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1986 The Republican Party and Civil Rights, 1877-1976 Gordon E. Sparks Eastern Illinois University This research is a product of the graduate program in History at Eastern Illinois University. Find out more about the program.

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m The Republican Party and Civil Rights, 1877-1976

(TITLE)

BY

Gordon E. Sparks

THESIS

SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

Master of Arts

IN THE GRADUATE SCHOOL, EASTERN ILLINOIS UNIVERSITY CHARLESTON, ILLINOIS

1986 YEAR

I HEREBY RECOMMEND THIS THESIS BE ACCEPTED AS FULFILLING THIS PART OF Tr'"r n Ar.1 IAT r:: nr::rar::r:: r-1Tr::n ADA\ tr::

V AUVIStl<

.'/ .,, My persona l thanks go out to the imp ortant people who made th is study possible. To my parents, Robert and Juanita, whose drive and influence I could have no t done without. To Dr . Raymond Koch , who for ced me to que st ion my political va l ues in a healthy way . Spec ial regards must go to Dr . Jimmie Frank lin. Without his help I could no t have gotten started on the right track. Finally, to my fr iends and teachers in the Eastern Illinois History Department, their comradesh ip and gui dance were inva l uab le to me.

Ju ly 7, 1986 Gordon E. Sparks "We do no t ple dge ourselves to go fur ther with the Republ i cans than the Republ i cans wi ll go wit h us ."

A black abolitionist

"If I'm gonna get unemp loy ed , I'd rather the Democrats be in. " A bla ck voter TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT ...... i

Chapter Page

I. THE REPUBL ICAN PARTY AND BLACKS IN POST-RECONSTRUCT ION AMER ICA ...... 1

II. FROM PROGRESS IVISM THROUGH WORLD WAR I ...... 20

III. THE 192 0's THROUGH THE NEW DEAL ...... 40

IV. REPUBL ICANS , BLACKS AND POSTWAR AMER ICA ...... •.... 56

V • CONCLUS ION. . . • • . • • • • . . . . • • . • . . . . • . . • • • . • . • . . . • • . • . . . 82

FOOTNOTES . • • • . . • . . • • • • • • . • • . • . . . • . . • • . • . • • • . . • . • . • • . • • . • • • 86

8 I BL I OGRAPHY • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • . • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • . • • 94 - i -

ABSTRACT

Ther e have been many works wr itt en on both the Repub-

lic an and the Democratic parties. Many works have also described the prob lem of civil rights and the histor ical diff iculties blacks have had in an attemp t to fit in po litical ly. These wor ks , however , have left out one m a jor

aspec t of th is process . Re l a tionships of bla cks to the po litical partie s themsev les must be stud ied to understand one aspec t of their conti nuous strugg le for civi l rig hts in

Amer ica.

It is time that an ove rview be done on how the

po lit ical partie s have dea lt with the civil rights p r ob lem

throughout their histor ies. The Repub lic an par ty had its roots bur ied in its support for civi l rights; however , the percentage of black vo ters for Repub lican

cand idates is extreme ly low. It is the purpose of this

thesis tu try to show why blacks sh ifted from the

Repub lic ans to the Democrats. The history of the

Repub lic an par ty and black civi l rig hts is a very

broad topic.

Th is top ic is a ver y comp lex one . Li ttle spec ific re-

search is available on the relatio nship between black

Amer icans and the Repub lic an party. Individual blac k

atti tudes and party po licy can be discussed , however ,

through the use of nume rou s works and arti c les , many of

wh ich a r e s econd a r y . This wil l att emp t to show the -ii - importance of Repub lic an par ty pol icy and its connec tion wi th civ il righ ts.

The background of these pol icies must be br iefly noted before any modern Republican atti tudes on civi l rig hts can be fu lly explained . A short summary of the pre-Reconstruc­ tion per iod of Republican civil rig hts ac tion is necessary to demon strate the par ty's first set of goals. Th ese ear ly roots have had an important impac t on the civi l rig hts strugg le wh ich has taken place since 1954 .

The ma jor emphas is of this study descr ibes civi l rights ac tions under Republ ican pres i dents . Legislation occurr ing under these pres i dents cont inues to influence black civil rig hts today . Bla ck reaction against limit ing legislat ion is also a fac tor in understand ing the atti tude of blacks towar d the federal govern ment . Republ ican presidents have found themse lves in difficult positio ns bec ause of the need to ma intain national unity wh ile at the same time jugg ling civil rights, economics, and support from their own perceived const ituenc ies.

Republ ican atti tudes on civi l rig hts have had a great impact on the black communit y, but the nature of Republ ican po licy on civi l rig hts makes it unl ikely that blacks wi ll swing toward the party in the near future. The purpose of this thesis is to survey the histor ical and pol itical reasons wh ich have changed the focus of Repub lic an po licy through the years . CHAPTER I

THE REPUBL ICAN PARTY AND BLACKS IN POST-RECONST RUCT ION AMERICA

The quest ion over slavery became an impor tant consid- erat ion in the forg ing of a new nat iona l po lit ical p ar ty in the ear ly 185 0's. The Repub lican party developed in 1854 by br ingin g together those who opposed the extension of slavery in to the terr itor ies. The party integrated northern ideas about the ev i ls of slavery. Many north erners bel ieved that slavery "connoted no t so muc h a mor al ev il as a distinct way

. 1 of lif e wh ich end angered their own."

When certain Repub licans defended the rights of blacks, they often found themse lves the subjec t of ridicule. The

Democrats labeled the Republ i cans as the "Nigger Par ty."

Such open attacks on the party led some Republican spok esmen to insist "that they , and not the Democ rats, were the real

'wh ite man 's party' and they often vehement ly denied any intent ion of giving legal or soc ial equality to free

2 Negroes ." Th is view, however , was no t held by all

Repub lic ans . Two examp les of Republ ican support for civil rig hts can be found in the work of Senators Salmon P. Chase

(R .-Oh io) and Char les Sumner ,

Chase and Sumner expressed strong views over the extension of slavery into the territor ies. They though t that the birth of a new po l itical party presented hope that stronger oppo si t ion to slavery could be raised. Both - 2- bel ieved that a consp iracy of pro-s l avery advocates exi sted in the Senate . Indeed , souther ners had gai ned control of the Democrat ic party dur ing the 1840 's and th is segment of the Con gress had assured victory for the Kansas-Nebraska

Ac t in 1854 . Th is ac t, hated by these so- cal led "Rad ical "

Repub lican senators because of their civi l rig hts ide als, stated that the set tle rs mus t dec ide on the issue of slavery in these two new terr itor ies. The act referred to this as "popular sovereignty ." Although the bill passed ,

Sumner announced that it had opened the door toward the el iminat ion of slavery . "It put freedom and slavery face

3 to face," he said, "and bids them grap ple. "

Ac ting in a concerted effort with the Know-No thing party, wh ich had been formed in rea ction to U.S. immi­ gration po lic ies in the ear ly 185 0's, the Repub licans had made significant na t iona l gains by 1856. Salmon Chase became Governor of Oh io, and began to campa ign for the

Presi dent ial no mination. The Republicans , however , over loo ked him by no minating John C. Fremont . Fremont , a former Democ rat , held an impressive record as an expl orer

in the west. James Buc hanan won the election easily, yet the Republicans demon strated their potent ial stren gth for future elect io ns . The party , born upon the anti-slavery

issue , became a truly nat i onal party after Linco ln's elect ion and the advent of the Civil War .

In the Lincoln-Dou glas debates , Lincol n procl aimed

that the statement in the Dec larat ion of Independence that -3-

"al l men ar e created equal " also app lied to bla cks . One

Republ i c an from Michigan stated that "they Sir , are na tural ly ent itled to al l the rights wh ich you and I, as

4 individua ls of the wh ite race , can claim. " Other

Republ icans found a distinction between natural rights and civil rig hts for bla cks . They wou ld never agree that blacks should gain the right to vo te . Co loni zation was one ventur e some Repub licans accep ted as a cure for

racial prob lems . Many in the party bel ieved it unl ikely that blac ks could ever ach ieve any form of po litical or soc ial equal ity within the Un i ted States . Lincoln viewed co l onization as one way the racial problem might be el iminated , but he did not imple ment any spec ial program for the resettlement of blacks wh ile pres i dent .

T he Reconstruc tion per iod brought certain reforms for

bla cks . Enfranchi sement was one . The Repub lican Congress ext ended the Freedman's Bureau in 1866 . The Bureau successful ly aided the tran sit ion from slavery to freedom by giving land and supp lies to blacks and arbitrating in labor relat ions problems . Blacks, however , did no t gain citizensh ip unt il the passage of the 1866 Civil Rights Ac t and its integration into the Four teenth Amendment . The

Reconstruc tion Ac t of 1867 "appeared to offer an alternative to drast ic wh ite disenfranchi sement or

5 prol onged mi lit ary occupat ion of the South .11 It permit ted the Republicans to gain the ma jority of -4- the southern vote by exc luding some wh ites who part i cipated

in the rebel l ion. Th is gave black vo ters a ma jori ty in most of the states from the deep South .

The Fifteenth Amendment brought abo ut a dram atic change in the polit ic al status of the freed man . Passed in

March , 1870 , it proh ibited any state to deny vo ting rights to any ma le citizen on the bas is of race . It gave bla cks suffrage in the northern and bo rder states as well as in

the South . The tactics used in the South to evade this measure were no t ant ici pated when the framers cal led it

"the completion and guaranty of emanc ipation. 1 1 6

Ku Klux Klan terrorist ac tivit ies forced fur ther enforcement legislat ion in 1870 and 1871 . These measures

authorized the use of the military by the pres ident , bu t

th is fai led to contro l the problem ent irely. The South

learned to use property and literary distinctions , po ll

taxes , and fur ther terrorism through wh ite leagues and

other organ izations to limit bla ck voting privileges . The

final Repub lic an party effort on the nat ional lev el , the

Civi l Rights Ac t of 1875 wh ich inclu ded a desegregat ion

provision, fai led in 1883 when it was dec l ared

unconst itut ional by the Supr eme Court .

The per iod of Reconstruc tion wh ich brought Republ ican

reforms emerged from many factors . Histor ians st ill

cont inue to debate the reasons for those changes as they

search for a ba l anced vie w of Reconstruction. Ther e were

many causes . Economic factors were important , bu t the -5- s trugg le of some idea listic Rep ub licans for civi l rights

and the political mo tiv at ion for creat ing a southern black

Republican constituency outweighs this element . The Repub-

lican Reco nstruc tion po licy in the South ma intained strong black support for the party. Black po litical status in the

party increased great ly as new emp loyment opportuni tie s be­

came avai lable. bla ck Republ i cans went to the Sena te and

House of Representat ives , courts , state depar tments of edu­

cation and ambassadorial posts . They also served as alder­ men , and judges wh ile occupying some positions of power

throug hout the South and the North .

The Republicans , however , did no t have purely ph ila n-

thropic reasons for helping the blacks . Black historia n,

Hanes Walton , stated that bla ck enfranchi sement "clearly

appeared a promising means of party aggrand isement; it

became essent ial to the perpetutat ion of their power.117

One bla ck mini ster no ted that although the Repub licans had

hel ped the cause , " they were doing themse lves good at the

same time .118 The effec tiveness of Rad ical Recons truc tion

extended new hope for civi l rights reform in the South , bu t

it ended before more changes could be accomp lis hed .

The Libera l Repub lican movement of the 1872

Pres i dent ial election foreshadowed the end of Rad ical

Reconstruc tion in the South . The platform wh ich the

Liberals adopted , contained ple dges to remove government

troops from the region, and it ple dged opposit ion to "any -6- r eopen i ng of the que sti ons settle d by the Thirteenth ,

Four teenth , and Fifteenth Amendme nts of the Constitut ion.

We demand the immed iate and abso lute remova l of al l disabi lities imposed on account of the rebel lio n." 9

The elec tion of Rutherford B. Hayes in the disputed contest of 1876 ended Federal protection of blac k civi l rights in the South . The "Compromise of 187 7," as it came to be known , was no t publicly disc los e d, and v e ry few disco vered what ac tually occurred during the secret proceed ings . Hayes be lieved he needed the compr omise to aver t ano ther civil war . He remarked that he knew of

"fif teen states in whic h Democratic forc es composed largely of war veter ans were organized and prepared to move on

Wash ington to compel the inauguration of Ti lde n." lO

In 1876 , Republ ican problems inclu ded scandals in the

Grant administration and a nat i onwide depress ion. In order for Hayes to receive a ma jor ity of electoral votes in the election, he needed nine teen . Th is would make 185 votes for Hayes and 184 for Tilden .11 Democrats in

Congress , however , tur ned against Tilden when they reso lved the vote. Tilden was commit ted to end ing Radical

Reconstruction. Placing him in the Wh ite House could have possibly gaine d this goal more easily. It was true that

Hayes also offered to end Rad ical Reconstruc tion in r e turn

for Democrat ic vo tes , but he ple dged eve n mo re con- cessions . Hayes agreed that one southern Democrat would

join his cabinet . The rai lroad lobby convinced southern -7-

congressmen that the election of Hayes wou ld allow the comp let ion of a ra i lroad from Te xas to Ca l ifornia. Hayes '

suppor ters assured the Democrats that he would remove the

Reconstruc tion troops , thus causing the colla pse of the

Repub lican governments in Loui siana and South Carolina. A bipa rtisan electoral commission of fift een men voted eight

to seven that they wou ld accept the tallies favorin g

Hayes. Meet ings between both H a yes ' sup port ers and

Sou thern Democrats took place . Hayes then announced

recogni t ion for the new non-Reconstruc tio n government in

Louisiana, in ret urn for pledges of respect for civi l rights. Congress dec l ared Hayes President on March 2,

1877. In his inaugural address Hayes announced the troop

withdrawa l from the South . Th is policy, however, did not

ori gin ate with the Hayes administ rat ion. Grant had long

before promised to recal l the troops but did not accompl ish

this task . Reconstruc tion governments had slowly topp led

in the South over the years since their installat ion.

Rad ical Recons truc tion pol icy had formed five mi litary

districts under an occupation army. The votin g changes

created 700 , 000 new black vo ters and disfranchis ed

627, 000 wh ite voters . Six governors and thousands of

lower-leve l officials were removed from office . 12

H a yes did not remove all the troops from the South,

just tho se that cont inued to protect the rema ining Rad ical

governments. Th is ac tion ended the mi litary role of

defend ing civi l rights until the schoo l desegregation - 8- c r is is of 1957 in Li ttle Rock, Ar k ansas . Hayes bel ieved that he had hel ped the blacks when he rem oved the troops .

He no ted that "the ma jor ity of the peop le of the South -­ the wh ite peop le of the South -- have no desire to invade the rights of the col ored peo ple." 1 3 Hayes tr ied to show deep concern for the plight of the blacks in the South .

Just after the election, when he bel ieved he had lost , he commented that "the res ult wi ll be that the Southern peop le wi ll practical ly treat the const itut iona l amendments as nu l lit ies and then the co l ored man 's fate wi ll be worse than whe n he was in slavery ." 14

Hayes' intent i ons were good . Dur ing the withdrawa l of the troops, he st ipulated that illegal activit ies against blacks must be puni shed, but th is request implied that the puni shment must come from the state lev el . Hayes ' concern for ho lding the country together outweighed the result s of troop withdrawa l in the South . In a tour of the South shor tly after the election, Hayes announced that "I tried to impress the peop le with the importance of harmony between the different sec tio ns , states, classes and races." Hayes "hoped for his col ored fr i ends that their future wou ld be even brig h ter , and that they would always remember that to command respec t men must have the virtues to deserve respec t.11 1 5

Dur ing Hayes' administration, he opposed attemp ts at weakening civi l rig hts legislation. He vetoed eight ant i-civil rights bills and succeeded in br inging some -9-

1 6 s tab i lity between northern and southern sectiona lism .

Hayes ' po l icy of troop withdrawal , however , abandoned the southern bla ck in the process . Hayes left the South alone

to work out its own racial prob lems without help from the federal government . Par ty reconciliation began to weaken by the Fal l of 1877 when Democrats in the House of

Representat ives failed to support Repub lican measures .

Hayes retal iated by refus ing to suppor t the southern rai lroad subs idy. Hayes never understood the unpopularity of his southern po licy . He bel ieved that the South would become so lidly Repub lican over the next ten years. The que stion of race, he conjec tured, was a dead issue . In the

1878 elections , the fai lure of the southern po licy bec ame evident . Southern Republican support disappeared . The

Repub licans lost six Representat ives and one Senator to

Democrats. Of the 294 southern counties that had voted in

1876 , 125 voted Repub lican . In 1878 only 62 of

these count ies vo ted Repub lican . 17 The Pres ident now

accep ted the def eat of his southern policy, and relucta nt ly

1 8 adm itt ed that "the exper iment was a failure . 11 In the

South, many ac ts of violence occurred dur ing the election

to prevent bla cks from votin g . The federal government did

no t interfere wit h th is disfranch i sement.

The po licy of leav ing the troops in the South ,

however , also had its own drawba cks. Both facti ons wh ich

fought over th is issue bel ieved that only the ir pol icy - 10- could work and that compromise wou ld produce fa i lure.

Histor ian, C. Vann Woodward be lieved t hat in abandoning

Rad ical Reconstruction, Hayes gave up on "an unfa ir test of the democ rat ic fa ith as we ll as an unfa ir test of the

Negro 's cap ac ity for se l f-gover nment. " Hayes ' fai lure to support his par ty's platfo rm in regard to civi l rig hts came fr om a desire to return to "norma l polit ics and a way from an ou tmod ed poli cy fo r wh ich he had n o sympathy ."

Histor ian, Peter Came jo has no ted that the troops stationed in the southern states had been little more than token fo rces anyway . The per iod of the failu re of Rad ical

Reconstruc tion became a victory of counter-revo lutionary forces . Rad ical Reconstruction came into being , Came jo argued , because of the need of the industr ial capital ists

. 1 to conso lidate polit ical contro l 2 Once they gained th is control , the southern po licy of support for black civi l rig hts ended .

Blacks in the South now found themse lves deser ted by

the Repub licans and left to exploitation and terror ism.

Hayes' compromise ended the enforcement of civil rig hts in

the South by the federal government for 80 years. The last

Repub lican governments to stand in Lou isiana and South

Caro lina fel l. Black rea ction to the policy was

ju s tifiably negative . Wendell Ph ill ips, former pres i dent

of the An ti- Slavery Socie ty , to ld blacks "that in view of wha t had happened , he could not blame them for le av ing

Repu bli can ranks ." James Redpath , an abo litionist and -11- correspondent fo r the New Yo rk Tr ibu ne , distr ibuted a letter urg ing bla cks to join the Democrat ic party. Wh ile these leaders attac ked the southern po licy, Hayes attempted to pr eserve black support fo r the par ty by giving them po litical pa tronage . Histor ian, Vincent Desantis, no ted that "this no tor i ous dev ice ma intained the fiction of

R epublican recognit ion of the Negro voters and also served to

23 muzzl e the protests of their leaders ."

One of the most pr o lific black leaders, Freder ick

Doug lass , was an excellent exam p le of a black Repub lic an who reac ted to the changes wh ich occurred in the South . He , however , did not attack the Repub lican par ty as harsh ly as did most blacks . Doug lass bec ame invo l ved with the party almost at its incept ion, and rema i ned active in it throughout his life . His surpr ising loyalty came dur ing a per iod of time in wh ich the Repu bli c ans appeared to giv e up on protec ting black civi l rig hts. Doug lass ' career as a black leader in the late nineteenth century presented an important pic tur e of the ear ly civil rig hts movements , for he was the "mo ral lea der and sp iri tua l prophet of his

24 race. 1 Doug lass ' dedication as a Repub lic an had histor ical roots in his att itude on democ rac y and lif e. He was interested in an ideal soc iety -- "one that he bel ieved could exi st in America." America's sh ift toward more material istic goals par all eled the Repub l i can par ty in its shift away from civi l rights objec tiv es . The par ty - 12- had begun to abandon blacks well before 1900. The first attempt came when Pr esident Hayes wi t hdrew troops from the

South . More would fo llow. Doug lass stood by the Repub- lican party and rarely spoke out aga inst it. In the cases where some wh i tes fa ile d to support black cand ida tes,

Doug lass refused to counse l blacks no t to suppo rt wh ite cand ida tes . He contended that "the Repub lic an party is the sh ip and else the sea. " Doug l ass ident ified the party as

"the sheet anchor of the col ored man's po lit ical hopes and

26 the ark of his safety . 11 Whenever his par ty was cr iticized, he never fai led to defend it.

Doug lass received political regard for his party al legiance . President Rutherford 8. Hayes named Doug lass the U.S. Marshal l of the District of Co lumbia. Many wh i tes reacted against th is appoi ntment . Doug lass had taken a more conciliatory view of Hayes' compromise wit h the South than did oth er blacks but he added that "the results of th is po licy were no less ru inous and damning because of the

27 good intent ion of Presi dent Hayes . 1 Doug lass went against the nomination of James A. Garfield for Presi dent in 1880 . He belie ved that Garfield "did no t have the mor al

28 make up or sufficie nt backbone to be pr esident .11 How- ever , under Garf ield's administration, Doug lass became a consu l tant on black affairs, and Recorder of Deeds .

Doug l ass pr aised Garfield's work after his assassinat ion. - 13-

Many of the new Preside nt's po licies appeared to attack the civi l rights cause . Doug lass claimed that

Chester A. Arthur "did no th ing to correc t the er rors of

President Hayes or to arrest the dec lin e and fal l of the

Repub lic an part y ." Doug lass bel ieved that Ar thur's

" self- indul gence , indiffer ence and neg lect of opportunity,

29 al lowed the country to dr ift ." Doug lass took almost the opposite op inion of Benjam in Harr ison . After his nom ination in 1888 , it appeared as th ough Harr ison wou ld stand upo n his party's pla tform for civi l rights.

Harr i son, however , did no t liv e up to Doug lass ' expectat ions . In 1889 he named Doug lass as the Foreign

Minister to Ha i ti . Harrison had worked with a Repub lic an

Congress , but a Feder al Election Bi ll, des ign ed to give blacks stronger voting rig hts failed . Eight Repub lican

Senators contr ibuted to its defeat.

T wo southern plans for dis fran chise ment origin ated wit h the fai lure of these two bills. The first, brute force, had shown success far earlier . The second measure , the po ll tax, provided a literacy test and proper ty qual ifi- cations for bla ck voters . It became a part of the

Mississippi Const itut ion in 1890 . Other souther n states adopted some or al l of these methnds to pr event blacks from voting . Doug lass , however , refused to attack Harrison for

the failu re of the civi l rights bills . He believed that

Harr ison was no t to blame if Republi c ans in Con gress

refused to support these measures . -14-

Doug lass cont inued t o support the Republican pr es idents despi te civil rig hts fai lures because of his

devotion to the par ty and his poli tical appo intments .

In 1884, Chester A. Ar thur dec ided to form a coali tion wit h

Democrats who had broken away from the par ty in Virginia,

after a controversy over publi c debts . Ar thur bel ieved

that the Repub lic an par ty could be streng thened in the

So uth by giving southern Democrats patronage . He g ave

200 Treasur y Department posts , and 1700 Post Off ice

3 0 pos itio ns to southern ers. Ar thur did no t cons ult his

b lack adv isors an th is decision , and he appo inted same of

them ta higher positio ns in order ta limit their cr itic ism

of his ac tions . P.B.S. Pinchbac k became Surveyor of the

Por t of New Or leans . Blanche K. Bruce became an Assistant

Uni ted States Commission er General . Douglass warned blacks

"not to despair, because the Repub lic an par ty was sti ll in

1131 p ower .

The reason for Doug lass ' servitude to the Republican

party grew from his personal gains from the party. He felt

an allegiance, both to the Presidents who awarded him with

a posi tion, and ta the par ty for mak ing it possible. Some

blacks hoped ta convince Doug lass that the Republican party

no lon ger helped the cause of civi l rig hts . A former black

Repub lican, Geor g e T. Dawning, comp laine d that "the

Repub lican par ty ••. has come far short of its duty in the

matter . "32 Downing re commended that blacks become

Dem ocrats, but the Democrat ic party showed little -15-

indicat ion that it could change positively for the good of

civi l rights . Blacks rema i ned loy al to the Repub lic an par ty , yet they bec ame more cautious . Some blacks did bolt the party. Bishop Henry M. Tur ner had hel ped organi ze the

Repub lican par ty in Georg ia, but he and Down ing "could no

longer liv e wit h the cour se that their party was

33 pursu ing."

In 1885, Grove r Cleve land began to change the image some blacks had of the Democratic party . He appo inted many blacks to office , many of them Repub lic ans . Doug lass disagreed that the Democratic party would ever increase civi l rig hts enforcement . Others doub ted that any po litical parties wh ich then exi sted had demonstrated any civi l rig hts progress. Under the gui dance of T. Thomas

Fortu ne , an Afro-Amer ican League developed in 1884 . By

1887 the League had become a nat iona l organization. In

For tune 's address at the first meet ing, he stated that "I have served the Repub lic an party , the Prohibitionist party and the Democ ratic par ty and I speak with the wisdom of experience when I dec lare that none of them care a fig for

3 4 the Afro-Amer ican fur ther than it can use him. "

By 1893 the League disso lved due to lack of support,

money , and the respect of black leaders such as Frederick

Doug lass . The establishment of a Populist par ty gained

much black support. Some wh ite souther ners now aided blacks more openly when they ran for off ice on the Popul ist

ticket . Rumors that black dominat ion in the par ty had -16- become a danger led to the fa ilu re of bla c k popul ism in the

South .

Doug lass ma int ained si lence on the black Populist movement , but cont inued to oppose the "dangers" of the

Democ rat ic Party. As the Foreig n Minis ter to Ha iti in

1889, Doug lass became invo l ved in nego tiat ions for the use of a Ha itian port by Uni ted States ' wars hips. The ensu ing fai lure to procure th is p ort led many to cr i t i c i ze

Doug lass ' ab ilit y as a diplomat . The fault, however , fe ll on the United States Diplomat ic Corps and the practice of power po litics, no t wit h Doug lass . Yet Doug lass ' ambassador ial career was no t ent irely successfu l. He did not speak out strong ly against harsh critic ism of his actions. Doug lass steadfast ly maintained that the

Repub lican party w as the only hope for the protection of civil rig hts and had no thing but dis trust for the

Democratic party . Doug lass was an extraordinary examp le of a party loy alist and a black civi l rights act ivist .

The Repub lican par ty wh ich Doug lass had supported so strong ly began to faction al ize by the 188 0's. At this tim e

the first Li l y-Wh ite movements began . This wh ite

Repub lic an faction in the South emerged slowly upon the nat ion al scene . There is very little informat ion avai lable

on ei ther the Lil y - Wh i tes or the Black and Tan Repub licans , who they opposed . Only one fu l l leng th study of the

emergence of these two factions ex i st , Black Re pu b lic ans :

The Po litics of the Black and Tans , by Hanes Walton, Jr . -17-

In the South the Democrats termed the Republ ican par ty

the "Negro par ty". When wh i tes moved into the par ty , confl icts occur red over wh ich faction could gain control .

The Bla ck and Tans played important ro les at nat iona l convent ion s, but the group did no t always ex ist in a permanent form as an organizat ion. Bla ck roots in the

Rep ub l ica n part y grew out of the beginn ing of the p a rty

itself, wit h the ant i - slav e r y movem ent . In 1867, as a resu lt of their Reconstruc tion Act , Cong r ess i onal Radicals

reorganized the South both political ly and mi litari ly.

Scalawag w a s the term used to describe wh ite southerners

who joined the Repub lican party. Carpetbaggers were

Northerners who moved into the South after the Civi l War to

become inv olved in Repub lic an politics and economic

endeavors . Bl acks formed a fragile coal ition with these

groups . The Scalawags "had litt le enthus iasm for one

aspect of the Rad ical program : the promoting of equa l civi l

3 5 and pol itical rights to the Negro es.11 This po lit ical

coal ition began to break down over tim e. Faction alism

grew as inter na l riv alries formed over patro nage . The

Carpetbaggers and Scalawags fought each other over

positions as blacks assumed more offices . Th is increase

caused wh i tes to attemp t to limit th e office s bla cks could

ho ld , creat ing a further wea ken i n g of the coal i tion.

The s p l it of the party in to Lib er al Rep ub lica ns and

Stalwar ts in 1872 contr i buted to further p roblem s, whil e

the Democrat ic party gained strength . Pressure from -18-

Liberal Republicans cont inued to stra in Rad ical con- struction ob jectives . Terrorist methods against blacks

were so effective that "to vote meant the loss of a job,

3 6 med ical aid, cred it, food, suppl ies, and materials.1 1

The southern Repub lic an par ty had star ted to disintegrate .

An ex-Confederate Co l onel who had been a Repub lic an

remarked that for a wh ite souther ner to join the

R epub lic an par ty meant "a lif e of soc ial isolat ion and

37 po lit ical ob livion.1 1 Slowly, the wh ite supremac ists had regained Democratic par ty dominat ion in near ly every

southern state by these methods . These Democrats contro lled the economy of the land . The Repub lican par ty

in the So uth had been reduced to blacks and only a smal l

group of ded ica ted wh ites .

Th is Repub lican coal ition cont inued to weaken over

tim e after the compromise of 1877 . The post Reconstruc tion

pres i dents deve loped southern po lic ies wh ich subordi nated

blacks. Hayes appeased southern wh ites in his struggle to

reduce sectionalism . Garfield and Ar thur tended to support

the Independents. The actions of Harrison elevated wh ites

to posi tions of contro l in the Repub lic an party . A new

southern wh ite Repub lic an par ty formed to compete with the

Democrats who were known as the "wh ite man 's party." The

Repub licans "felt it necessary to purge their party of its

black supporters and leaders [w ith] •.. the demand for

wh ite supr emacy in all areas and the insistence that

38 po lit ics was wh ite man's business . " Blacks could not -19- sw i tch to the Democ rat ic par ty in the South due to the pr incip les of supr emacy. These princ iples had begun to permeate the souther n Repub lican party. The bla cks found themse lves tie d to the par ty of emancip ation and civi l rights . Fo llowing Reconstruc tion, bla ck cr itic ism of the

Repub lican par ty was kept at a minimum through the

judicious use of patronage and black appointments . CHAPTER II

FROM PROGRESS IVISM THROUGH WORLD WAR I

Repub lican Senator , Joseph M. Do lph fr om Oregon, introduced a bi ll in December of 1890 des i gned to invest i gate whether vo ting rig hts had been denied to blacks in the South . The ac tion came shortly after a change in the Mississipp i Const itut ion prohibited black vo ting. The

Senate never vo ted on Do lph 's bil l. Against Do lph 's wish es , Congress repea led enforcement legis lat ion for vo ting rights in 1894 . Pres ident Cleve l and approved this

Congress iona l ac tion without hesitat ion.

In 1898 Lou isiana adopted the use of a "grandfather clause" in its const itution. The cla use raised proper ty qual ifications for votin g , mak ing it near ly impossible for blacks to vote . By 1900 black disfranch i sement became a character ist ic of almost every southern state. Few blacks from the South rema i ned in nat iona l or local polit ics after laws entered state const itut ion s. One of the last blacks in Congress dur ing the post-Reconstruc tion per iod was

Senator George H. Wh ite from North Caro lina . He attempted to defend blacks against attacks from southern Congres smen .

Wh ite claimed that "it is easy for these gent l emen to taunt

us wit h our infer iority .•. when the accuser closes the

1 avenue of indu stria l pursuits to us ."

Just as White stated, the position of blacks at the turn of the century was no t limit ed only b y po lit ical devel opme nts . Em p loyment opportunities, when availa ble, brought only the most menial position for blacks. -21-

Un ionizat ion almost ent irely overloo ked this seg men t of the work force . The Knights of Labor organi zed over 60 , 000 blacks into their union, but it virtu al ly disappeared af ter

2 the Haymar ket riot in Ch icago in 1886 . Many oth er u nions exc luded blacks fr om partic ip at ion, such as the

Broth erhood of Locomotive Eng i neer s and the Order of Ra il- road Conduc tors . In the railroad indu stry, few bla cks were

al lowed into the more ski lled posi tio ns other than brake - men , swi tchmen or flagmen . Most busi nesses farced blacks

to accep t lower wages . By 1900 , 86 .7 percent of emp loy ed

3 blacks h ad positions in agriculture or domest ic service .

Other organizations often rejec ted black membersh ip ent irely, such as the General Federat ion of Women , the

League of Americ an Whee lmen , and the Ph ila delphia

Journ alists Club . Black membersh ip to white organizations

in the South rarely occurred .

In reac tion to southern oppressio n and discrimination from organiza tio ns , some blacks fled to other areas hop ing

for better work and more equal condit ions . Most found that

their new home was no better than the place they left . The

black farme rs, who migr ated from the south in the "exodus"

of 1879 found that Kansas was no par ad ise. Freder ick

Doug lass cal led those who escaped the South "the dupes and

4 victims of cunning and fraud .11 One movement of blacks

to Oklahoma Territory in the 1980's ended when the comb ined

efforts of the wh i tes and Indians who liv ed there forced

the blacks out . -22-

Poor southern living condi tio ns had created these at temp ts at escape . Wor king and socia l conditio ns rema i ned at almost the same leve l as before the Civil War . The press viewed blacks negat ively, often painting them as an imals. Newspapers in the nor th appeared to approve of the ac tions "that were driving the Negro relent les sly to

5 the nad ir of the post-Reconstruc tion period .11 Many magaz ines ridiculed blacks and made them the sub ject of ma licious humor .

Within this age of open racism , some positive deve lopments broke through . By 1890 blacks had published

6 over 150 newspapers. Black busi nesses , such as the

Nat ional Benef it Insurance Company and the Capital Sav ings

Bank , grew into reputab le establis hments. The Spanish -

Amer ican War brought black fighting units into important mi litary roles. Two crack Negro regiments charged up San

Juan Hi l l, supporting the "Rough Ride rs" . Four black regiments fought in the regular Un ited States Army . They gave blacks "a pr ide and faith in themse lves that compen­ sated somewhat for the general contemp t in which Negroes

7 were held. "

One final attemp t at upho ldin g black voting rights in the South came from a bil l sponsored by Representative

Henry Cabot Lodge . The Federal

Elec tio ns Bi l l of 1890 passed in the House, but failed in

the Senate, where Lodge would lat er serve . Senate Repub-

1 ic ans hoped to win support from the Democrats on a high -23- tar iff, and silver legislat ion, and abandoned the electio ns bi l l . The l a st ma jor opportun i ty fo r Repub lican reviva l of a black constituency passed , "and thus was maintained the prac tice of favoring business or other interests at the

8 e x pe nse of civi l rights .11

Oh io Govern or , Wi l liam McKinley, fit in to the

Repub lic an pattern of support for the par ty ' s civ il rights ob ject ives , but no t to the ex tent of br inging the issue to the fore front . By the time McKinley bec ame pres i dent in

1897 , two discernab le par ts of the Repub lican party had formed in the South , the Li ly-Whites and the Black and

Tans . The Black and Tans ' voting power , already weak, no w dwind led due to the prac tic es of the southern states .

Blacks found themselves barred from the polls by state constitutions . The reduc tio n of community support for the

Black and Tans made them no t hing more than "self seeking

9 little groups loo king to Wash ing ton , D.C . for support.1 1

McKin ley supported the Li ly-White fac tion, and gave some patronage to blacks . The 1896 Uni ted States Supr eme Cour t decisio n , dec l ared that separate and

equal facilities were leg al . Yet McKinle y did not dispute

that the dec ision of the cour t was correct.

For the 1896 election, McKinley needed more votes at

the Repub lican Convention to be nomina ted . He sent Mar k

Hanna , his po l it ical advi sor , on a tour of the South . Here

Hanna offered promises of patronage to gain the support of

each faction for McK inley . Black delegates from the South -24- atte nded the 1896 convent ion , but the position of blacks in the par ty was q uest i oned by them wh ile there. Most h otels at the co nvent ion site in St . Lou is discr iminated aga inst

10 them . Many black delegates found their only quar ters in rai lroad cars special ly prepar ed for them . These in- fluent ial blacks, however , successfu lly gaine d the n o min - a t i on for Mc K in ley .

McKi nley had his own prob lems in the South during the elec tio n . The Repub lic an percentage of the southern vo te fel l to a lower level than any since Reconstruction.

McKinley's ma jor ob jectiv e when elected was to make up for his lack of popular ity with southern wh i tes by prom oting nat ion al unity between Nor th and South . Blacks reac ted harsh ly to McKinley's polit ical move for un ity. The black newspaper ed itor , T. Thomas Fortune, proc laimed that

McKinley was "a man of jel ly, who wou ld turn us loose on

11 the mob and no t say a word ." He a p peare d to be more concerned with placating southern wh i tes, in an effort to draw them to the Repub lican party, than to improve civil rights .

The most pressing civil rig hts prob lem dur ing

McK inley 's pres i dency was lyn chi ng, wh ich had become wide - spread in the South by 1900 . Over 100 occurred every

12 year . Mc K inley rec o g niz ed the p r oblem in his i n augural address, but did no thing to p r e vent the ac tivity.

Ly nchings occurred in almost ever y st a te . Often the p o l ice depar t ment and local officials were invo l ved . Lynchings -25- became a way of terror izing the commun ity and enforc ing wh ite supremacy in the South . Two congress ion al attemp ts at end ing lyn ch ing faile d. T he first came from a pet ition to Congress b y Repub lican Senator She lby M. Cu llom of

Illinois in 1900 . It contained over 3200 signatures ask ing

1 3 for an end to the illegal practice . In a debate over presen t i n g the pet i t ion to M cKinley , Repub lic an Senator ,

Wi lliam E. Ch and ler from New Hampshi re, argued that it was no t the rig h t of the federal gover nment to pun i s h cr ime in the states , other than the protection of vo ting as explained in the Fifteenth Amen dment . Ano ther bill, pre- sented by Republican Congressman George Wh ite from North

Caro lina , was des i gned to do away wit h mob violence. Th is bill never got out of the House Judiciary Committee .

Lynch ing was no t the only threat . A second danger to civi l rig hts came from southern attemp ts at disfran- chisement . Support for the protection of black voting rights could thwar t McKinley's strugg le for nat ional un ity and reconciliation with southerners, so he took no ma jor action . Two suc h proposals over the voting rig hts issue died in committee . One bla ck congressman , John R. Lynch, attemp ted to add a plank to the 190 0 Repub lic Convent ion

Platform wh ich repeated the Fifteenth Amendment clause about the reduction of representat ion for states wh ich

violated voting rights . The del egates rejec ted the plan k .

Repub lic an Sena tor Edgar D. Crumpacker introduced a dissent

against a reapporti onment bill desi gned to enforce the -26- representat ion cla use . Southern senators denounced the reappor tionment bill and few members ral l ied behind it.

Th e mo tion to discuss the infr i ngement upon voting rig hts in the bill fai led , 94 to 136.14

Blacks at the turn of the centur y cont inued to pla y an important role in the party, even through the distres sing issues of lynch ing and disfranch i sement . They were in- fluent ial in the election of McK inley in 1896 and held important po s itions in the 1900 convent ion. McK inley, how- ever , refused to do anything to better ci vi l rig hts in re- turn for th is black Repub lican support.

McKinley's fai lure as President was the same as many

Repub lican pres i dents before him. He attemp ted to gain southern wh ite support in an effort for nat ional unity at the expense of civi l rights . Like the others before him, th is po licy did no t successfu lly win substantial numbers of southern wh i tes to the Repub lic an party. Southern rac ists could always point to the role of blacks in the Repub lican par ty and the influence they held in the 1900 convent ion as evi dence of "Repub lican unreliability on the racial

1 5 issue . 1 1 In many ways McK inley had less of an opportunity for gaining southern wh ite support than did many of his Repub licans predecessors.

In McKinley's second inaugural address on March 4,

1901 , he did no t refer to the conditions of bla cks. In- stead he promised the new found economic and soc ial oppor-

tunit ies that the Repub lican leg islat ure wou ld create . -27-

I n 189 9 • Qroup of bl•ck& in Mass•chu&etts wro te • let ter to Pres i dent M c Kin l e y on their condition. Th is acc ount charac ter ized the p lig ht of black A mer ica n s . The letter spoke of extreme desperat ion and awfu l wronQs and

"16 miser ies. It asked why McK inley had done no th ing d u rin g such events as the riot i n Wi lmin gton , Nor th Caro­

lin a in 1898 and e xpres sed sho c k o ver southern disf ran - ch i sement . Mc K inley, however , concerned hims elf more wi th the r eco n ciliatio n of southern wh ites , pro mp ting him to do little in the way o f c ivi l r igh t s ref orm. Many blacks ex- pressed their disi llu sion ment w ith the p res ident and the

Repu b l i can p ar t y .

In a let ter wr itt en to Ge o rge L. Knox , the ed itor of a p ro- R e p u blican ne w s pap er , The Ind ian apo lis Freeman , expressed reasons why no t to suppor t the Repu b l ican party

in the next election. Kno x refuted t h e let ter by s tati n g

that black civil e xis tence had been curtai led by the

Democratic p a rty and that the Repub licans were the only

c h o ice . He blamed t h e southern black 's d isf r a n chisemen t

and poor soc ial conditio ns on the Democrats .

At the turn of the centur y blacks began m o ving to

no rthern cities for jobs . These p osi t i ons fil led up

quickly and less desirable pos itio n s bec ame the norm for

blacks in the cit y . Soc ial and economic prob l ems caused

ghettos to develop , comp lete wit h unsa n itar y conditio ns and

a high cr ime rate. Th is environment contr ibuted to the

gro wth of var ious o r g a n i zati o n s designed to help blacks. - 28-

Th e first was the Niagara movement , <19 05- 1 910) . Organi zed by W.E.B. DuBo is, this group cal led upon blacks to protest openly aga inst the injust ices they received . The movement created mi litancy toward unfair po lic ies.

Ano ther organizat ion, the Nat iona l Assoc iat ion for the Advanc ement of Co l ored Peop le, , organized by

Booker T. Wash ington in 1909 , deve loped less aggress ive techniques for civil rig hts reform. It sought an end to

illegal lynch ing and segregat ion by concentrat ing on legal ac tion. Money and legal ass istance from some lib eral northern wh i tes made the organizat ion more effec tiv e in fur ther ing civil rig hts reform than in the Niagara move­ ment . These wh i tes mellowed many of the mi lit ant ideas by stressing the importance of leg ality to ach i eve the asso­ ciat ions aims.

A more moderate organization, the Nat ional League on

Urban Conditions among Negroes , or Urban League for shor t, developed in 1910, did no t concern itse lf wit h natio nal

po litics. Instead , it concentrated on the soc ial we lfare of blacks in urban conditions . It successfully crea ted

better housing and educationa l facilities in bla ck areas .

The Urban League along wit h the NAACP , was created in

the twent ieth century for the advanc ement of blacks,

social ly, econo mical ly and polit ical ly.

The format ion of new organizat ions to deal wit h black

prob lems led to var ious differences of op inion of what the

best method for accomplishing reform could be . Booker T. -29 -

Wash ington bel ieved that the acquisit ion of a sk illed trade and an edu cat ion wou ld promote the soc ial advanc ement of blacks in Amer ica. He convinced wh i tes in Tuskegee ,

Alabama , that the black students there could provide services to the town . He construc ted a spec ial program for students to work in the town for the good of the com munit y.

The success of the program appeared to decrease wh ite hos- til ity toward the blacks. Wash ington belie ved that the program wou ld slowly increase black soc ial stand ing to an equa l leve l with wh ites . He adv i sed blacks no t to migrate from the South , but to learn vocation al trai ning for ga ining economic independence. Wh ites in both the north and the south genera lly accep ted Wash ington's system . Some who bel ieved blacks to be inherent ly infer ior , thought that such training wou ld " keep blacks in their plac e."

The most common critic ism from other civi l rig hts advocates was that Wash ington's philo sophy "did not attack

Jim Crow or seek to promote the suffrage of Afro-Amer ican

17 peop le; instead he sought to conciliate wh ite s."

W.E.B. DuBo is, an instruc tor at At lanta Uni vers ity, strongly disagr eed wit h Wash ington. DuBo is had stud ied at

Harvard and in Berlin. His research concentrated on the condition of blacks in the South . He bel ieved that

Wash ington 's policy could no t br ing soc ial equal ity for blacks . It wou ld no t, in DuBo is' est imat ion, br ing about a posi tive c h ange in civil rights . He suggested a more mi li- tant philo sophy of revo lutionary tactics to gain first - 30- class citizensh ip for blacks. Bo th DuBo is and Wash ington fought for the same ends , but differed in the methods to ach ieve th is goal .

DuBo is and Wash ington had mi�ed rea ctio ns to Theodore

Rooseve lt when he ran for pres i dent . Some blacks over-em- phasized his good deeds and comments about them and were shocked when his ac tions appeared to go against the cause of civil rights . Ro osevelt's ear ly statements s upported the party platform in regard to blacks. As Governor of New

York , he appo inted some blacks and pushed for the desegre-

gat ion of New Yor k schoo ls . He did no t bel ieve , however , that blacks and wh i tes were equal . At certain times he remarked about the effec tiveness of lyn ching as a good penalty for "black rapists" and cr iticized the performance of black troops dur ing t he Spanish Amer ican War .

As a po litic ian Rooseve lt sought to offend the least number of peop le wh ile placat ing the ma jor ity. Th is po licy, although no t a rare one , caused ser ious diffi- cultie s in his administrat ion. Dur ing his first year of office, Roosevelt invited Booker T. Wash ington to the

Wh ite House for dinner to discuss appo intments for var ious blacks . Southerners reacted strong ly against the meet ing.

The Memph is Commercial Appeal cal led the ac tion by

Roosevelt, "the most damnab le outrage wh ich has ever been

,.la perpetrated by any citizen of the Un i ted States .

Witho ut quest ion, the m e et ing damaged Roosevelt's

reputat ion among wh ites . -3 1-

Roosevelt loo ked to Booker T. Wash ington as his ma in adv isor concer ning appo i ntments of blacks and wh ite civi l rights leaders. James S. Clarkson , a Roo seve lt appo i ntee as sur veyor of customs for the Port of New York, reported that only Wash ington and t he influence of a few others " was what prevented a stampede of co l ored men in the nor th from

1 9 the Repub lican party. 1 1 Roosevelt's discuss ions wit h

Wash ington led to some appo i ntments wh ich both nor ther ners and souther ners found accep tab le. Rooseve lt hoped to ga in

control of the southern polit ical process . Many black appo i ntme nts were made by Rooseve lt to reassure blacks about the intent i ons of the Republican party. He wanted to create a broad base of par ty supp ort , yet ma intain both black and southern wh ite allegiance .

In some of the federal appo i ntment s, Roosevelt's policy backfi red . The appointment of William D. Crumm , a black Republi c an party fai thful , as co lle ctor of customs in

Char leston, South Caro lina , took over two years to gain

Senate confirmat ion because of southern wh ite reaction.

Ano ther conflict occurred over the rea ppoi ntment of Minnie

M. Cox as town postmistress in Indianola, Mississippi .

Local wh ites had int imidated her into res igning . She claimed that if she did no t resign, "there wou ld be trouble." Rooseve lt announced the closing of the post office until the town accep ted her appo intment . He be-

lie ved that any criticism of his dec ision was a chal lenge

0 to nat i ona l supremacy and pres i dent ial author ity.1 1 2 -32-

Rooseve lt did no t make a new appo i ntment for the position until a year later when Mrs. Cox refused to return.

Roo seve lt defended these appo i ntments strongly, but by

the midterm of his administrat ion he had made fewer federal

appo i ntments of blacks than Harrison or McKinley at the

same po int . Roo seve lt discovered the diffic ult i es of

trying to sat isfy both bla cks and wh ites . His appoi ntments

of blacks angered the southerners who bel ieved no blacks

should ho ld publi c off ice. His concess ions to wh i tes

created distrust among blacks.

In the 1904 election Roo seve lt attemp ted to down-

play the race issue , bel ieving that he had "noth ing to

gain and everything to lose by any ag itation of the race 21 quest ion. " Both southern wh i tes and blacks expressed

their indignat ion at Roosevelt's refusal to take a firm

stand . In Februa ry, 1905 , he gave a Lincoln's Day speech

on "the Negro prob lem." He appea led for nat iona l unity,

but asked for equality of treatment . His popul ar ity wit h

both bla cks and wh i tes in the South quickly improved after

the speech , but other events would soon test this new found

support.

In the summer of 1906 , the Brownsville affair caused

cons i derab le unrest among the black populat ion. The affair

occurr ed over the al leged atte mp ted rape of a wh ite woman

by a black so ldier stat i oned in Brownsville, Texas . The

au thor ities could no t ident ify or arrest the responsible

par ty for the crime on the grounds that other bla cks in the -33- company protec ted him. He was never ident ifed . Rooseve lt announced that unl ess he was brought forward , al l the members of the bla ck companies invo l ved wou ld be given a dishonorab le discharge . Roo seve lt carr ied out the order , end ing the careers of 160 servicemen . Blacks across the county heated ly denounc ed the ac tion, per manent ly damag ing Roosevelt's reputat ion in their view. A later bill provi ded for the ree nl i stment of these blacks, but it did no t affec t the nega tiv e impac t of the dis charge .

The affair had he ighte ned Roosevelt 's view that blacks

"too often bond together to shelter their own

2 2 cr 1m1n· • a l s. II Rac ist ideas , such as these , appeared to grow stronger in the South dur ing Roosevelt's admini- stration. Even some Repub licans bel ieved that it was wrong

to grant bla cks the right to vote . Many thought it right

to exc lude blacks from polit ics ent ire ly. One Democrat

commented that "now for the first tim e we learn that the conviction is held also by many cand id and thoughtfu l

2 3 Repub lic ans . 1

Few spoke out in defense of civi l rights. In the

Supr eme Court in 1903 , the case of Gi les vs . Harris sane-

tioned po litical disfranch isement bec ause the federal court

wou ld no t str ike down state suffrage provision s. Such

events increased bla ck distrust of the Repub lican par ty and

pushed many blacks to que st ion their par ty affil iat ion.

Booker T. Wash ington commented that "the Democrat ic par ty

does no t want the Negro and if he puts himself in a -34 - position of enmity to the Repub lican, wi ll soon find him-

24 se lf wi thout any po litical influence in the country ."

The opposit ion to Rooseve lt did no t break his contro l of the Repub lican party. Rooseve lt recognized the imper- tance of Black and Tan support at the 1908 Repub lic an convent ion. The use of the Black and Tan faction of the par ty drew great criticism from southern wh i tes who hoped

to el iminate their po lit ical influenc e . Roosevel t's cho ice for the 1908 nom ination, Secretary of War , Wi lliam H. Taft , openly sought support from this bla ck section of the party.

Roosevelt's recommendation for Taf t influenced wh ich of the delegates were chosen for the convent ion. In the factional fights between the Black and Tans and the Lily-Wh ites sections of the party, "the contests were dec ided on the

25 basis of wh ich cand idate the faction supported .11 If

the Black and Tans supported Taft , then their delegation partici p ated in the convent ion. If both the Black and Tans

and the Lily-White factions supported Taft , each traveled

to the convent ion with half of the votes . Each delegate

was given one-half of a vote from the nat iona l committee wh enever this occurred .

The res ults for the seat ing of delegates were mix e d.

Louisiana had a sp lit delegat ion. In Alabama and Ar kansas

the Black and Tans gained seats . In Virginia where blacks

had als o been disfranchised , the Black and Tans were

seated because the Li ly-Wh ites could no t produce an aff i­

davit to refute charges of corruption brought against them -35- by the Credent ials Committee . One committee member re- marked , "I must say that you have presented some poor cases

2 6 i n t h i s s t a te . 1 1

Some unsuccessfu l cand idates for nom inat ion reac ted aga inst th is "unfa ir" trea tment . Representat ive James

Burke of Pennsy lva nia introduced a res olution to reduce re- presentation at the convent ion from southern states . The res olut ion's supporter s bel ieved that "the rig hts of the northern states wh ich were necessary for Repub lican elec- toral success had been handed over to delegat i ons from southern states wh ich never gave the par ty any votes in

27 the electoral col leg e." Th is res olution had lit tle success because of ma jority support for Taft at the con- vent ion.

The same tactics were used by Taft at the 1912 con- vent ion. Rooseve lt challenged him for the nominat ion, but the Taft forces defeated his bid for ano ther term.

Roo seve lt accused Taft of "ste al ing" the nominat ion, but

El ihu Root , a Taft supporter , chai red the convention. Root ruled that the contested delegates were fairly chosen , and the convent ion a.greed wit h his decision.

Roosevelt's failu re to gain the Repub lican nomination

in 1912 forced him to organiz e the Bu ll Moose party, com- posed of progress ive Repub licans , to chal lenge Taft . As

the nominee of th is new party, he sought to streng then southern wh ite opposition. Th is strugg le created a division in the southern wing of the Repub lic an party, -36- already compli c ated by Black and Tan and Li ly-White factio ns . These prob lems made black loy alty to the

Repub lic an par ty very difficult to ma int ain. The conservative-progress ive fight for contro l increased the political fl ight of some blacks from the party.

Roosevelt's progress ivism did no t embrace blacks. Ne i ther

The Bu ll Moose nor the Repub lic an party platforms had any ment ion of black rights in 1912. Bishop Alexander Wa lte r s ,

Presi dent of the Co l ored Democratic League , remar ked that

"the dul lest mind can see at a glance the difference between the Repub lican party as represented by Char les

Sumner in 1870 and Theodore Rooseve lt and Wi lliam Howard

Taft in 1912." 2 9 He recommended that blacks sh ift their allegiance permanent ly to the Democrats . The efforts of progress i ves to bui ld strong wh ite opposition fai led by

1913, after the Democrats gained the rig ht to dispense

Federal patronage jobs.

Roo sevelt had attemp ted to placate black voters through appo intments, but Taft "failed to see or fo llow the humanitarian mission assoc iated wit h the Repub lic an party , wit h the res ult that Negroes both North and South began to

30 dr ift toward the Democrat ic party . 1 1 Blacks, though apparent ly abandoned by Taft and the Repub licans , had difficulty switching parties because of Democ rat ic reso lve to remove them ent irely from po litics. It appeared that blacks could gain more from the Repub lic ans than they could from the Democrats in regard to federal appo intments. - 37-

Second ly, because of their romant ic view of the Repub lican par ty, of Lincoln and emanc ipat ion still cont inued to ho ld some black al legiance .

The progress i ves were no t an adequate cho ice for a po litical sw itch . The role of the progressi ves as agents of change contra sted dire ctly wi th southern Democ ratic dis- franchi sement . Theodore Rooseve lt typified th is per iod .

The ma jor progress ive concerns were economic and busi ness matte rs, along wit h transportat ion, natural resources and

local government reform.

Some blacks made the jump to the Democratic party in

1912. W.E.B. DuBo is, newspaper ed itor Wi lliam M. Trotter , and Wi lliam R. Garr ison's grands on, Oswa ld S. Vi lla rd , all supported Woodrow Wilson in the 1912 election . Black elected officials also reflected this change . By 1912 only one southern state had a black Repub lican governor ,

Tennessee . Southern state legislatures contained only a

few blacks and Democrats controlled these states . By the election of Woodrow Wi lson, all eleven southern states went

Democrat ic .

Wi lson's relat ion to the progressive movement grew

from old populist ideas such as women 's suffrage , child

labor laws , workmen 's compensat ion, and minimum wages .

Black equal ity, however , was no t one of these goals. In

fact , Wi lson said lit tle about the race quest ion. Dur ing

his administrat ion reso l u t io n s for the r e p e a l of the Four­

teenth and Fifteenth Amendments increased greatly over -38 - simi lar occurrences in the Rooseve lt or Taft admini­ strat ion s. Southern er s presented many rac ist bi lls such as civi l service segregation clauses and ant i-inter marr iage laws . Wi lson extended segr egation into some Federal Depar t­ ments , such as the Post Off ice Department and the Bureau of

Pr inting and Engraving. The protest of northern lib era ls hal ted th is process when the Treasury Department desegre- gated in 1914. Blacks vo i c ed outrage over these issues and reversed their opi n i on of Wi lson's progressivism.

Dur ing Wor ld War I, Blacks overwhelmingly suppor ted

U.S. invo l vement to "make the wor ld safe for dem ocracy ."

None of the demands blacks made , however , such as deseg­ reg ation in the milit ary and adequate battlef ield training for black so ldiers were met . Most of those sent overseas bec ame cooks or simple laborers . President Wi lson sent warnings to black troops that they must be willing to accep t the same soc ial status when they returned as had ex i sted before the war . In the United States a massive black northern migrat ion brought new labor to the ma jor cities. Blacks found jobs in the war indust ries . Be-

31 tween 1915 and 1918 over 500 ,000 blacks moved Nor th .

Ano ther 500 ,000 joined the migration by the 192 0's. These new workers had limits that barred them from trade uni ons and segregated them from wh ites . New racial tens ions b rought violence to urban areas . The most violent riot occurred in Ch icago in 1919. T h is clash between wh i tes and

32 blacks kil led 38 and wounded over 500 . -39 -

Dur ing th is per iod of unrest a " back to Afr ica" movement began to grow under the dir ec tion of Marcus

Garvey . Wh ile in Jama ica he organi zed the Uni ver sa l Negro

Improvemen t Assoc iatio n in 1914. It grew to a membersh ip of over two mi llion by 1916. The doctr ines developed by the organizat ion included the condemnat ion of the imper­ ial ism of Europe in Afr ica, wor ld wide racial oppression, lynch ing, discr iminat ion and segregat ion. It calle d upon

blacks to defend themse lves against injusti c e . The ul- tim ate aim of the movement came in the proposed reco loni- zat ion of blacks to Afr ica . The idea ended with financial co lla pse and a prison sentence for Garvey , who was con­ victed for ma il fraud in his struggle for colonization. CHAPTER III

THE 1920 '5 THROUGH THE NEW DEAL

The 1920 convent ion had three contest ing cand idates ,

Gener al Leonard Wood , Governor Frank O. Lowden from

Illinois and Senator Hiram W. Johnson of Ca lif ornia. None of these cand idates proved ab le to win ma jor ity support though they al l cam paigned heavi ly in the South for Black and Tan support before the convention. Three states had delegat i ons wit h votes sp lit between the Lily-White and

Black and Tans factions . Most of the other southern states had inter na l strugg les between each group . A dead lock occurred at the convent ion between Lowden and Wood wit h support evenly sp lit. In Mississipp i, Alabama , and North

Caro lin a the Black and Tans were seated by the credent ials commi ttee . In Ar k ansas , Virginia, and South Caro lina , the

Lily-Wh ites were seated . Senator Warren G. Hard ing, a dark horse cand idate from Oh io won nomination on the tenth bal lot . Li ly-Wh ites at the convention succ essfully introduced a res olution to limit southern representation to

1 four at-large delegates .

In the 1920 campa ign, Warren G. Harding attemp ted to ga in support from the South , wh ile not destroying the par ty affi lia tion of the recent ly migrated black nor therne rs.

Hard ing had the advantage of bla ck outrage over racis m in the Wi lson pres i dency . After the election, however , the

Repub lican par ty fa ile d to upho ld its bel ief in equal ity.

Hard ing, like Repub lican presidents before him, tr ied to - 4 1 -

reconc ile both the wh ite south and the blacks to support the Repub lic an party. Th is po licy reflec ted the prob lems

R epublica n s had when trying to ho ld both the par ty and the country together simulta neou sly. T he quest ion of race fur ther complicated this difficulty.

S hortly af t er H a r din g ' s election he met wit h the black poet , James We ldon Johnson to discuss the "Ne gro prob lem. "

The iss ues of bla ck disfranch i sement , lynchin g and the Ku

Klux Klan were the most common prob lems . Johnson requested t hat H ardin g make several black appo intments a n d create an i nterrac ial commission to study these prob lems to wh ich

Hard ing agr eed . In 1921 he made a speech to C o ngres s criticizing lynching and announc ing the possible creation of the commission. He did not become spec ific in his address , but he drew praise from black leaders. W.E.B.

DuBo is commented that "this is the s tro nge s t pronouncemen t on the race prob lem ever made by a President in a message

11 2 to Congress . Harding did no t fu l fill such strong ex- pectations .

Harding never pushed for civil rig hts legislat ion aga in, and appeared to have only a superficial under- standing of racial prob lems . In a speech to blacks in

Birmingham , Alabama o n Oc tober 26 , 1921 , H ard i n g reassured the wh ite southerners that soc ial equal ity of the races did no t ex ist , yet he promo ted the concep t of po litical equal ity to halt g r o wing black cr itic ism about his -4 2- po lic ies. Harding 's popular ity among blacks decreased sharply in the first year of his pres i dency . Most blacks thought that Harding 's interest in streng theni ng the

Lily-White organizat ions in the South had intensified.

Harding 's ac tions just ified their fears.

Ear ly in 1921 Har d i ng warned that any new blac k appo i ntm e n ts in the South might arouse wh ite resentme nt .

The Repub lican Na t iona l Committee responded to th is dec larat ion by announc ing a new plan for reorgan izati on of the southern par ty organization . Th is new plan cal led for a reduc tion of bla c k invo l vement in the party, and a change in the allotment of delegates to the nat iona l convent ion.

Blacks strongly protested against these changes .

Local prob lems for bla ck life also increased dur ing the Harding administrat ion. Dur ing the ear ly 192 0's the increase in Klan ac tivities created ser ious southern racial ten sion s. Harding did not know how to deal with the prob- lem . His reluc tance to use federal author ity in this in- stance demon strated lack of pres i dent ial effectiveness . In

1922 he wrote that "I do not know the most practical method

3 of deal ing wit h the Ku Klux Klan." Harding's lack of ac tion lost the goodwi ll of many blacks to the Repub lican party .

Ne i ther did Harding do anything to slow the practice of segregation wh ich had increased since the Wi lson administration. Hard ing appeared to show g r eat i n s e ns i -

tivity to the fee l ings of bla cks throughout his pres i dency, -43 - al though his lack of under stand ing and na ivete contr i buted to the prob lem. He appo inted very few blacks to office be­ cause of an int erest in ma int aining a good image among wh ite southerners, and reorgani zing the Repub lic an party

along Li l y - Wh ite lin es . Harding made only a handful of blac k a p p o i n t ment s . Blacks bec ame dis appo i nted by the res ults of the administration, and the Repub lic an party .

In 1923 , a group of black leader s met to denounce Hard ing for his civi l rights fai lures . The leader of the meet ing ,

Dr . Geo r g e E. Cannon, a t tac ked H a rding for no t recognizing

black prob lems . Wit h Har ding ' s death in Augu st , 1923 , blacks had become increa singly more frustrated wit h the

Repub lican par ty and Repub lican administrations.

Few blacks expressed optimism that the Coo lid ge admin­ istrat ion could fur ther the cause of civil rig hts any better than Hard ing's pres i dency . Coolidg e's attitude on the sub ject was not known when he first e n tered office in Aug u st , 1923 . The NAACP tr ied to educate him on the current racial problems , but he made no commitments to any prog ram s. James Weldon Johnson not ified Coo lidge about many dif ficulties, such as the fai lure of the Repub lican party to ful ly support the Dyer ant i-lynch ing bill, and the wide-scale dis franchi sement in the South . Coo lid g e commented on these p r o b l e m s in his first message to

Congress and brought enc ouragement to bla ck leaders, but

most of his statements were vag ue ly w o r ded . He attacked -44- the cr ime of lynch ing in his s p eech , but he refused to lat er support the a n ti- l y n c h i n g b i ll.

Coo lid ge d i s a p po inted blacks dur i n g his first year in office. Un l ike Theodore Roosevelt's assoc iatio n wit h

Booker T. W a sh ing t o n , or H a r d ing ' s r elat ion s h i p wit h

Johnson , Coo lid ge had lit tle p e r s o na l contac t wit h blacks .

One of Coolidg e's first ma jor a ppo i n t men t s w as C ongressma n

C. Bascom Slemp

Slemp ' s appo si t i on t a anti- l y n c hing laws and promotion of

Li ly-Whitism angered blacks greatly. Cr itics' rea ction t o the a p po i n t m e n t caused C ool i d ge to d own p l a y Slemp 's role in the administration. Coo lid g e attemp ted no t ta offend blacks or p ush far as much Li ly-White reform as had

H a r d i n g . Coo lid g e ' s appointme nts demo n strated this p oli c y. One o f his cho i ces was civi l r i ghts advocate ,

Senator Wi lliam But ler, ta head his pre c a n v e n t i a n organization.

On other issues , however , Coo lid ge did no t act . He fai led ta take a stand an the Klan, unl ike the nominees far p r es i dent from the Progressive and Democrat ic parties.

Th is silence gaine d the disreputab le sup p o r t of the Klan far Coo lidge's election far pres i dent in 1924 . B lack resentment far his po licy on th is and other r a c ial que st ion s led some to look for viab le alternat i ves ta the

Repub lic an par ty in the 1924 election.

W.E.B. DuBo is at f i r s t agreed to the format ion of a th ird par ty before settling an the Progres s i v e p a r t y - 4 5-

cand idate , Rober t M. LaFo lle tte

aga in we are found putting our trust in either the Repub­

4 lic an or Democratic Parties." Most blacks refused to

lessen their histor ical attachment to the Repub lican party

and did no t fo llow up on DuBo is' request for a th ird

party. The Democrats , aware of black unrest in the Repub-

lican ran ks, began an appea l for them to join the

Democratic party.

The defeat of an ant i-Klan plank at the Democrat ic

Nat iona l Convent ion did no t hamper the pres i dent ial

nominee , John M. Davis, from denounc ing race prejudice and

bigotry in his acceptance speech . He spoke to blacks in

New Yo rk City and cam paign ed for black votes in his home

state of West Virginia. Even wit h the Repub lic an prob lem

of diminishing black allegiance , Coo lidge return ed to the

pres i dency in 1924 with a landsl ide vo te . Southern states

had no t supported him, and some blacks rejected the

Repub lican party, but the results did not chan ge .

Dur ing this administration, Coo lidge aga in fai led to

ac t on civil rig hts issues . In 1926 , after a meeting wit h

a delegation from the Natio nal Equal Rights League , it

appeared certain that Coolidge wou ld attemp t to abo lis h

depar tmental segregation, but th is did no t come about . One

member of the com mittee , Kel ly Mi l ler , complained that "we

. 5 wa i ted twe nty mo nths and nothing happened ." It took an

ac t by Secretary of Commerce, Herber t Hoo ver , to order an -46- end to racial segregation and discr iminat ion in the

Depar tment of Commerce. Southern members of Congress in- st i tuted strong cr iticism aga inst Hoover 's reform .

Dur ing Coolidg e's administrat ion, Repub lic ans cared lit tle about q uest i ons of race . They did no t take advan- tage of their lea d e rship and fai led to assume respons i- bil ity for civil rights . Po litical conditions had wor sened for bla c k s dur ing the 192 0's. The R epub lic a n s showed lit tle concern and neg lected both their opportunit y for reform and the chance to win a more so lid black Re- publican const i tuency . Repub lic an leaders had appeared to lose a basic understand ing of black prob lems by the 192 0's.

A penalty for this lack of fores ight came from a reso lution adopted by the NAACP in 1926 . Th is proc l amat ion stated that" our polit ical salvation and our soc ial survival lie in our abso lu� e independenc e of par t y al legiance in

6 po 1.l t.lCS . "

Herber t Hoover brought no rel ief to black disolu- sionment over the Repub lic an party. His ten ure as head of a southern rel ief commit tee dur ing spr ing floods in 1927 brought charges of beat ings and brutal ity in refugee

7 cam ps. Blacks had acquired a negative view of Hoover even before he ran for pres i dent . Very lit tle discussion at the convent ion inclu ded the issue of race , but the platform did c o n t a i n one lin e devo ted to the enac tment of an ant i-lync hing law. -47-

Black and Tans organizat ions and the Li ly-Wh ite segment of the Repub lican par ty began to prepare for a strugg le in the 1928 election . Herber t Hoo ver , however , used money to pay off many Li ly-Wh ite and Black and Tan delegat i ons equal ly for his nominat ion . He won easi ly on

the first bal lot . Hoover announced shortly after his · election that the southern Repub lic an par ty must reorgani z e and he commended the Li ly-Wh ites for their supp ort . Hoover was ab le to use the Black and Tan delegates to "secure his nominat ion and afterwards dropped them and promoted the

8 Lily-Wh ite s." He openly worke d wit h the Li ly-White organizations and sponsored them to attract Southern

Democrats into the Repub lic an party. Af ter Hoover 's election the Black and Tan factions began to disappear .

The delegat i ons no lon ger held power at the convent ions .

Smal l pockets of Black and Tans exi sted until the 196 0's, but with little effec t on the party . Hoover 's attack on the southern black Repub licans "sp elled the doom of the

9 Black influence in Southern Repub lican organization."

Dur ing the campa ign, Hoover continued to support the

Li ly-Wh ite organiz ation. He supported the prosecution of a

Spec ial Assistant to the U.S. Attorney General , Perry

Howard , a black from Mississippi , for sel l ing federal patronage . Most wh i tes in this practice escaped any legal ac tion . Hoover had conv i nced many blacks that they were no lon ger we lcome in the Repub lic an party. -48-

Blacks viewed the Democ rat ic cand idate , Al Sm ith, with equa l suspic ion. For var ious reasons , blacks gene ral ly rejec ted Democrats . Sm ith was Catholic, assoc iated wit h rac ist southerners, and they remembered the exper ience of

Democ ratic rac ism in the Wi lson administrat ion. DuBo is bel ieved that "it doe s no t matter a tinker 's damn wh ich of these gent l emen succ eed . With minor exceptions , they stand

l O for the same th ing . "

Hoover won the 1928 elec tio n easily, gaining more vo tes than any other Repub lican pres i dent ial cand idate ever . Blacks did no t vote for Hoover in large n umb ers, giving lit tle incent ive for new Repub lican moves in civil rights. Dur ing 1929 no new appo intments appeared . Dr .

Robert Morton, President of the Tuskegee Institute , conferred wit h Hoover and recommended that several black appo i ntme nts be made . The result was the reappo intment of

James A. Cobb a s judge in the Distr ict of Co lum bia.

Sever al other appo i ntments were made , but few came direc tly from the Presi dent . DuBo is commented that Hoover could only be regarded as "the man in the Li ly Wh ite House ! 1111

The election of Hoover , apparently a negat ive step for civil r ights , accomp lished the p olitical organizat ion of blacks. In one instance , the appoi ntment of a wh ite southern Circ uit C ourt Judge from No rth C aro l i n a , John J.

P a rke r , to the Supr eme Cour t caused the launch ing of vigorous cam pa i gns against his confirmat ion. The Senate rejected him. Hoover 's appointme n t of a commission on law - 49- enforcement did no t contain any b lacks and it showed no interest in look ing at the problems of lynch ing, mob via- len ce, segregation or disfranch i sement .

Hoover no t only fa ile d to win approval of his admin- istrat ion's ac tions from black Amer icans but he also made no attempt to ga in their sup p ort. By the 193 0's, the economic c o lla p s e preoccup ied Hoover 's thoughts . Blacks p lay e d a diminishing ro le in the R e publican party and when presented wit h a viable altern at ive president ial can didate, wou ld switch t h e i r allegia nce . The 1932 Repub lic an platform brought no new hope . Many blacks d e f e c t e d from the par ty in the election. Richard B. Sherman noted that the black political situat ion was chang ing:

It was no t that the Repub licans had no t been warned . For years black leaders caut i oned the GOP about the possible consequences of its racial polic ies. But it was to no avail, pr ima rily because there was no immed iate po litical necess ity for most Repub licans to lis ten to the Negroes' . comp laint s . To be heard , Negroes had to show that they had polit ical power , the ab ilit y to reward or punish their fr iends and enem ies at the polls. For th is reason , Negro leaders often overrated the streng th of black vo ters; they did not hold the bal ance of power in p resident ial elections as some claime d. At the same time , they were wise to preach the necess ity of political independence. Negroes had to abandon their automatic loy alt y to the Repub lic an party if polit icians were to cease 1 taking their votes for granted . 2

The Hoover administrat ion's polic ies gave blacks adequate cause to bo lt the Repub lic an party in the 1932 e lec t i on. T. Arno ld Hi ll, the Nat ional Urban League 's industr ial relat ions director , commented that "at no tim e in the history of the Negro since slavery has his economic -so- J and soc ial out look seemed so discour a ging.') T he prob lems of the depress ion and the rac ist attitudes of

Hoover brought great disappo i ntment to blacks. The alternat ive to Hoover , Frank lin D. Roosevelt, appeared to most blacks as equal ly unworthy . As the Governor of New

Y o r k , Rooseve lt had shown little attent ion to black prob lems . Blacks found themse l ves in the dilemma of choosing between known ev il po l i t i c a l structure , or t h e

Democ rat ic par ty wit h its history of oppress ion. Ne ither party a ppe a r ed particularly concer ned wh ich cand idate the blacks wou ld chose .

The total number of bla cks ab le to vote in the Uni ted

States made up less than 3 percent of the nat ional

1 4 total . Disfranchi sement limited over two - thirds of

possible black voters. In the election of 1932 the

Repub licans expec ted these few black voters to base their

a lle g ian c e to the party on tradition. At the last minute,

just before the Repub lican Natio na l Convent ion, Hoover met

wit h black leader s on the Wh ite House lawn . Most blacks

saw the appearance as election propagan da . Roo seve lt spoke

to black rep orters and promi sed protection for the citizen-

sh ip of Negr oes . He also alluded to the possible

a ppo i ntment of blacks without discr iminat ion. The

Repub licans bel ieved t h a t Roose v e l t ' s r u n ning mate,

C o n g r e ssma n John N. Garner from Texas , could help more than

hinder the chances of retaining bla ck vo ters in the

Rep u bli c an party. Garner , however , asser ted equal ity - 5 1 - before the law and issued a statement aff irming sympathy f o r black p rob lems .

The R e p u bl i c ans a ttempted to convey dur ing the election that it was safer to stay with them than

1 5 t o " s w a p horses in the middle of a stream . 11 Democrats ar gued in return that no pres i dent could be worse than

Hoover . The black vo ter did no t appear to m a k e any difference in the election. If they rema i ned loya l to the

Repub lic an party, they could expec t no ma jor c hange from past Repub lican pres idents . If blacks for the first tim e divided their votes , then both parties might bid for their support. When the election res ult s came , no radical c h ange in black voting had occurred , but Rooseve lt had gained the pres i dency.

The stat ist ics show that Hoo ver ac tually gained more black votes than in 1928 , wh ile losing the election. The

insignificance of the black vo te was ev i dent in the 1932

elec tio n . The ma jor issue , the depress ion, limited any ser ious discussion of the civi l rig hts problems affecting blacks. One bla ck wrote in 1932 that "wit hin a coup le of years we wi ll be talkin g about 'the good old Hoover days '

and •.. Rooseve lt wi ll be as unpopular ••• as Hoover is

16 today."

Dur ing the Depress ion, blacks suffered the most .

The ir unemp loy ment ran twice as high as wh ites . Dis- cr iminat ion, already low wages , and poor living conditions c ontr ibuted to the deve lop ment of organizat ions by blacks - 5 2 - for rel ief. One such organizat ion, was the Nat ional Negro

Congress , formed in 1936 . Like the Negro conferences before the Civi l War , th is organizat ion contained blacks from every po lit ical group who condemned segreg at ion, lynch ing, and disfranchi sement . The Congress advocated rel ief and trade un ion status for the unemp loyed and poor working blacks . In 1937 , the Southern Negro Congress wh ich fought for soc ial c hang e in black Amer ican was f o r m e d . One year later the Southern Conference for Human We l fare was created . It brought about a coal ition of blacks and wh ite northern lib erals to dis cuss major prob lems . By the late

194 0's these groups had faded from the scene , but some of their demands gained incorporation into New Dea l programs and future polit ical party platforms .

Blacks genera lly benef ited from the New Deal .

Roosevelt's measures for rep airing the Amer ican economy hel ped great ly. Federal bank ing reconstruc tion , insured that blacks would no t again lose their savi ngs because of the federal government 's guarantee of rep ayment .

Bus i ness loa ns bai led out fai l ing shops and factor ies. The

New Dea l crea ted new emp loyment opportunit ies for blacks in publi c works. The Civi l ian Conserv ation Corps , gave work to those who were unemp loyed by the depression. The

Works Progress Administrat ion CWP A> , also contr i buted to the hiring of many unemp loyed blacks. The Southern Tenant

Farmer s Assoc iatio n hel ped blacks by providing low cost -53- housing loans . T he Agr icultural Ad justment Administrat ion

, al lotted cash to bla ck farmers for not ove rpro­ ducing, al though some were cheated and discr iminated

aga i nst . Electr icity for bla ck homes in the South came

from wor k done by the Rural Electr ificat ion Administrat ion

. For the first time , blacks gai ned the ab ility to

buy new hom e s through the Home O w n e rs L oan C o r porat ion

. Much reform, however , did no t take place . Many blacks were left out of the soc ial we lfare programs .

In 1935 the Soc ial Sec ur ity Ac t exempted agricultur a l and

domest ic labor . Blacks did no t g a in from unemp loy ment

compensat ion because the states contro lled the payments

and often discriminated against them .

Shortly after Roo sevelt's election he gathered a group

of influent ial blacks together to form a "black cabinet ."

Th is organization advised Rooseve lt on black problems and

sought to end seg regat i on , discr imination, and disfranch-

isement . The administrat ion fai led to alleviate many of

these problems . Lynching, po ll taxes , and segregation con-

tin ued to plague black Amer ica. No t until Wor ld War II

was some reform brought to these areas .

The election of 1936 brought blacks into the

Democrat ic camp on a massive scale . The economic plight

had fur ther st imulated the migration of blacks to north ern

c i t i es . Th is new northern b l a c k populat ion vo ted for

Roosevelt's New Dea l and against the Repub lican par ty 's

trad i t i ona l a p p e al . Roosevelt's landsl ide came from a 60 .8 -54- percent share of the popular vo te . In this election the

influence of black vo tin g, lik e electi ons befor e, did no t

make much differen ce. Black pol itical al legiance, howe v e r , had changed dramat ical ly. In the ma jor cities, the

Democrats gained a huge percentage of the black vote. In

Ch icago the black vo te for the Democrats increased 132 per- cent over those wh ich vo ted in 1932 . In Cleve l and the

1 8 figure rose b y 250 percent .

The r esult s of the electio n brought on many q u e s t ions

about the chan g e in black votin g patterns . Why did blacks deser t the Repub lic a n party? There are different schoo ls

of thought on this quest ion. Two sources offer the int e r -

pretat ion that blacks joined the Democratic par ty because

of the positiv e civi l rig hts record of the New Deal .

Howard Sitkoff's A New Deal for Blacks and Lesl ie H.

Fishel Jr .'s The Negro in the New Dea l Era take this view-

p oin t . B u t Nanc y J. We iss in Farewell to t h e P a r t y o f

Lincoln, bel ieved that blacks voted Democ ratic not because

of Roosevelt's civil rig hts measures but because the New

D eal brought economic opportunity . We iss states that "it

was Frank lin Roosevelt's ab ility to provide jobs, not his

embrace of civi l rights, that made him a hero to black

A m e r i c a ns . " 1 9

Blacks idolized Rooseve lt. One newspaper let ter

cal led Rooseve lt "the greatest president Amer ica has ever

had."20 Blacks fe ll susce ptible to the Roo seve lt charm

and personality. The New Deal left many civi l rights - 5 5- reforms undone , but it created black pol itical ac tivity, gave them a hero, and enl i sted t hem in the Democratic party. The election of 1940 gave t� e Repub lic ans a chance to recap ture black al legianc e. Th is, however , was no t possible because of the recent Repub lic an attemp ts at winning wh ite south ern support and the per c e i v e d success of the New Dea l economic programs . Blacks had now firmly placed themse lves in the Democratic camp . CHAPTER IV

REPUBL ICANS , BLACKS AND POSTWAR AMER ICA

Blacks played an important ro le in Wo r ld War Two .

After the 1936 Berlin Olym pics , in wh ich Hit ler ins ulted them as member s of an infer ior race, blacks gai ned an understand ing of the fasc ist danger . In 1938 Joe Louis' sensat i ona l first round victory over the G erman boxer ,

Max S chme l i n g , gave many bla cks a feel ing of pr ide. The attack by Musso lini on Ethiopia and the Spanish Civil War invo l ved blacks even before the Un i ted States joined the war . Because of these wor ld events, blacks slowly in- creased their number s in the U.S. armed forces . In 1940 , less than 1 0 , 000 blacks had entered the mi lit ary , but three mi llion regist ered after the establis hment of the

Se lective Service System . By 194 5 , over 700 , 000 blacks

. 1 had jo ined .

There was much pressure to use these black troops abroad . Those wh ich did go to Europe were often faced wit h discrimination. In 1942 a spec ial order came from Con gress wh ich out l awed the practice of discrimination in the training and creat ion of new office rs. By the end of the war , however , only a few blacks had become off i cers in each service . The mi litary cont inued to segregate black so ldiers . On ly the Merchant Mar ine integrated its service at the beg inning of the war .

The war did, however , bring some basic reforms . A.

P h i lli p Rando lph , founder of the Brotherhood of Sleep ing -57-

Por ters, threatened a march on Wash ington, D.C. in 1941 shor tly after Frank lin D. Rooseve lt inst i tuted ac tions wh ich aff irm ed equa l opportuni ty emp loy ment , the insti tu­ tion of non-d iscr iminatory vocationa l training, and the el imination of discr iminat ion in govern ment contrac ts. To

enforce these s t ipulations , Rooseve lt created the F a ir

Emp loy ment Pra ctices Committee . These cha nges established new oppor tunities for blacks to get better jobs . The war brought on the need for a strong labor force in the expand ing north ern industries . Th is caused a steady increase in black m igration to the No r th .

Soc ial changes accelerated dur ing the war . The

Com mittee on Participation of Negroes in the Nat ional

Defense Program began in 1940 . Congressman Hamilton Fish

CR-New York ) successfully introduced a non - discr imination amendment to the Se lective Service Ac t. It required fur t her action, however , to eliminate segreg ation in each mi lit ary depar tment . Roosevelt's war appo intme nts of some blacks, lik e that of Ma jor Campbell C. Johnson as Exec ut ive

Ass istant to the Director of the Se lective Service , expanded black partic ipation in the war effor t. In the labor force, uni ons sought to reduce discrimination. Both the Amer ican Federation of Labor and the Congress of In­ dustr ial Organiz a tio ns increased their m e m b ers h ips for black wor kers.

The increased nor thern migration caused some racial prob lem s in the citi es . In 1943 , a riot in Detroit - 5 8 - occurred bec ause of compet ition for jobs, housing shortages and rac ism. Rooseve lt sent 6,000 so ldiers to halt the

confl i ct ; 43 deaths occurred and hundreds were injured .

The cour ts dealt with some of these issues . Us ing

the Interstate Commerce Ac t, the courts prevented discr im­

inat ion aga ins t any rai lroad passenger s because of race.

The c our ts also moved against discr imination in emp loyment .

In a 1944 case , Gro vey vs . Townsend . <1944), the cour t de­

clared that par ty membersh ip qual ified voters in pr imar ies

to select the nominees for a general election. Th is

dec ision ended the "white pr imary" system in the South .

Although the decision only app lie d to Texas, many other

southern states accep ted it. Smal l numbers of blacks began

register ing to vote in southern primar ies after this

decision.

In 1944 , Roosevelt was reelec ted . Most Amer icans

agreed that he was an ab le wartime leader who had brought

the country out of the Depression through the use of

economic ref orm. Wor ld War II had presented many bla cks

with new hope and opportunity for the future of civi l

rights. T he Repub lic an par ty 's role in civil rights,

however , appeared slight, now that much black allegiance

had withered away . Post war events wit n essed a cont inuing

growth of black dissat i sfaction with the Repub lic an

position on numerous issues .

Repub lican and Democ ratic platforms in 1944 showed one

reason however , why the GOP gai ned some black vo tes that - 5 9- year . The Repub licans ple dged to attack discriminat ion in the armed services , wh ile the Democrats made only vague statements on civi l rights . The Repub licans atte mp ted to

fu lfi ll th is p lank in their p latform . Repub lican Senator

Wi lliam Langer of North Dakota worked on a number of civil r i g h ts proposals and successfu lly broug h t about leg isla tio n

to remove a po ll tax on service men for general election s.

Southern Democrats atte m p t e d to wr ite a segreg ationist cla use i n t o Langer 's ma in bill, but the House rej ec ted t h i s m ove .

In 193 8, Gunnar M y rdal took on the pro ject o f formu­

lat ing a comprehens ive study of blacks in the Uni ted

States . Six years later , the p roj ec t resu lted in the pub-

licat ion of An Amer ican Dilemma : The Negro Problem and

Modern Democracy . The study had a great impac t on Amer ican po litics and soc ial atti tudes about blacks. Myrdal, a

Swed ish econo mist , used a large research team of scho lars

to comp lete th is task .

One of the members of the research team was a black

scho lar, Ralph Bunche , who wrote a leng thy memorandum for

the work ent itled "The Po litical Status of the Negro ."

Th is report hel ped to shape An Amer ican Di lemma . Bunche

laced the memorandum wit h his own o p i nion about the

p o l itic al plight of blacks in Amer i c a , and specifical ly the

South . He based the work on the New Dea l per iod and

attemp ted to po int out the discrepanc ies wh ich ex i sted

bet wee n c ivil r i g h ts and the Amer ican political struc ture . -60-

Bunche opened wi t h a discuss ion of the histor ical background to the prob lem of black po litics fo llowed b y a descr iption of the lack of southern black political ac tion.

He cr iticized the one-par ty system in the South and noted the near absence of Repub lic an invo l vement in the

region . Bunche claimed that " Repub l i can i sm in the S o uth has largely reduced to a fight for contro l of par ty patron­ age when R epub l ican presidents grace the Wh ite House ."

Bunche discussed the black polit ical prob lems of voter registration and discr imination in t he South . In his fina l assessment , he explained how the Repub lican party bec ame the "white man's party" dur ing the Rooseve lt years, both at the nat ional and local lev els. Bunc he conc l uded by noting the gener al degeneration of the local

Repub lic an party.

The memorandum of Bunche's and the work of the re­

search contr i buted great ly to the production of An Amer ican

Dilemma . Myrdal developed a general thesis from his study

about racial prob lems in the Uni ted States . He bel ieved

that wh ite Amer icans suffered from the dilemma of the way

in wh ich their soc iety treated blacks as contrasted with

the Amer ican creed of freedom and equality. Myrdal pre-

dieted that this par ado x wou ld force ref orm in civil rights

dur ing the post-war period.

Myrdal thought that the impact of Wor ld War Two on

Amer ica wou ld st imulate black soc ial and p o l i t ica l ac tion.

The war created the dile mma that blacks who had fought - 61- aga inst racis m abroad in the H itler reg ime, now found them- se l ves discriminated against in their home country. Myr da l asser ted that th is contra diction in the Amer ican po litical structure created a problem in the minds of wh ites and con- tr i buted to bla ck frustrat ion. Myrdal explained his thesis in the pref a ce of the work:

The Amer ican Negro prob lem is a prob lem in the heart of the Amer ican. It is there that the inter ­ racial tension has its focus . It is there that the dec isive strugg le goes on . Th is is the central view­ po int of this treat ise ... At the bot tom of our problem is the moral di lemma of the Amer ican--the con­ flict between his moral valuat i ons on var ious lev els of consc iou sness and genera lit y. The "Amer ican Di lemma " referred to in the title of this book is the ever raging conflict between , on the one hand , the valuati ons preserved on the general plane wh ich we shal l cal l the "Amer ican Creed " where the Amer ican thinks, talks, and acts under the influence of high nat ion al and Chr istian precepts, and on the other hand , the val uat ions on spec ific planes of individual and group living, where persona l and local interests; economic, social , and sexual jealou sies; cons iderations of community prestige and conformity; group prejudice against particular persons or types of peop le; and al l sorts of mis­ cellaneous w � nts, impulses , and habits dominate his out look .

Myrdal bel ieved that the racial prob lem was a wh ite prob lem. He conc l uded that bla ck life was a rea ction to wh ite pressure. Wh ites ration al i zed and justifie d the in- equality of blacks. Myrdal cited examp les of growing black mi litancy against the status quo . In Myrdal 's opinion, men lik e W.E.B. DuBo is, A. Ph i llip Rando lph , and

Marcus Garvey , foreshadowed the civi l rig hts leadersh ip of

t he f u tur e . He no ted , however , that an all black movement , lik e that of Garvey 's, could no t succeed without some w h ite support . -62-

The g oal of Myrdal 's work wou ld be the successfu l

integ rat ion of blacks into the ma i nstream of Amer ican

soc iety. He bel ieved that the problems of black life , low educat ion, high cr ime rates , and drug add iction, for

exam ple, wou ld eventua lly decline. These traits were no t

innate cul tural attr ibutes , as many wh i tes bel ieved , but

often commonly accep ted stereotypes . Many blacks even

began to bel ieve in these stere otypes as an integral p a r t

of their soc ial exi sten ce .

The civi l rig hts strugg le of the 195 0's and 196 0's

appeared to support Myrd al 's claims of 1944 . He fore­

shadowed the modern civil rights movement . The influence

of this study on future events extended into both Amer ican

life and politics. One revi ewer wrote that the work in-

fluenced "high publi c officials -- includ ing U.S.

Senators, Presidents, and Justices of the Supreme Cour t--

4 and to other men of practical affairs."

The review and interpretati ons of Myrdal 's study

var ied greatly. Some rev i ewers unfavorab ly criticized

Myrd al 's basic thesis. Others praised the work as an

effec tiv e too l in the civil rig hts movements. Some wh ite

southerners who read the work noted that it could upset the

racial status quo in their area , and denounced it without

exception. These wh i tes understood the prob lem of having

to accomodate a large segment of black poor in their

reg ion, but knew that giving blacks more po litical and

soc ial power created changes wh ich they could no t support. - 6 3 -

One rev i ewer wrote that , "A small group of Negro ag i tators and ano ther smal l group of wh ite rabb l e-rouser s are push ing this country closer and closer to an interrac ial exp losion wh ich may make the race riots of the first Wor ld War seem

5 mi ld by compar ison . 1 1 Th is rev i ewer bel ieved that the wor k was excess ively cr itical of the South . One soc i- olog ist attacke d the wor k for its "unfounded optimism" and claimed that it threw "the who le Negro problem, w i t h the

6 Amer ican creed , bac k into the lap of po litics. "

Blacks took a much more posi tive view of An Amer ican

Di lemma . DuBo is praised the work for its analysis of the race problem wit hin Amer ican civiliz at ion. DuBo is poi nted out that Myrdal viewed the quest ion of race as a mor al problem, unlik e other histor ians and soc iologists who percei ved the dilemma as an economic development .

DuBo is accep ted Myrd al 's premise completely. One black revi ewer claimed that "no scholar, wr iter , or ser ious teacher should have the audac ity to discuss the Negro in

7 Amer ican without consulting Myrd al 's vo l umes ." Many of these reviewers bel ieved that the importance of the the work for the future wou ld be a sh ift in strategy for

the civil rig hts movement from the defensive to the offensive.

An em i nent black histor ian, Car ter G. Woodson, com-

pared Myrd al 's work wit h the memorandum wh ich Ra lph Bunche produced . He bel i eved that Bunche took a less ide al istic

view than had Myrdal. Woodson was skeptical about the -64 - impac t of such a large- sca le w ork . Wor ld War Two

contr ibuted to much of th is skep t i cis m . As blacks fought overseas aga inst rac ism, they also fought racis m at home .

Other histor ians cr iticized Myrdal for his lack of histor- ical per s p ec tiv e. The work 's basis, however , appeared as a soc iological interpretat ion, no t a h i stor ica l one .

As p r e d i c t ed An Amer ican Di lemma had considerab le impac t on po lit i c s in p ostw ar Amer i c a . The Truman Admini- strat ion's civi l r igh t s moves were somet imes traced to the work , a t least for some clarif icat ion of the ex isting prob­ lems . It had been no t e d that Trum an owned a copy of the work and occasion al ly read from it. In 1947 , reports appeared from the Civi l Rights Committee and the Committee on Higher Education. Truman had used executive orders to create both organizations . In 1948 , Truman issued an execut ive order cal l ing for racial equality of treatment for blacks in the armed service s.

An Amer ican Dilemma , like other leng thy stud ies, was condensed for more readabil ity and usage . In 1948 , Arno ld

Rose 's abr i dgement appeared . This work gave more Amer icans access to Myrdal 's view. By the late 194 0's no t only had the scho lars and po liticians read the book, but much of the general p ub lic also.

Truman 's Civi l Rights Committee , wh ich included many blacks, responded to racial tens ions in the post war p er iod .

The Pres i dent claimed that he crea ted it wit h a feel ing of urgency because now that the war was over , "racial and - 65- rel igious intolerance began to appear and threaten the very th ings we had fought for ." 8 The committee cal led for the el iminat ion of segregation and discr iminat ion and asked for a federal grant system to provide blacks wit h aid. In its report on racial prob lems , the committee had used An Amer ican D i lemma in its research . Thus , the work 's emphas is on po lit ical civi l rig hts ac tivit y was

a ppa r e n t . In fact , Myr dal had visited Truman and both men

agreed that ma jor civil rig hts reforms were necessary. An

Amer ican Di lemma played a ma jor role in chang ing wh ite

atti tudes about civi l rights .

One cr itic of Myrdal 's, James Q. Wi lson, no ted that An

Amer ican Dilemma may have correctly descr ibed the cause of

the race problem, but it did no thing to so lve current

racial tension s. He stated that " most thoughtful Negroes

in the North long ago rejected the no tion that the wh ite

man will gradual ly concede to them the rig hts they demand

without effort on their part. A need is seen for vigorous

9 ac tion to aid in the real izat ion of these goals. 1 1

Wi lson's statements came in 1960 dur ing the per iod when the

civil rig hts movement had just begun to evo lve.

Myrd al 's work undoub ted ly had an impact on the

strugg le for civil rights in the 196 0's. After the

twent ieth ann iversary ed ition of An Amer ican Di lemma

appeared in 1965 , reviewers aga in debated the value of the

work . Harvard histor ian, Oscar Handl in, no ted that the -66- usefu l ness of Myrd al 's study had increased since 1 954 , but that the future must prove its true value.

Dur ing the postwar per iod po litical deve lopments had created new prob lems for the Repub licans . The loss of black vo tes from the party after 1948 o c c urred because of the view among many blacks that the GOP had very lit tle sym p a t h y for their economic and soc ial prob lems . One black vo ter stated that "if I'm gonna get unemp loy ed , I'd rather

10 the D e m ocrats be in. " T h i s u n p o pular ity for Repub lic an cand idates cont i nued through 1960 . Blacks had become edu- cated about the significance of the two-par ty system and began to sh ift heavily toward the Democratic party.

In 1948 President Truman fought to insti tute civi l rig hts laws before the Repub licans could take all the credit for such action. However , a new S elec tiv e Service

Ac t was passed without a ban on segregat ion in the arme d forces . Dur ing the Democ rat ic convent ion in Ju ly, the

Democrats fought to inc lude four civil rig hts proposa ls support ed by Truman in the par ty platform . The planks passed by a smal l marg in. They provi ded for the fo llowing : equa l treatment in the armed services , abolition of al l poll taxes , ant i-lynch ing laws , and legislat ion for fair emp loy ment practices .

Southern Democrats at the c o nve n tion a tte m p ted to add a states ' rig hts cla use to these civi l rig hts pla nks , but they wer e overwhe lmingly defeated . The Mississippi and

A l a b a m a d e l e g a tion s wa l ked out of the convent ion and -67- f or med the Di xie crat p ar t y over the 5 t ates ' riQ hts issue .

The Democ rat ic Par ty lost Alabama , Louisia na , Missisippi , and South Caro lin a in the election of 1 948, but Truman won anyway .

Tr uman in his accep tance speech stated that Congr ess wou ld be cal led bac k i nto sess ion to d e a l wit h civi l r ights iss u es . After the convent ion the Pres ident then issued

Execut ive Or ders 9980 and 998 1 wh i ch integrated the armed forces . By this f ast ac tion he demon strated that h e could accom p l i sh civi l rights ref orm when the Repub licans could no t . In the 1948 R epublican platform, planks aga i nst l ynchi ngs , po ll taxes , and s egregat ion were added .

The Repub l i c a n nomi nee , Thomas E. D ewey , from New York , sa id no thing about c i vil right s in the c a m paign .

Truman created an advisory commit t ee on civi l rights , a Fair Emp loyment P racti c es Com mission , and a Government

Com p l i ance Committee wh ich deal t wit h discr imination in

gov e rnmen t j o bs . He successfu lly integrated the armed forces a gai nst overwhelming opp osi t i on. The end of his

pres i den cy closed a m a j or era in the h i sto r y of black

c ivi l r igh t s. Civi l rig hts becam e a n i mporta nt p olitical

issue f rom this po int on. Blacks w o uld find themse lves in

a t r a ns i tio n s t a g e where equal ity had no t been com p l e t e l y

ga ined . Civi l rig h ts prog resse d slowly, yet improvements

did fo llow . - 68-

Civi l rig hts became a nat iona l issue for the first time in the 195 0's. Pres i dent Dw ight D. Eisenhower attempted to pursue and recap ture the black for the

Repub lican party. Some blacks sw i tched over to

Eisenhower in the 1952 election bec ause of the perception that the Democrat chal lenger , Ad lai Stevenson, had attemp ted to form a " southern coal ition. " Stevenson 's runni ng ma te , John J. Sparkman ,

in the Democratic party was st ill strong . The Repub lic an platfo rm, although adher ing to a strong bel ief in states ' rights, inclu ded a cla use condemning rac ial prejudice .

Civil rig hts issues did no t have a great effec t on the outcome of the 1952 election, but a portion of the southern vo te sh ifted toward Eisenho wer . He cam paign ed more in the

South than any prev ious Repub lican cand idate. His presence

there broke the old standard that "to many citizens of the

11 S outh , a R epub 1 ican is. a cur 1os1. •t y. ..

Southerners voted for the Repub licans as an attack

against old Democratic po lic ies. Yet low -income voters

and blacks rema i ned fa irly loya l to the Democ ratic party.

Ad lai Stevenson received 73 per cent of the black vo te in -69 -

12 the 1952 elec:tion. Most blac:ks sinc:e 1 9 34 percei ved any Repub lic an victory as a d amag i ng loss for civi l r i g h t s.

T h e p o l itica l environment c:aused a negat i v e view of the p a r ty wh ich had g i v e n blac:ks their freedom . Even wit h black support for Stevenson at 73% , Democ ratic blac:k vo tes appeared to be supr isingly low.

E i s e n h owe r ' s s tan d o n c i vil r i g h ts d i s p l a y ed a sincere be lie f in a hope for equa l and i nteg r ated conditio ns for

blacks . He insist ed " that a Negro can imp rove his soc ial stand ing and his respec t for certain of the standards that

we wh i tes obse rve , as we ll as we can ..• and I bel iev e he is

13 ent itled to the chance to show his own wares."

Eisenhower accomp lis hed no civil rig hts legislation,

however , in his first two years of office. He felt that

the Democrat ic Congress caused this lack of legislation by

pre vent i ng c i v i l r ights issues from rea ching the floor .

Eisenhower also belie ved that o ther l eg i slat ive issues

c oul d be adversely affec ted if pressure was exer ted for

civil rights measures .

The Repub lic a ns in Congress fai led to create any

succ essfu l reform wit h the exception of Senator Everett

Dirksen of Illinois, who sought to streng then civi l rig hts

laws . Eisenhower took a different view of civi l rig h t s

ac tion . He be l ieved that any ref orm should be low- key , and

that succ esses in civil rights must no t be heavily pub-

licized . The administrat ion's po licy was to play down any

s ign i f i c a nt accomp lis hme nts . -70 -

Eisenhower 's limited civi l rig hts ac tion resu lted from his theor ies on the cen tral gover nment . He bel ieved that the federal government "should ac t only when the states show their ina bility of their refusa l to grapp le with the

14 quest ion. 11 He app lied the theory of a weak cen tral government to civi l rig hts. Th is ph ilosophy limi ted the power of the pres i dent to use force . Eisenhower based his po litical ideo logy on his view of the Const itution. The ro le that had been played by Repub lican presi dents in the civi l rig hts picture have often been affec ted by their strict or narrow interpretat ion of the Const itution.

Eisenhower 's polic ies on civi l rig hts bec ame more cle ar by the third year of his pres i dency. He comp leted the task of desegregation in the armed forces . Eisenhower established the Comm itt ee on Government Emp loy ment Po licy to look into rep orts of discr iminat ion. He appo inted blacks to administrat ion posts and hired over 6,000 blacks

15 as federal emp loy ees . Eisenhower sought to el iminate the second-c lass citizensh ip status of blacks. Many blacks were emp loy ed in wh ite colla r jobs for the first tim e in the Federal Reserve System , public uti lit y compan ies, and in such private insti tutes as petroleum and aircraft .

Eisenhower 's integration polic ies proved effec tive in many areas . He openly endorsed the landmar k 1954 cour t decision on schoo l desegegrat ion < Brown vs . Board of Education) . -7 1 -

Eisenhower had lit tle difficul ty in defeat ing

Stevenson for a second tim e in 195 6. He received 18 per cent more of the black vo te than he did in the 1952 election. The Democrats st i ll received 61 percent of the

16 black vo te . When no ting the smal l percentage of black support for the Repub lican party, Eisenhower reported ly remarked , "What does it take to get these peop le to support

1 7 you?" There was some specu lat ion that the Repub lic an party might have liberalized its pol icy on civi l rig hts had a greater sh ift of black voters occurred . The smal l gain in black votes for the Repub lic an party can be traced to his pres i dent ial endorsement for the 1954 cour t dec ision on desegregation, but his success in vo tes fai led to carry over to other Repub licans cand idates . On ly five new southern Repub lican Congressmen entered the House of

Repr esentatives dur ing the 195 0's.

Attorney General Herber t Brownel l tr ied to bui ld black support for the Repub lic an party. He had seen Governor

Thomas Dewey go down to defeat in 1948 by fai lin g to win the black vo te in the northern cities. Brown ell became in- strumental in enactin g the 1957 Civil Rights Bi ll. A watered down version of the bill final ly passed against the wishes of southern Democrats, who presented the only opposition.

The Civi l Rights Ac t placed an Ass istant Attorney

Gener al in author ity to gain civi l rights rel ief. Th is move protec ted individua l vo ting rights. Under -72 -

Eisenhower 's administrat ion the creat ion of the Commission on Civi l Rights came from the 1957 Civi l Rights Ac t. Th is p ermitted ano ther Ass istant Attorney General in the Just ice

Depar tment to work in a Civi l Rights Division. The

Attorney General also ga ined greater power to protec t voting rig hts by br inging law su its aga inst offenders.

Th is ac t bec ame the first ma jor civi l rights breakthrough since Reconstruction, however , Attorney General Wi lliam

R oger s , who succ eeded Brown ell, never brought any cases before the cour t under Eisenhower 's administrat ion.

In 1960 ano ther Civi l Rights Ac t passed Congress wh ich gave the Attorney General fur t her powers to protect black vo tin g rights. The 1960 act al lowed federal courts to review individual cases to find voting discriminat ion patterns and practices . Th is ac t cle ared up many of the inadequac ies from the 1957 ac t, yet it also had limitati ons as a compromise agr eement .

Eisenhower 's ch ief civil rig hts advisor , Maxwel l

Rabb , found reform difficult because of the conserv at ive

Repub lic an administration . No t unt il Eisenhower 's second term did the President meet with civil rig hts leaders .

Rabb criticized this lack of discussion over civi l rig hts problems . Eisenhower 's philo sophy of po litics limit ed his ac tion . His view of government "cal led for a wa ll of sepa- ration between its ma in organs so that one branch wou ld no t

18 impose itse l f on ano ther ." Eisenhower ignored most -7 3 - of the civi l rig hts ac tions wh ich took p lace dur ing his administration. He had no part in imple menting the Brown vs . the Board of Education decision. He also showed his unw i llin gness to send federal troops and aid to Little

Rock , Ar k ansas in 1957 , unt il mob violence prevented black students from attend ing the high schoo l. He approved the

Civi l Rights Bi lls of 1957 and 1960 , but he did no t have a hand in their creat ion. Eisenhower reduced civil rig hts ac tio ns , such as the creation of a Civil Rights

Division, to merely discussion on groups and advisory boards . Th is met with cr iticism from lib eral Repub licans , such as Senator Jacob Javits,

In 1960 the civil rig hts issue aga in entered nat i ona l

politics. The boycotts and demon strat i ons directe d against

local racial norms and laws influenced the presi dent ial

election. Although John F. Kennedy became pres i dent after

w i n n i n g 71% of the black vote , Richard Nixon gained more 19 votes from southern wh ites . The black voter , however ,

made the difference. Kennedy openly cour ted the black vo te

by emphasizin g that the pres ident 's responsibilit y was to

"provide a 'moral tone and moral leadersh ip' in the field

2 0 of civil rig hts ." Nixon and the Repub licans had hoped

that the black voter would no tice their own civi l right s

record . The Repub lic an par ty platform cons i dered civil

rig hts a nat iona l i s sue and cal led for the el iminat ion

of discr imination. - 7 4-

0n l y d ays be for e the e l e ction the public ized tele­ phone cal l to Martin Luther King demon strated the

Kennedys ' concern for the civi l rights movement . In 1961

Attorney General Rober t K e nnedy sent U.S. Marshalls to

Montgome ry, Alabama , to stop rioting over segregat ion laws .

Pres i dent Kennedy dispatched 3,000 troops to the Uni ver s i ty of Mississipp i to restore order af ter James Mered ith bec ame the first black to enro ll there in 1962 . He also used the

Nat iona l Guard to insure enforcement of integrat ion in other southern states . Kennedy requested sweep ing civil rights legislation to go along with th is enforcement ac tion.

In r e a l ity , Kennedy limited much of his l e gislat ion .

The del ayed exec ut ive order on housing and its narrow scope indicated that he had a reluc tance to f ul ly commit hims elf.

In contrast wit h Eisenhower , however , his ac tions stood out . Af ter Kennedy ' s death , Lyndon Johns on, his successor , bec ame an open advocate of civil rig hts measures .

The 1964 pres i dent ial election presented the voters with a definit e choice. In the Repub lican party the nominat ion of Barry Go l dwater found its po lit ical base in

the sei zure of Repub lic an mach inery by a rig ht-wing con- serv ative movement . These new Repub licans ousted many moderates from the gove rning circles of the party.

Go l dwater bec ame stamped as "the segregationist cand idate" because of his po lit ical ph ilo sophy . On states ' rig hts const itut ional pr incip les, he had voted against the 1964 - 75-

Civi l Rights Ac t. In the election, Go l dwater carr ied only

one area of po l itical str ength , the "Di xiecrat belt," be­ cause o f his assoc iation wit h segregation.

A prominent southern Democrat , Senat or J. Strom

Thurmond of South Caro lina , moved to what he cal led the

1 2 1 "Goldwater Repub lican Par t y.1 Most vo ters bel ieved

Go l dwater to be an extremist , and he won very little support ac ross the country . The Repub lic ans had success- fu l years in 1964 and 1966 anyway . In 1964 , the par t y gained five new southern Congress iona l seats and in 1966

they added four more . One of the fai lures of the

Go l dwater cam paign resu lted from the bla ck perception of the GOP as a racist party wh ich used the issue as a

22 "southern strategy" to lure votes from southern wh ite s.

The pres i dency of Lyndon Johnson resulted in the

imple mentat ion of civil rig hts measures wh ich great ly hel ped bla cks . He signed the Civi l Rights Bi ll of

1964 , wh ich opened all publi c areas for bla cks. Congress outl awed po ll taxes with the Twenty-Fourth Amendment , and a new vo ting rig hts law guaranteed the right of bla cks to v o te . Literacy tests also became illeg al . The Civil

Rights Ac t of 1968 ended racial discr iminat ion in public housing . The Repub licans had done little to contr ibute to

the format ion of these reforms .

In the 1968 pres i dent ial election blacks supported

Rober t D. Kennedy before his assass inat ion. The defec tion of Governor George Wal lace of Alabama , however , severely -76 - weakened the Democ rat ic party. H is cand idacy on a th ird p a r t y ticket sym bo l i z e d a rea ction aga i nst the eme r g ing s tre ng th of t he s o u t her n bla c k v oter s . Wa lla ce g a i ned

46 electoral vo tes and 9 mi llion popu l ar votes from souther n states . Blacks did no t, however , sw itch over and vo te for the Repub lic an cand idate , Richard M. Ni xon . In

the election 88 per cent of the blacks vo ted for the

Democ rat ic c and ida t e Huber t Humphrey . Against th is background of black distrust , Nixon asked that Amer icans

judge him by his actions. He stated that " I know al l the words . I k n o w al l the gimmicks and the phrases that wou ld

win the app l ause of black aud i ences and the profess ion civil rig hts leaders. I am no t go ing to use them . I am

23 interested in deeds ."

Nixon had met with Senator Strom Thurmond and other s

in the spr i n g of 196 8 to promise that if he became pres i-

dent , he wou ld relax federal schoo l desegregation

p r e ssure . Th is commitment gained southern support for him

in the e l ec t i o n. The Nixon victory b roug h t this "southern

s t r a t e gy " i n to a c tio n . M a ny of those who f o ugh t for deseg-

reg a t i o n in the South demon strated their anger for the

Nixon Administrat ion po licy . The At lanta Const itution

pr i n ted many of these a r g u m e n ts . One wr i ter stated that "I

fee l very s t r o n g ly that the Nixon Adminin strat ion is one of

our r ea l prob l e m s . There are two th ings, the Nixon Admin-

istrat ion's fa i lure to take a stand and say what t h ey mean ,

and the incons istenc ies in e nforcing the l a w ..• these two - 7 7- 2 4 th i ngs have had a terr ific impact .11 To counter these atta cks, Ni xon offic ials stated that he s ought to integ r a te schoo ls "without s er i o u sly e n d a nger ing th e q ualit y of edu­ cat ion. 1 25

N i x o n a ppoin ted six teen blacks to federal judgesh ips.

Seven blacks became Flag Off icers and one recei ved the rank of Adm i ral . Ni xon pla ced 88 blacks on federal a d vis ory boards and comm i ss ion s within the first three years of his administrat ion. Sever al blacks also served on the W hit e

House staff . In the area of emp loyment , Nixo n's programs brought about an increase in opp o rtun i tie s for blacks. One project, the Ph ila delph ia Plan, increased partic ipation for minorities as high as 13 percent on federal projects; it also gave blacks 28 , 000 new jobs . The number of new em- ployees in manpower programs rose to over one million.

S u m mer jobs and youth training became more available to minor ities. The federal civi l ian work force was made up of

19.5 per cent minor ity emp loy ees . Nixon increased the budget , and hence the effec tiveness , of the Equal

Emp l o y m e nt Opportunity Commission. New fund ing was est i- mated to create 300 , 000 add itiona l minority jabs by 1973 .

Changes also occurred in the field of educat ion. Seg-

r egat ion in public schools in the South decreased from 68

per cent to only 9 per cent by 1972 . Schoo ls invo lved in

d eseg regat ion cases found funds in a 150 mi llion do lla r

poo 1. Ni xon set aside funds for upgrad ing the educati ona l

qua lity of d isa d v antag ed s c hools i n t he c ountry . He - 7 8- al located 2 00 mi llion do lla rs to colle ges in 1973 to f a cilitie s. 1126

Hous ing practices also bec ame invo lved i n reform. A

10.9 mi l l i o n do lla r fund ass ist ed Fair Hous ing Prog ram s .

Cour ts filed over 100 law suits aga ins t hous ing discr imin- a t i o n . Subs idized h o us i n g inc r e a s e d g r e atl y u nde r t he

Ni xon Administrat ion. One p rop o s a l attemp ted to cre a t e rents wh ich wou ld vary a c c ording to income . Bank ing inst itut ions received federal h elp in bus i ness areas . The

Minor ity Bank D e p o s i t Program nette d 100 m illi on do lla rs in

i nves t men t s . T his organization rep resented "the largest s i n g le transfer of economic power into black contro lled

27 economic inst itut i ons in the history of the country . "

The Off ice of Mino r ity Busi ness became established in

1969 . It gave 64 million dolla rs in funds to increase

loa ns and g u a r a ntee s for black busi nessmen . Th is figure

increased to 415 mi llion do lla rs by 1973 . T h roug h t h i s program , a spec ial group of organizat ions d e vel ope d into the Minority Enterpr ise Small Busi ness Investment

C o m panies . 2 8

The Nixon Administration used cour t lit igation as a method of forc ing civil rights law c omp l ian c e. Nixon wanted the states to deal with the issue , rather than the

cen t r a l gov e r n m ent . He bel i e v e d that the r espon sibi lit y

for e nfo rcement should no t come from the f e d e r al

government . Nixon a gree d w ith Eisenhower that "peop le had

. 29 to see the l i g h t t hemse lves ." Those who hoped to - 7 9- prevent imple mentat ion of new civi l rig hts legislat ion often found success . The streng th of comb i ned forces for civi l rig hts had a great effect , but th is group rarely became suff icient ly organized enough to br ing about ma jor

legislat ion. No streng th could be found to stop the

southern blo c from counter ing new laws by taking advantages of loopho les.

Even after usefu l legislative programs , the black man

"was no longer as Repub lican as he was a hundred years ago . ,,3 0 Until 1974 , the only prominent black Repub lican

natio na l off ice ho l der was Senator Edward Brooke of

Massachusetts . Black Repub licans held only eight of the

144 House Repub lic an seats. A few high leve l black

appoi ntees had been quiet ly named to Nixon's staff , with

lit tle publicity.

In the 1972 election, 90 percent of blacks voted for

Senator George McGovern of South Dakota . Th is election

demon strated the lack of effec tiveness that blacks have in

landsl ide election s. McGovern represented an opportu nit y

for new civil rights reform for many blacks. The easy

victory for Nixon in the election, wrote Char les Hami lton,

"should raise the question of the va lue of black voter

participat ion in Presi dent ial electoral po lit ics." 31

The lack of black voter effec tiveness is compounded by a

dec line in black vo ter participat ion since 1964 . Time

Magazin e assessed Nixon's attitude toward black voters by

stat ing that "Ni xon shows lit tle evi dent interest in -80 -

Amer ica's ser ious cont inuing chal lenge : race relat ions . He fe lt no po litical ob l i gat i ons to blacks, who aga in vo ted

3 2 overw h e l min . g l y D emocra t·ic ." Federal aid for black busi nesses and colle ges totaled 150 mi llion dolla rs, but

Nixon pumped 1.5 billion do lla rs into law enforcement for his policy of "law and order ." Nixon fa i led to support civi l rig hts programs such as busing and aff i rma t ive

33 ac tion . Char les Hami lton, author of The Black

Exper ience in Amer ican Po l i tics, stated "Mr . Ni xon seems to say in code that there is no reason for wh i tes to fee l

3 4 gu i lty about t hese things ; one ought to fee l proud .11

Blacks did not get what they wanted in the Nixon

Administration. In an ar ticle by Hubert Humphrey on the plight of blacks in the Nixon Admini stration, he stated that lit tle had improve d in the racial conditio ns of

Amer ica since the abolition of slavery . Federal leader - sh ip proved effec tive in reform, but the Nixon Admini- strat ion faile d in that regard . In many ways , the N ixon measures were sad ly diluted . A prominent Repub lic an ,

Wi lliam McCul loch of Oh io, stated that "the A d ministration creates a remed y for wh ich there is no wrong on the record

�5 and leaves gr ievio us wrongs without adequate remed y.•

The v oti ng bill that Nixon supported gave the central government the burd en of proof to d ec lare vo tin g law s d is- cr imina tory , but the state governmen ts did n o t need to show

that the laws were no t discr iminatory . Humphrey cr iticized

Nix o n's progra ms wh ich gave blacks investment cap i tal , - 8 1- bel ieving that very few loa ns ac tual ly came through , and no progra m showed success .

Presi dent Gerald Ford 's po lic ies appeared to differ

little from Nix o n's. Jimmy Car ter 's Administrat ion, however , made numerous top-leve l black appoi ntments. The

Repub lican par ty in the 1970s did no t move from its posit ion at the turn of the century. The organizat ion had

won lit tle if any black support . CHAPTER V

CONCLUS ION

The Emanc ipat ion Pr oc lamat ion assured black al legiance to the Repub lican Par ty . This al legia nce lasted until the onset of the New Deal . The Democrats then bec ame respon- sible for civi l rig hts ref orm. The Eisenhower admini- strat ion presented much usefu l legislation, yet the Demo- crats rep l aced it in 1960 . The Repub licans fai led to sat i sfy the black v o t e r for the next twenty yea rs . The par ty that began with such good intent i ons had near ly become a wh ite political organi zat ion. Repub licans were no t gene ral ly racis t, but their ideo logy made it difficult for blacks to lend their support. This has forced black vo ters into narrow cho i ces today . "One-party" politics has become their only option.

The prob lem of blacks and politics can not be cal led a new devel opme nt . The struggle for enfranchi sement and the issue of racial equality both became very con tra- versial . The effec t of more than 300 years of slavery made the fight for civil rights a slow one . Change came very slowly.

Th is change began in Amer ica before the Civil War .

Blacks supported the ear ly Repub lican Party, yet they felt cautious . They raised several questi ons about the par ty's ant i-slavery status . One bla ck abolitionist spoke for many blacks when he stated that "we do no t ple dge ourselves to go fur ther wit h the R e p u blican s than the R e p u b l i cans will 1 go w i t h us ." The party ver ified its stand by proposing -83- new legislation for the inst itut ion of comp lete suffrage to

al l ma les , wi th no co lor restr iction. Th is cont i nued effort brought new black interest to the Repub lic an party.

In many ways blacks have undergone a diff icult soc ial­

ization process , wh ich has led them to bel ieve that the

Amer ican po l itical system would no t suppor t them in their strugg le for equal ity. Th is be lie f has al ienated some

blacks from the e x ist ing po litical system enough to create

mi lit ant attitudes , indeed , "if Negroes had assimi l ated

the Amer ican dream and ser iou sly wanted it for themse lves ,

it is hard to bel ieve they would no t long since have been

2 radical ly disenchanted and militant ly alienated."

High leve l polit ical appo i ntme nts often held the black

vote in one party or the other . The allegiance of blacks

to the Repub lican party cont inued from Reconstruc tion to

the New Deal . Ful l sca le organizat ion of blacks on the

part of Democrats changed black loy alt ies.

The positive attributes of Reconstruction had given

way to despondency wit h the "na dir" through the turn of the

century. The dil e mma wh ich affec ted black Amer icans re-

fleeted the actions of the Repub lic an party. Although the

par ty did no t cause these poor condition s, it must accep t

responsibility for ina ction in c rea t ing better civil

rig hts. The Repub lic an presidents must accep t the greatest

burden of the blame for fai lure to understand the prob lems

of black Amer icans . The par t y had demon strated that black

votes were no t necessary to ma intain Repub licans in -84- nat ional office, but it was that same par ty wh ich had the greatest oppor tunit ies to fur ther the cause of civi l rig hts.

Wor ld War I brought some reform but disi llu sionment

increased great ly afterwards . T h e attachment of blacks to t h e R e publ i c a n party weak ened due to the struggles of the

Li ly- W h ite s in the 192 0's. Wor ld War II also appeared t o br ing new hope for the f u t ure of civi l rights. The

Repub lican party, however , had lit tle to do wit h any ma jor civi l rig hts reform dur ing th is time . The post-war e ra furt hered black dissat isfaction with the Repub lic an party.

In the 1950's the Repub lic ans showed an ina bil ity to

take advantage of the Eisenho wer Adm inistration's record on civil rights . The Democrats took the initiative in the

Kennedy years, and they have never lost it. Over the years

the Repub lic an Par ty has brough t about broad ly based

polit ical benef its for bla cks, but , "since blacks were first enfran chised , both partie s have , dur ing the cour s e

of history , adopted po lic ies that led either dir ec tly or

indire ctly to black disenfranch i sement ... [however ] ... it

was the Repub licans who the Negro once cons i dered his

'frie n d', today the Democrates are afforded that

designat ion. " 3

The prob lem of blacks in po litics has proved to be a

very comp lex issue . Black vo tes have only been effective

when they were used as the bal ance of power to sw ing

election s. The support for bla ck issues and civil rig hts -85-

i s in jeopardy if the black minor ity fa ils to get po l itical suppor t from either party . The attitudes of the Repub lic an

Par ty today make it diff icult to produce a ma jor sh ift to­ ward the pa r ty in the near future. Repub lican attitudes

lik ew ise, wi ll no t change because Repub lican offi ceho lders have such a smal l black const i tuency. - 86-

F OOTNOTES

CHAPTER I

1Johns on, R. , "The Nat i ona l Format ion of the Repub l i c an Par ty , 1854- 1856 " P.h.D Dissertat ion ,

eEr ic Fone r , Free So il, Free Labor , Free Men : The Ide ololo gy of the Repub lic an Par ty before the Civil War ,

1970 ) ' p • 265

::3 Johnson , p. 12

...,Foner , p. 229

5John and LaWanda Cox , Reconstruc tion the Negro and the New South , , p. 89

Cox , p. 105

7Hanes Wa lton, Black Po litics: A Theoret ical and Struc tural Ana lysis, , p. 87

0Walton , p. 87

9Co x , p. 122

1°C. Van Woodward . Reun ion and Reaction, The Comp r omise of 1877 and the End of Reconstruc tion, , p. 7

11P eter Camejo , Rac ism, Revo lution, Reaction, 1861-1877 : The Rise and Fal l of Radical Reconstruction,

12Stan l e y Hirshson, Farewel l to the Bloody Sh irt : Nor thern Repub lic ans and the Southern Negroes ,

13Woodwa rd , p. 15

14Hirshson , p. 39

1�Hirshson, pp . 24-25

16Rayford W. Logan , The Betraya l of the Negro : From Rutherford B. Hay e s to Woodrow Wi lson,

FOOTNOTES

17Logan , p. 47

iwHirshson, p. 48

19Hirshson , p. 49

eow oodward, p. 15

e1W oodward , p. 36

£! '-'! Camejo , p. 82

e:"V i ncent DeSant is, "The Repub 1 i can Par ty and the Southern Negro , 1877- 1 897 ," The Journa l of Negro History, 45 : 79 .

e.4DeSant is, p. 79

e:'.5Mer lin e Pitre, "Freder ick Doug lass ; A Par ty Loyalist, 1870- 1895 ," , p. 2

e0Pitre, pp . 233- 234

e 7P itre, p. 80

e ep itre, p. 81

e9p i tre, p. 84

30Pitre, p. 101

31Pi tre, p. 125

sep i tre , p • 128

p 33 i tre , p • 135

3"-Pitre, p. 1 7 8

3�Wa lton, Black Repub lic ans , p. 35

36Walton, p. 36

87Walton, p. 37

:;'""'Walton , p. 38 -88-

FOOTNOTES

CHAPTER II

1 R ayfor d W. Logan , The B e t r a ya l of the Negro : From R u t h er f ord B. Hayes , to Woodrow Wi lson (Lond on: Co llier Boo ks, 196 9) , p. 50

E! L o g an , p. 50

="1 L ogan , p. 51

'+Logan , p. 52

:�5 L ogan , p . 53

6Logan , p. 56

7Logan , p . 57

0R ichard B. She r man , The Repub lican Par ty and Black Amer ica: From McK inley to Hoo ver - 1 896-1933 , (Char lottesville: U nivers i ty of Virg i n i a P res s , 1973 ) ' p. 2

9Hanes Walton , Jr . B l a c k Repub lic an The Po litics of the Blacks and Tans ,

1ci S h erman , p. 7

11S h e rman . p. 13

12Sherm a n , p. 14

135herman , p. 14

14S h erman , p. 18

155 h erman , p • 21

16Herbert Ap thek er , ed ., A Documentary Hist ory of t h e Negro P eop le in t h e Uni ted States ,

17Kenneth G. Goode , From Afr ica to t h e Un ited States and Then ..., Second Ed .,

l 0 S her man . p . 27

1 ''Sherman , p. 34

19Sherman , p . 43 - 8 9 -

FOOTNOTES

e o sherman , p. 45

e e sh erman , p. 65

e3S her m a n, p. 72 .

e�walton , Black R e pub l i can s , p. 1 5 3

26Wa lton , Black Repub licans , pp . 154- 155

e7Walton , Black Repub lic ans , p. 155

e.sLogan , p. 360

e9Pau l D. Casdorph , Repub lic ans , Negroes , and Progressives in the South , 1912-1916, p. 1

3c•Goode, p. 115

31Goode , p. 116

3i=Goode, p. 119 - 90-

FOOTNOTES

CHAPTER III

1Hanes Wa lton, Jr . Blac� Repub lic ans : The Po litics of the Black and Tans , Metuchen , N.J. : Scarecrow Press , I nc . , 1975 > , p. 157

8R ichard 8. Sherman , The Repub lican Par ty and Black Amer ican from Mckinley to Hoo ver ,18 96- 1933 ,

3Sherman , p. 1 6 4

45herman , p. 209

�Sherman , p. 218

6 She rma n, p. 224

7Sherman , pp . 224

0Walton, Black Repub lic ans , p. 161

9Walton, Black Repub lic ans , p. 163

10Sherman , p. 232

11Sherman , p. 235

1 2 Sherman , p. 25 1

13Nancy We iss, Farew el l to the Party of Lincoln: Black Po litics in the Age of FDR , , p. 15

14W eiss, p. 21

1 :'5W e iss , p. 26

1 6Weiss, p. 33

17Kenneth G. Goode , From Afr ica to the Uni ted Sta tes and Then ... , , p. 124.

10W eiss, p. 206

1· 9We i SS , p. x Vi

"' 0We iss, p. 219 - 9 1-

FOOTNOTES

CHAPTER IV

1Kenneth G. Goode , From Afr ica to the Un i ted States and Then ..•, Second Ed .

eRa lph Bunche , The Po litical Status of the Negro in the Age of FDR ,

3 Gunnar Myrdal, An Amer ican Di lemma : The N e gro Prob lem and Modern D e mocrac y,

40 .W.Southern, An Amer ican Di lemma Revisited : Myrd al 's Study through a Quar ter Century, Unpub lis hed Thesis, < Ann A rbo r , M ichigan , Unive rsity Micro­ films, 1971 ) p. iii

�V irg inia Dabney , "Nearer and Nearer the Precipice," Atlantic Monthly, LXXI (Jan 1943>, p. 9 4

�southern, An Amer ican Di lemma Revisited , p. 62

7Ibid, p. 70

8Jbid, P• 119

9James Q. Wi lson, Negro Po litics: The Sear ch for Leadersh ip, ( Gle ncoe , IL: Free Press . 1960 ) p. 7

1 0Harry J. Vander , The Po litical and Economic Progress of the Amer ican Negro , 1 9 40- 1963 ,

11G eorge B. Tindal l, The Disruption of the So lid South ,

1972 ) ' p. 4 7

1 e s teven F. Lawson, Black Ballots; Voting Rights in the South , 1944- 1 969 , (New York: Co lumbia Unive rsity Press , 197 6) , p. 141

1�"Ibid , 141

14lb i d , p. 144

15Rober t P. Turner , Up to the Front Line; Blacks in the Amer ican Po litical System , Port Wash ington, New York : Kennikat Press , 1975 ) , p. 125 . -92-

FOOTNOTES - CHAPTER IV

1bChuc k Stone , Black Po litical Power in Amer ica,

1 7 I b id . , p . 55

10Al lan Wo lk, The Pres i dency and Black Civi l Rights: Eisenhower to Ni xon, , p. 240

19Lawson , p. 141

!"•:> Turn er , p. 169

e1Tindal l, p. 64

e.2Turner , p. 126

123Ibid . , p . 127

e4Reg Murphy and Ha l Gu lliver , The Southern Strategy,

ee.sLee W. Huebner , "Nixon and the Blacks," The Black Repub lican ,

e.0Turner , pp . 127-9

e.7Ibid . , p. 129

es Ibid . , p • 128

29Wo lk, p . 247

30Turner , p. 1 2 9

31Char les V. Hami lton, ed ., The Black Exper i ence in Amer ican Po litics,

1973 ) ' p • 357

:3E lbid. J P • 3 4 3

33 l bid .' p. 344

3« Ibid., p. 347

:3 5Hubert H. Humphrey , "Ni xon a n d the Blacks : A Different View," The Black Po litician

FOOTNOTES

CHAPTER V

1R. Johns on , The Na tio na l Formulat ion of t he Repub lican Par ty , 1854- 1856 , p . 12

eHanes Wa lton, Jr . Black Repub licans : The Po litics of the Black and Tans , (Metuchen , N.J. : Scarec row

Press , Inc . , 1 975 > , p • 161

:9Jbid. , p. 163 - 94-

BIBL I OGRAPHY

SELECTED PR I MARY SOURCES

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B unc he , Ra l ph . The Po litical Status of the Negro in the Age of FDR , Ch ica go : Unive rsity of Ch i cago Press , 1973 .

Cha mp i o n , Jackson R. Blacks in the Repub lic an Party? : The S tory of a Revo luti onary Conservative B lack Repub lican, Wash ington, D.C. : LenChamps Publishing, 1976 .

Doug lass , Freder ick . Life and Times of Freder ick Doug lass , Sacausus , N.J. : Citadel Press , 1983 .

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A p thek er , Herbert . "DuBo is on Doug lass : 189 5. " Journa l of Negro History. 30 : pp . 527-547 .

B i l l ingto n , Mon roe . "Civi l Rights , Pres ident Truman and the South ." Journ a l o f Negro H isto r y . 58 : pp . 127 -139 .

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SELECTED ART I CLES

Degler, Carl . "The Negro in Amer ica - Where Myrdal Went Wrong." New Yor k Tim es Magaz ine. Decemb er- 7, 1969 pp . 64-1 14.

Desant is, Vincent . "Negro Dissat isfaction with Repub lican Po licy in the South 1882- 1 884 ." Journa l of Negro History. 36

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"The Repub lic an P a r- t y and the Souther-n Negro . 1877- 1897 ." J o u rna l of Negro H i s t o r y . 45

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SELECTED ART I CLES

Hu >< ley, J. "Rev iew of An Amer ican Di lemma. " New Statesman and Nat ion. 28 : pp . 70-71 .

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Lewis, E lsie M. "The Po litical Mind of the Negro , 1865- 1900 ." Jour na l of Southern Histo r y . 21 : pp . 189-202 .

Link , Ar thur S. "The Progress ive Movement in the South , 1870-1914." North Caro lin a Histor ical Review. 23 : pp . 1 72- 195.

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Martin, Char les H. "Negro Leaders, The Repub lican Party, and the Election of 193 2. " Phylon . 32 <197 1 >: pp . 85-93 .

Me ier , August . " The N egro and the Democrat ic Party , 1875-1915. " Phylon. 17 < 1956> : pp . 173 -191 .

Merr itt, Dixon . "Politics and the Southern Negro ."

Out look . 149 <1928> : pp . 5 8 1 - 582 .

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Mor gan , Wayne H. "History and the Pres i dency: Harry S. Truman ." Phylon. 19 (1958) : pp . 162- 170.

"Negro Power : A Bu i lt in Prob lem for Mr . Ni >

SELECTED ART I CLES

" Ni xon's M o v e s in Civi l R i ght s . " U. S. News and Wor ld Repor t. A p ril 21 , 1969 ' p. 15.

Oi-ef ield , Gary. "Ni xon's First T e s t." The Nat ion. Januar y 20 , 1969 , p p . 79-82 .

Per kal, Leon . "Amer ican Abolition Soc iety , A Viable Altern at ive to the Repub lic an Par ty? " Journa l of Negro History. 65 < W i n t e r 198 0) : pp . 55-71 .

Pesk in, Al lan. "Garfield and H a yes , Po litical Leaders of the G1 lden Age." Oh io H i s t ory . p. 77 <19 68 ) :111-124.

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Russ Jr ., Wi lliam. "Reg istration and Disfranchi sement Under Radical Reconstruction. " M ississ i pp i Va lle y H i s tor ical Rev iew . 21 ( 193 5) : pp . 163 -180.

Schei ner , Seth M. "Presi dent Theodore Rooseve lt and the N e g r o , 1901-190 8." Journa l of Negro History. 47 (July 196 2) : pp . 169 -182.

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" P r es i d e n t H a r d i n g Discour ses on the Co lorlin e." Current Op inion. December 1913, pp . 704- 708 .

"The Presi dent and the N e g ro ." O u t l o ok . February 18, 1905 , pp . 416-17.

"Presi dent Wi lson and the Co lor Line." Literary Dige st . August 23 , 1913, p. 270 .

Sherrr,an , Richard B. "The Harding Administrat ion and the Negr o: An Oppor tuni t y Lost ." Journa l of Negro Hi story. 49

SELECTED ART I CLES

"Repub licans and Negroes : The Lesson s of Norma lcy." Phylon . 27 <1966) : pp . 63-79 .

Sink ler , George " R a c e, Pr i n c i p le a nd P o licy of Rut her ford B. Hayes ." Oh io History . 77

Taylor , Jose ph . "The Four teenth Amendment , the Negro , and the Sp irit of the Time s." Journa l of Negro History . 45 (January 196 0) : pp . 21-3 7.

Weaver , Valeria. "The Fai lure of Civi l R ights , 1875- 1883 , and its Repercussion s." Journa l of N e gro History . 54

Wesley, Char les H. "Doug l ass for the Ha ll of Fame. " Negro History Bu l let in. 24 : pp . 14-15.