liberat- For centuries, said the founders of Zi- ing” the whole land and faith in the growth onism, Jews lived as a minority everywhere of the Jewish population be strong enough and as a majority nowhere; everywhere as to seize and keep as much as possible? In guests, nowhere as hosts.
    [Show full text]
  • Limits on Extremist Political Parties: a Comparison of Israeli Jurisprudence with That of the United States and West Germany Dan Gordon
    Hastings International and Comparative Law Review Volume 10 Article 3 Number 2 Winter 1987 1-1-1987 Limits on Extremist Political Parties: A Comparison of Israeli Jurisprudence with that of the United States and West Germany Dan Gordon Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/ hastings_international_comparative_law_review Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Dan Gordon, Limits on Extremist Political Parties: A Comparison of Israeli Jurisprudence with that of the United States and West Germany, 10 Hastings Int'l & Comp. L. Rev. 347 (1987). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_international_comparative_law_review/vol10/iss2/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hastings International and Comparative Law Review by an authorized editor of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Limits on Extremist Political Parties: A Comparison of Israeli Jurisprudence with that of the United States and West Germany By DAN GORDON Staff Attorney, Court of Appeals, D.C. Circuit; J.D., 1986, Harvard University; M. Phil., 1974, Oxford University; B.A., 1972, Brandeis University. I. INTRODUCTION In June 1984, the Israel Elections Committee (Committee), an ad- ministrative body established by the legislature, voted to bar two political parties from participating in the July 1984 parliament (Knesset) elec- tions. 1 The two parties-the ultra-nationalist Kach group led by Rabbi Meir Kahane, and the "Progressive List for Peace" (PLP), a group with Arab and Jewish leaders but predominantly Arab support-appealed to the Israeli Supreme Court.
    [Show full text]
  • Chronology of Events in Israel and Palestine Appendices Iemed
    Chronologies Chronology of Events in Israel Appendices and Palestine In Israel, 2019 is a year with an elec- iteinu. And the other is the centrist can- the hope of avoiding a possible trial toral focus, with the country holding two didate Kajol Lavan (Blue and White) and, in turn, refloating negotiations to legislative elections. The economic formed by Benny Gantz’s centrist Ho- form a government, given that the three slowdown, the corruption scandals in- sen L’Israel (Resilience for Israel), Yahir court cases constitute one of the main volving the Prime Minister and Likud Lapid’s Yesh Atid (There Is a Future) stumbling blocks. However, after the leader Benjamin Netanyahu and the and Moshe Yaalon’s Telem (National hearings, in November the public pros- relentless divisions in the most con- Statesmanlike Movement). A draw in ecutor decides to officially indict Net- servative coalition government in Is- the elections, with both alliances taking anyahu for accepting bribes, fraud and Chronology in Events of Israel and Palestine raeli history formed by Likud (Consoli- 35 seats each, forces Netanyahu to ne- breach of trust. At the end of December, dation, conservative), Kulanu (All of Us, gotiate a coalition government again the sitting Prime Minister announces his centre-right), HaBayit HaYehudi (Jew- with the ultra-Orthodox and extreme intention to file an appeal before the ish Home, ultra-nationalist), Yahadut right-wing parties. An agreement is not Knesset in order to safeguard his par- Hatorah (United Torah Judaism, ultra- forthcoming, and so on 29 May new liamentary immunity. orthodox Ashkenazi) and Shas (World- elections are scheduled for 17 Septem- The successive demonstrations of the wide Association of Torah-Observant ber.
    [Show full text]