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Abstracts ISRA 2018 World Meeting 1 Abstracts ISRA 2018 World Meeting 1 Tuesday, July 10 to Saturday, July 14, 2018 Abstracts Abstracts ISRA 2018 World Meeting 2 Table of Contents Plenary Lecture Abstracts ................................................................................................. 3 Symposia Abstracts ........................................................................................................... 9 Thematic Paper Session Abstracts ................................................................................... 88 Poster Abstracts ............................................................................................................ 124 Alphabetical Index of Authors ........................................................................................ 171 Abstracts ISRA 2018 World Meeting 3 Plenary Lecture Abstracts How Radicalization Happens and How it Can Be Undone : Look to the N-Trilogy (Needs, Narratives and Networks) Arie W. Kruglanski Distinguished University Professor at the University of Maryland, College Park The phenomena of radicalization and deradicalization are examined in terms of their three fundamental ingredients: (1) Individual need for mattering and significance, (2) cultural narrative, justifying violence as means to significance, and (3) the social networking process that solders the means-ends relation between violence and significance. Based on these elements a model of radicalization will be described, and empirical evidence for the model will be cited gleaned through various methods and including investigations in various world locations and with at risk populations, including Muslims in Europe, and South East Asia White Supermatists in the United States, and The Tamil Tigers in Sri Lanka among others. Abstracts ISRA 2018 World Meeting 4 A Good Childhood is a Smart Investment Terrie E. Moffitt Knut Schmidt Nielsen Professor of Psychology & Neuroscience at Duke University (USA) and a Professor of Social Behavior and Development at the Institute of Psychiatry, King's College London (UK) Policy-makers are keen on early-years interventions to ameliorate childhood risks. They hope for improved adult outcomes in the long run, bringing return on investment. However, how much return can be expected depends, in part, on how strongly childhood risks forecast adult outcomes. Scientists disagree about whether childhood determines adulthood. We brought together multiple administrative government data registers with the four-decade NIA-funded Dunedin, New Zealand, birth-cohort study in order to test child-to-adult prediction in a different way, by using a population- segmentation approach. A segment comprising one-fifth of the cohort accounted for 36% of the cohort's injury insurance claims; 40% of overweight kilograms; 54% of cigarettes smoked; 57% of hospital nights; 66% of social welfare benefit payments; 77% of fatherless childrearing years; 78% of prescription drug fills; and 81% of criminal convictions. This shows that, in New Zealand, the vast bulk of a nation's social services, crime control, and health-care are expended on a relatively small population segment. Childhood risks, especially poor age-three brain health, predicted the members of this segment, with large effect sizes. This segment of the population starts the race of life behind their age peers by carrying a brain-health handicap in the first years of life. Early-years interventions that improve childhood brain health and reduce social risk factors may bring nations a surprisingly good return on investment. Abstracts ISRA 2018 World Meeting 5 Dealing with Conflict Through Fission-Fusion Dynamics Filippo Aureli Universidad Veracruzana, Mexico and Liverpool John Moores University, UK Fission-fusion dynamics are a characteristic of any social system, which integrates the degree of temporal variation in spatial cohesion between group members and in subgroup size and composition. Fission-fusion dynamics capture the variation in opportunities for group members to interact with one another. A high degree of fission-fusion dynamics is typical of species, such as Homo sapiens, in which group members are rarely all together because they frequently fission and fuse in subgroups of variable membership. The main reason behind a high degree of fission-fusion dynamics is the reduction of competition when resources are scarce, so that individuals can better exploit them being with fewer group members in small subgroups. I use our findings on spider monkeys (Ateles geoffroyi), a species with a high degree of fission-fusion dynamics, to illustrate how these dynamics can be effective in dealing with conflict and escalation of aggression. According to socioecological models, spider monkeys would be expected to experience strong contest competition and have clear-cut dominance relationships and female dispersal from the natal group. However, they do not. This is because they reduce conflict about decisions and aggressive escalation for resources through fissioning into subgroups. Thus, aggression is rare, but well targeted as when it is directed to immigrant females or young natal males to deter them joining the group or the adult male cohort, respectively. Aggression may occur when subgroups fuse, but the exchange of embraces reduces this risk. Thus, our research shows that a high degree of fission-fusion dynamics can change the expected social patterns and be an effective mechanism to deal with conflict and risk of aggression while maintaining the benefits of living in large groups. Abstracts ISRA 2018 World Meeting 6 Aggression and Justice Mario Gollwitzer Ludwig-Maximilians-University, Munich, Germany In this plenary lecture, I will elaborate on the psychological relations between aggression and justice, focusing on a specific aggressive reaction to (perceived) injustice: revenge. Outside psychology, revenge has been defined as an affect-driven, hostile, and impulsive reaction, an “instinct for retribution” (Justice P. Stewart) or a “psychological malfunction” (K. Horney). Within psychology, revenge is defined as “what individuals do with the desire to get even for a perceived harm” (Tripp & Bies, 1997). But the question is: what does “getting even” mean exactly? Under what circumstances do victims experience a sense of justice by taking revenge against the perpetrator? We explored these questions in a series of studies, which I will describe in this lecture. In a nutshell, our findings show that revenge aims at sending a message to the perpetrator: “Don’t mess with me”, and that avengers experience a sense of justice only when this message is received and understood by the perpetrator. In more recent studies, we explored the communicative function of revenge (1) in more complex social settings (i.e., displaced revenge), (2) in the context of revenge fantasies, and (3) in relation to more benign reactions to perceived injustice (i.e., forgiveness). Together, our findings do not only contribute to a better conceptual understanding of aggressive responses to injustice; our research program has also practical implications for promoting peaceful (i.e., non-aggressive) solutions to injustice conflicts. Abstracts ISRA 2018 World Meeting 7 The Development of Violence from Age 8 to age 61: New Findings from the Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development David P. Farrington Emeritus Professor of Psychological Criminology Cambridge University, UK The Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development is a prospective longitudinal study of 411 London males first assessed at age 8 in 1961. They have been interviewed 9 times from ages 8 to 48, and 93% of those who were still alive were interviewed at age 48. Also, their criminal records have been searched repeatedly from 1964 to 2017. This presentation reports results from the latest criminal record search, which extends information about official criminal careers to the 62nd birthday. Between ages 10 and 61, 178 males were convicted for 947 crimes, including 181 violent crimes (robbery, assault, threatening behavior, and carrying an offensive weapon). The percentage of offenses that were violent increased from ages 10-20 (11.7% of 486) to 21-39 (21.6% of 306) and to 40-61 (37.4% of 155). This presentation reports on: (1) the continuity of official violence from ages 10-20 to 40-61; (2) relations with self-reported violence at ages 15-18, 27-32, and 42-47; (3) risk factors at ages 8-10 for official violence at ages 10-20; (4) risk factors at ages 8-18 for official violence at ages 21-39; and (5) risk factors at ages 8-32 for official violence at ages 40-61. Implications are drawn for the prevention of violence. Abstracts ISRA 2018 World Meeting 8 Aggression in People and Other Animals: Epiphanies, Digressions and Opportunities Michael Potegal University of Minnesota, USA Evolutionary pressures on human behavior have generated deep seated motivations for self preservation, for the acquisition and control of resources and competition for reproductive opportunities as well as motivations for bonding and alliance with kin and in–group. As in other animals, these motivations are variously expressed in self-defense, territoriality, social dominance, and sexual possessiveness, all of which are contexts for, and can be triggers of, aggression. There are many striking and insight-yielding continuities between our aggression and that of other animals. These include, but are not limited to: stereotyped, species-typical body language and other displays of dominance and, reciprocally, displays of subordination and submission aggression
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