Sizing up Little Sparta: Understanding UAE Military Effectiveness
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Country Information and Guidance Yemen: Security and humanitarian situation Version 2.0 April 2016 Preface This document provides country of origin information (COI) and guidance to Home Office decision makers on handling particular types of protection and human rights claims. This includes whether claims are likely to justify the granting of asylum, humanitarian protection or discretionary leave and whether – in the event of a claim being refused – it is likely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under s94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. Decision makers must consider claims on an individual basis, taking into account the case specific facts and all relevant evidence, including: the guidance contained with this document; the available COI; any applicable caselaw; and the Home Office casework guidance in relation to relevant policies. Country Information The COI within this document has been compiled from a wide range of external information sources (usually) published in English. Consideration has been given to the relevance, reliability, accuracy, objectivity, currency, transparency and traceability of the information and wherever possible attempts have been made to corroborate the information used across independent sources, to ensure accuracy. All sources cited have been referenced in footnotes. It has been researched and presented with reference to the Common EU [European Union] Guidelines for Processing Country of Origin Information (COI), dated April 2008, and the European Asylum Support Office’s research guidelines, Country of Origin Information report methodology, dated July 2012. Feedback Our goal is to continuously improve the guidance and information we provide. Therefore, if you would like to comment on this document, please e-mail us. -
Warwick.Ac.Uk/Lib-Publications
Original citation: Fletcher, Robert S. G.. (2015) The ʿAmārāt, their Sheikh, and the Colonial State : patronage and politics in a partitioned Middle East. Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 58 (1-2). pp. 163-199. Permanent WRAP URL: http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/93322 Copyright and reuse: The Warwick Research Archive Portal (WRAP) makes this work by researchers of the University of Warwick available open access under the following conditions. Copyright © and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. To the extent reasonable and practicable the material made available in WRAP has been checked for eligibility before being made available. Copies of full items can be used for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge. Provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. Publisher’s statement: Published version http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341369 A note on versions: The version presented here may differ from the published version or, version of record, if you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. Please see the ‘permanent WRAP URL’ above for details on accessing the published version and note that access may require a subscription. For more information, please contact the WRAP Team at: [email protected] warwick.ac.uk/lib-publications Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 58 (�0�5) �63-�99 brill.com/jesh The ʿAmārāt, their Sheikh, and the Colonial State: Patronage and Politics in a Partitioned Middle East Robert S.G. -
Wayfarers in the Libyan Desert
^ « | ^^al^^#w (||^^w<tgKWwl|«^ wft^wl ^ l »Wl l^l^ ^l^l^lll<^«wAwl»^^w^^vliluww)^^^w» ,r,H,«M>f<t«ttaGti«<'^' Wayfarers in the Libyan Desert ) Frances Gordon Alexander With Sixty Illustrations from Photographs and a Map G. P. Putnam's Sons New York and London Zbc Iknicfterbocfter press 1912 Copyright, 1Q12 BY FRANCES GORDON ALEXANDER Zbc Iftnfcftetbocfecr ptces, "Rcw Korfe CI.A330112 ^ / PREFACE THE following pages are the impressions of two wayfarers who, starting from Cairo, made an expedition into the Libyan Desert, the northeastern corner of the Great Sahara, as far as the oasis of the Fayoum. For two women to start upon a camping trip in the desert, with only an Arab retinue to protect them, seems to some of our friends to show a too high sense of adventure. But it is perfectly safe and feasible. Provided a well recommended 111 Preface dragoman has been selected to take charge of the expediton, one is free from all responsi- bility and care. He provides the camels, donkeys, tents, servants, supplies, and acts as guide, interpreter, and majordomo. The price, part of which is usually paid in advance and the remainder after the journey is finished, is naturally dependent on the size of the caravan. The comfort in which one travels de- pends in part upon the amount of money expended, but in great measure upon the executive ability and honesty of the drago- man. As the licensed dragoman would be answerable if any accident were to befall a party under his charge, every precaution is taken. -
The Role of Tribalism and Sectarianism in Defining the Iraqi National Identity
The Role of Tribalism and Sectarianism in Defining the Iraqi National Identity The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Abdallat, Saleh Ayman. 2020. The Role of Tribalism and Sectarianism in Defining the Iraqi National Identity. Master's thesis, Harvard Extension School. Citable link https://nrs.harvard.edu/URN-3:HUL.INSTREPOS:37365053 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA The Role of Tribalism and Sectarianism in Defining the Iraqi National Identity Saleh Ayman Abdallat A Thesis in the Field of Middle Eastern Studies for the Degree of Master of Liberal Arts in Extension Studies Harvard University May 2020 Copyright 2020 Saleh Ayman Abdallat Abstract In this thesis, I examine the roots that aggravated the Iraqi national identity to devolve into sectarianism. The thesis covers 603 years of historical events that coincided during the time the Ottoman ruled Mesopotamia, until the U.S. invaded Iraq in 2003. The thesis is divided into four chapters, in which I address the factors that aggravated to deteriorate the Iraqi national unity. The historical events include the Ottoman-Persian rivalry that lasted for more than three centuries, and the outcomes that precipitated the Iraqi national identity to devolve into sectarianism. Furthermore, the thesis covers the modern history of Iraq during the period that Britain invaded Iraq and appointed the Hashemite to act on their behalf. -
Regime Stability in the Gulf Monarchies
COVER Between Resilience and Revolution: Regime Stability in the Gulf Monarchies Yoel Guzansky with Miriam Goldman and Elise Steinberg Memorandum 193 Between Resilience and Revolution: Regime Stability in the Gulf Monarchies Yoel Guzansky with Miriam Goldman and Elise Steinberg Institute for National Security Studies The Institute for National Security Studies (INSS), incorporating the Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies, was founded in 2006. The purpose of the Institute for National Security Studies is first, to conduct basic research that meets the highest academic standards on matters related to Israel’s national security as well as Middle East regional and international security affairs. Second, the Institute aims to contribute to the public debate and governmental deliberation of issues that are – or should be – at the top of Israel’s national security agenda. INSS seeks to address Israeli decision makers and policymakers, the defense establishment, public opinion makers, the academic community in Israel and abroad, and the general public. INSS publishes research that it deems worthy of public attention, while it maintains a strict policy of non-partisanship. The opinions expressed in this publication are the authors’ alone, and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Institute, its trustees, boards, research staff, or the organizations and individuals that support its research. Between Resilience and Revolution: Regime Stability in the Gulf Monarchies Yoel Guzansky with Miriam Goldman and Elise Steinberg Memorandum No. 193 July 2019 בין חוסן למהפכה: יציבות המשטרים המלוכניים במפרץ יואל גוז'נסקי, עם מרים גולדמן ואליס שטיינברג Institute for National Security Studies (a public benefit company) 40 Haim Levanon Street POB 39950 Ramat Aviv Tel Aviv 6997556 Israel Tel. -
Extremism and Terrorism
Yemen: Extremism and Terrorism On September 11, 2021, militants fired a ballistic missile and explosive-laden drones toward the Red Sea port city of Mocha in Yemen, destroying several warehouses of humanitarian aid. No casualties were reported. Officials from the internationally recognized government blamed the Houthis, who did not immediately claim responsibility for the attack. The strikes came as the Houthis continued their assault on the northern Yemeni city of Marib, a stronghold of the internationally recognized government. Between September 2 and September 4, at least 22 pro-government forces were killed and 50 were wounded in fighting with the Houthis. At least 48 Houthi fighters were also killed during that period. (Sources: Associated Press , Jordan Times) On September 1, 2021, Saudi forces intercepted and destroyed three Houthi drones over Yemen, which the Saudis said were targeting civilians. On August 29, Houthi forces launched armed drones and ballistic missiles toward the al-Anad military base in southern Yemen, killing at least 30 soldiers and wounding 60. At the same time, the Houthis continued to engage government-backed forces around Marib and the surrounding areas of Al-Mashjah, Al-Kasarah, Jabal Murad, and Rahabah. On August 30, at least 11 government-aligned soldiers were killed and several were reportedly wounded. Iranian media claimed dozens of Arab coalition fighters were killed in the fighting. Yemen’s Armed Forces Guidance Department estimated at least 800 Houthi fighters were killed during 72 hours of fighting. Military officials claimed Iran sent military experts and fighters from the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), Iraq, and Lebanon to provide reinforcements to the Houthis. -
Yemen: Civil War and Regional Intervention Name Redacted Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs
Yemen: Civil War and Regional Intervention name redacted Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs December 7, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R43960 Yemen: Civil War and Regional Intervention Summary This report provides information on the ongoing crisis in Yemen. Since March 2015, Saudi Arabia and members of a coalition it established have been engaged in military operations against an alliance composed of the Houthi movement and loyalists of the previous President, Ali Abdullah Saleh. In early December 2017, the Houthi-Saleh alliance unraveled, culminating in the killing of former President Saleh on December 4, 2017. The killing of Saleh and the end of his forces’ alliance with the Houthis may have changed the dynamic of the war. In the coming months, it is possible that on-the-ground fighting may escalate, as the Saudi-led coalition and remnants of Saleh’s allies join forces to isolate the Houthis. Health facilities in Yemen reported 8,757 conflict-related deaths and over 50,000 injuries from the start of hostilities in March 2015 through October 2017. However, due to the high number of nonfunctional health facilities in Yemen as a result of the war, the United Nations estimates that the death toll in Yemen is significantly underreported. The actual number of casualties is likely much higher, with more than 2,200 Yemeni deaths associated with a cholera outbreak alone in 2017. On November 4, 2017, the Houthis fired a ballistic missile into Saudi Arabia. In response, the Saudi-led coalition accused Iran of supplying more sophisticated missile technology to the Houthis, and said in a statement that the attack “could rise to be considered as an act of war” by Iran. -
Taking the Lead Back in Yemen KATHERINE ZIMMERMAN
Statement before the House Committee on Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Middle East, North Africa, and International Terrorism on “The Humanitarian Crisis in Yemen: Addressing Current Political and Humanitarian Challenges.” Taking the Lead Back in Yemen KATHERINE ZIMMERMAN Research Fellow and Critical Threats Project Research Manager March 6, 2019 The American Enterprise Institute (AEI) is a nonpartisan, nonprofit, 501(c)(3) educational organization and does not take institutional positions on any issues. The views expressed in this testimony are those of the author. Katherine Zimmerman March 6, 2019 Chairman Deutch, Ranking Member Wilson, and members of the subcommittee, thank you for your attention to securing America’s interests in Yemen and for the opportunity to participate in this hearing. America has vital national security interests in Yemen. Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), one of the terrorist groups most focused on attacking the US homeland, retains a safe haven and support among local populations there. A small Islamic State affiliate also persists and could emerge as a threat. The Iranian-backed al Houthi movement threatens the free flow of goods through one of the world's most important maritime chokepoints, the Bab el Mandab Strait, and increases the risk of regional conflict by attacking population centers in Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. The deepening humanitarian catastrophe in Yemen fuels the conflict and threatens to spread waves of refugees through an already- destabilized region. The US must refocus on Yemen to develop a policy that recognizes and addresses all of these interests. America must, above all, retake a leadership role in securing itself and shaping the actions of its allies so that they support our interests and accord with international law and norms. -
Combat Search and Rescue in Desert Storm / Darrel D. Whitcomb
Combat Search and Rescue in Desert Storm DARREL D. WHITCOMB Colonel, USAFR, Retired Air University Press Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama September 2006 front.indd 1 11/6/06 3:37:09 PM Air University Library Cataloging Data Whitcomb, Darrel D., 1947- Combat search and rescue in Desert Storm / Darrel D. Whitcomb. p. ; cm. Includes bibliographical references. A rich heritage: the saga of Bengal 505 Alpha—The interim years—Desert Shield— Desert Storm week one—Desert Storm weeks two/three/four—Desert Storm week five—Desert Sabre week six. ISBN 1-58566-153-8 1. Persian Gulf War, 1991—Search and rescue operations. 2. Search and rescue operations—United States—History. 3. United States—Armed Forces—Search and rescue operations. I. Title. 956.704424 –– dc22 Disclaimer Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of Air University, the United States Air Force, the Department of Defense, or any other US government agency. Cleared for public release: distribution unlimited. © Copyright 2006 by Darrel D. Whitcomb ([email protected]). Air University Press 131 West Shumacher Avenue Maxwell AFB AL 36112-6615 http://aupress.maxwell.af.mil ii front.indd 2 11/6/06 3:37:10 PM This work is dedicated to the memory of the brave crew of Bengal 15. Without question, without hesitation, eight soldiers went forth to rescue a downed countryman— only three returned. God bless those lost, as they rest in their eternal peace. front.indd 3 11/6/06 3:37:10 PM THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK Contents Chapter Page DISCLAIMER . -
C3- a Call to End the Bombing of Yemen and the Blockade on Its Ports
C3- A call to end the bombing of Yemen and the blockade on its Ports 1 I. Title: A call to end the bombing of Yemen and the blockade on its Ports 2 3 II. Author Identification 4 Corresponding author: Elizabeth Nutting 5 Student, University of Washington, 1701 NW 56th St #714, Seattle WA 98107 6 [email protected], (512) 508-3523 7 APHA member number: 10255317, Mental Health Section, International Health Section 8 9 Ahmed Elshafei 10 [email protected], (617) 615-5547 11 APHA member number: 100-55-509 12 13 Dr. Kazuki Oshima 14 938 110th Ave. NE, Bellevue, WA, 98004 15 [email protected], (206) 218-9179 16 17 Mary Anne Mercer 18 Senior Lecturer, University of Washington, 1107 NE 45th St #350, Seattle WA 98105 19 [email protected] (206) 543-8382 20 APHA member number: 679670, International Health Section 21 22 Aisha Jumaan 23 3216 74th Place SE, Mercer Island WA 98040 24 [email protected] (206) 861-9590 25 26 Amy Hagopian 27 802 16th Ave, Seattle WA 98122 28 [email protected] (206) 551-5313 29 APHA member, International Health Section 30 31 III. Sponsoring Units: 32 International Health Section and Occupational Health and Safety Section 33 34 35 IV. Collaborating Entities: 36 Yemen Relief and Reconstruction Foundation 37 38 V. Endorsements from: Peace Caucus and Forum on Human Rights 39 VI. Summary 40 The civil war in Yemen, ongoing since 2014, has engulfed neighboring and distant nation states in an 41 expanding conflict with significant global implications. Yemen was already the poorest country in the 42 Middle East; the United Nations has now declared Yemen’s plight as the biggest humanitarian disaster in 43 a world. -
April 6, 2021 the Honorable Joseph R. Biden President of the United
April 6, 2021 The Honorable Joseph R. Biden President of the United States The White House 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW Washington, D.C. 20500 Dear Mr. President: We greatly appreciate your first steps toward ending U.S. support for the war in Yemen, including announcing an end to U.S. military participation in offensive Saudi actions; a review of weapons sales to Saudi Arabia for use in its six-year air war in Yemen; and a revocation of President Trump’s terrorism designation against the Houthis, with the express purpose of averting a hunger crisis. However, we remain alarmed by the continuation of Saudi Arabia’s unconscionable blockade of Yemen. Particularly in light of a CNN investigation finding that “the U.S.-backed Saudi blockade is leading to deadly fuel & food shortages in Yemen, where hospitals are full of starving children,” we urge you to use all available U.S. leverage with the Saudi regime to demand an immediate and unconditional end to its blockade, which threatens 16 million malnourished Yemenis living on the brink of famine.1 We are deeply concerned by CNN’s reports that the major port of Hodeidah “is now a ghost town,” and that “hundreds of food aid trucks sit parked in a line stretching for miles,” without fuel, as their cargo spoils. “Saudi warships have not allowed any oil tankers to berth at Hodeidah since the start of the year,” CNN reporter Nima Elbagir observed, citing the World Food Programme, which documented that more than a dozen ships carrying 350,000 metric tons of commercial fuel have been prevented from -
Research Memorandum RNA-6, October 12, 1961 the Syrian Army Coup Which Resulted in the Secession of Syria from the United Arab R
1 2 cms PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE ins 1 1 2 ' Ref.: fa -3^-1 / / 57 -g 2> 7 "ff'SOZS Piesise note that this copy is supplied subject to the Public Record Office's terms and conditions and that your use of it may be subject to copyright restrictions. Further information is given in the enclosed Terms and Conditions of supply of Public Records' leaflet CONFIDENTIAi/NOFORN DEPARTMENT OF STATE BUREAU OF INTELLIGENCE AND RESEARCH Research Memorandum RNA-6, October 12, 1961 IMPLICATIONS OF SYRIA'S SECESSION FROM THE UNITED ARAB REPUBLIC ABSTRACT The Syrian army coup which resulted in the secession of Syria from the United Arab Republic has dealt a serious blow to Nasser's prestige, has opened the way for a renewal of intense partisan strife in Syria, has exacerbated the controversy over Arab unity, and probably will make Syria again a focal point of inter-Arab rivalry. The conservative regime that emerged from the coup faces the difficult task of reorienting Syrian policy away from Nasser's state socialism while convincing the workers and peasants that the essentials of the grains they made since 1958 will be preserved. The regime will also have to contend with mounting communist pressures as the Communist party seeks to regain the position of influence it occupied before the formation of the UAR. Its most serious economic problems will be in the field of finance. Although Syria's defection has not had any immediate serious repercussions in Egypt, the regime may be weakened by disputes as Nasser seeks to put the blame for the Syrian fiasco on some of his lieutenants, notably Marshal 'Amir.