Women in Nazi Germany: Victims, Perpetrators, and the Abandonment of a Paradigm
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Women in Nazi Germany: Victims, Perpetrators, and the Abandonment of a Paradigm David A. Guba, Jr. History Department Introduction The vast secondary literature on the Third Reich is matched in dimension only by the controversy contained within its discourse. During the Cold War era, historians in East and West Germany routinely placed the crimes of National Socialism within a historicized narrative that massaged away the complicity of a particular ideological element of society while condemning that of another. West German historian Gerhard Ritter, for example, linked the atrocities of the Third Reich to a ―populist nationalism and a plebiscitary politics‖ thereby relieving ―patriotic conservatives‖ from complicity in Nazi crimes.1 Similarly biased, East German scholars historicized the Nazi past within a narrative of ―bourgeois development‖ and linked their ideological opponents in the West to Nazi crimes through capitalism.2 The histories of National Socialism produced in both East and West Germany in the first decades after World War II were largely built on ideological foundations that noticeably undermined their ―objective‖ integrity. In the 1960s a younger generation of historians in West Germany developed a ―social science‖ approach to the study of the Nazi past termed Gesellschaftsgeschichte. Historians of this structural convention like Hans Ulrich Wehler and Fritz Fischer argued that the rise of National Socialism precipitated from Germany‘s ―special path‖, or Sonderweg, to incomplete political and social modernization.3 By linking the ultra-right-winged elements of German society to the development of National Socialism and casting democracy as an oppressed victim, these historians hoped to bring greater legitimacy to the democratic 1 Konrad H. Jarausch and Michael Geyer, Shattered Past: Reconstructing German Histories (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003), 5-6. 2 Ibid., 7. 3 Historians of this convention argued that ―the inadvertent rise of democratic forces…was blocked by the authoritarian structures of the state and conservative forces, producing ‗structural‘ tensions that led from smaller catastrophes to bigger ones—from the threat of civil war to world war and on to genocide.‖ Ibid. heritage of contemporary West Germany. 4 The early attempts of Cold War and Sonderweg historians stripped the Nazi past of its human – and inhuman – face and placed the causality and historical significance of the Third Reich within ideological and structural narratives that rarely moved beyond the context of contemporary political debates. In the late 1970s, however, social historians in the West (particularly in Great Britain) were no longer willing to accept the structural and ideologically- tinted ―master-narratives‖ of the previous decades and instead sought to ―humanize‖ the history of the Third Reich. Following the methodological model of E.P. Thompson‘s The Making of the English Working Class (1963), historians like David Blackbourn and Tim Mason constructed their analyses of Nazi Germany from the ―bottom-up‖ hoping to unearth if not evidence of resistance at least some sign that the poison of National Socialism was unable to permeate all levels of German society.5 Although Mason is considered one of the first historians to devote significant discussion to women‘s roles and experiences within the working-class milieu of Nazi Germany, his primary interest was the working class in the Third Reich and in 1976 he did not ―intend to do any further detailed research into the position of women in Nazi Germany in the near future.‖6 Within this politically-charged and male-dominated debate over the proper cause and historical significance of National Socialism, women were largely absent as both subjects of inquiry and as scholarly contributors.7 In the 1980s, feminist historians Gisela Bock and Claudia Koonz remedied this historical and professional oversight and published ground-breaking investigations on women in Nazi society. Gisela Bock investigated sterilization and eugenics policies in pre- war Nazi Germany and argued that all women in the Third Reich were to some degree victimized under National Socialism.8 Claudia Koonz‘s study of ―mothers 4 Georg G. Iggers, Historiography in the Twentieth Century: From Scientific Objectivity to the Postmodern Challenge (Middlestown Connecticut: Wesleyan University Press, 2005, c.1997), 68-73. 5 Timothy W. Mason, Social Policy in the Third Reich: The Working Class and the ‘National Community,’ 1918-1939. trans. John Broadwin (Berg Publishing, 2003, c.1977); David Blackbourn and Geoff Eley, The Peculiarities of German History: Bourgeois Society and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Germany (New York, 1984). 6 Timothy W. Mason, ―Women in Germany, 1925-1940: Family, Wlefare and Work. Part II (Conclusion‖, History Workshop, No. 2 (Autmn, 1976), pp. 2-32., 27. 7 Mary Nolan, ―Work, Gender and Everyday Life: Reflections on Continuity, Normality and Agency in Twentieth century Germany,‖ Ian Kershaw & Moshe Lewin (eds.) Stalinism and Nazism: Dictatorship in Comparison (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 329. 8 Gisela Bock, ‗Racism and Sexism in Nazi Germany‘, When Biology Became Destiny: Women in Weimar and Nazi Germany Bridenthal et al. (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1984), 271- 296. First published in Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 8, no. 3 (1983) in the fatherland‖ contrastingly argued that ‗Aryan‘ mothers, although relegated to a private sphere of domesticity by the sexist policies of the Third Reich, played a major role in maintaining ―normality‖ at home and thus provided at least a semblance of stability for the Nazi men engaged in mass murder and war.9 These contrasting conclusions led to a war-of-words between Bock and Koonz in academic journals over whether women in Nazi Germany were victims (Opfer) or perpetrators (Täterin). The first section of this paper takes a closer look at the Bock-Koonz / Opfer-Täterin debate of the late 1980s and argues that although ultimately a fruitless line of inquiry plagued by similar pitfalls as its ideological and structural forerunners, the search for ―pure types‖ forced professional discourse to move beyond blanket generalizations and accept the ―complex and contradictory‖ realities of the Nazi past.10 After the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989 and the reunification of Germany in 1990, historians of National Socialism became increasingly suspicious of structural narratives and overextended generalizations.11 Within the discourse on women in Nazi society, scholars Adelheid von Saldern and Mary Nolan questioned the efficacy of the Opfer-Täterin debate. They urged historians to abandon attempts to construct a ―homogenized gender history‖ and accept the multiplicity of women‘s experiences in the Third Reich as an historical reality. The second section of this paper examines this call for an abandonment of the Bock-Koonz debate and explores several works that effectively shed the Opfer-Täterin paradigm and provided a new and insightful look into the everyday lives of German women in Nazi society. Opfer oder Täterin: A Fruitless Debate? For many historians of women in Nazi Germany, Tim Mason‘s two-part article ―Women in Germany, 1925-1940: Family, Welfare and Work‖ marks the unofficial starting point of post-war historiography on the subject. First published in History Workshop in the spring of 1976, Mason‘s article discussed the extent to which Nazi domestic policies regarding women, family life and work were able to penetrate and control the private spheres of German society, particularly those within the lower and working classes. As an historian of the British-Marxian 9 Claudia Koonz, Mothers in the Fatherland: Women, the Family and Nazi Politics (New York: St. Martin‘s Press, 1987). 10 Phrases borrowed from Adelheid von Saldern, ―Victims or Perpetrators? Controversies about the Role of Women in the Nazi State,‖ David F. Crew (ed) Nazism and German Society, 1933- 1945, pp. 141-165. 11 Konrad H. Jarausch and Michael Geyer, Shattered Past: Reconstructing German Histories, 11. Daniel Jonah Goldhagen‘s Hitler’s Willing Executioners (1992) is the well-known exception to this general trend. convention, Mason approached the subject of women in Nazi Germany from the perspective of class conflict and privileged the working-class dimensions of Nazi society while relegating issues of race and gender to the periphery. Although Mason heavily qualified his assertions and was reluctant to espouse broad generalizations based on his admittedly ―speculative‖ analysis,12 he portrayed working-class women as ―silent sufferers‖ and thus helped push the debate concerning women as Opfer or Täterin into the historical discourse on women in Nazi Germany.13 One of the first reactions to Mason‘s class-based analysis came in 1983 with the publication of Gisela Bock‘s ―Racism and Sexism in Nazi Germany: Motherhood, Compulsory Sterilization and the State.‖14 In this article Bock questioned Mason‘s Marxian preoccupation with class and argued that ―neither race nor gender, racism nor sexism—and even less their connection—has been a central theme in German social historiography.‖15 To remedy this oversight, Bock focused her analysis on Nazi eugenics and compulsory sterilization programs during the pre-war years (1933-1939) and argued that the racist and sexist policies of the Third Reich rendered all women – especially non-Aryan and ‗asocial‘ women – victims of Nazi terror. Whereas Mason cautiously portrayed working- class women as ―silent sufferers‖,