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Walkerphd2018.Pdf This work is protected by copyright and other intellectual property rights and duplication or sale of all or part is not permitted, except that material may be duplicated by you for research, private study, criticism/review or educational purposes. Electronic or print copies are for your own personal, non- commercial use and shall not be passed to any other individual. No quotation may be published without proper acknowledgement. For any other use, or to quote extensively from the work, permission must be obtained from the copyright holder/s. ‘De-culturalising honour and violence: exploring ‘victims’’ experiences of ‘honour’-based violence in rural England’ Samantha Walker Submitted for the award of Doctor of Philosophy in Criminology March 2018 Keele University i Abstract Violence perpetrated in the name of ‘honour’ is neither a new phenomenon, nor one associated exclusively with any particular culture or religion. Nevertheless the concept of honour has become a powerful expression through which certain ‘culturalised’ forms of violence have been differentiated from ‘mainstream’ forms of violence against women. Indeed, while the latter is viewed generally as a pattern of individual deviance and desire for power and control, HBV is perceived as symptomatic of deviant and problematic cultures and cultural pathology. Subsequently although there has been increasing academic attention paid to the problem of ‘honour’-based violence within the UK, much of this existing research has focused on urban areas with large South Asian Muslim populations. Problematically, Larasi (2013b) argues, this limited focus can create silos that do not necessarily represent ‘victims’’ real lived experiences of violence and abuse. This thesis is based upon data collected from semi-structured interviews conducted with twenty- six participants – twelve service users and fourteen service providers – from various ‘rural’ locations spanning across five English counties. By re-examining the notion of ‘honour’, this thesis considers the extent to which the culturalisation of HBV has hindered contemporary Western understanding of VAW and our ability to provide services to those seeking help. Although, by drawing upon the lived experiences of service users, it is shown how honour and shame operate as more pervasive features of all intimate personal victimisation, this thesis demonstrates how culturalised perceptions of honour and HBV restricts service provisions – particularly in rural areas which are conceptualised as lacking in ethnic diversity. Ultimately this thesis argues that, given that honour underlies so many forms of gender-based violence, rather than resituating HBV within a broader framework of VAW, we should instead situate VAW within a broader theoretical understanding of honour and shame. ii List of Abbreviations BME Black and Minority Ethnic CAFCASS Children and Family Court Advisory and Support Service CEDAW Committee on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women CIMEL Centre for Islamic and Middle Eastern Law CPS Crown Prosecution Service DDV Destitution Domestic Violence Concession DV / DA Domestic Violence / Domestic Abuse (often used interchangeably) DVCVA Domestic Violence, Crime and Victims Act 2004 EVAW Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women FGM Female Genital Mutilation FMPO Forced Marriage Protection Order GTR Gypsy, Traveller and Roma communities HBV / HBA Honour-Based Violence / Honour-Based Abuse HTP Harmful Traditional Practice ICAHK International Campaign against Honour Killings IDVA Independent Domestic Violence Advocate IKWRO Iranian, Kurdish Women’s Rights Organisation ILR Indefinite Leave to Remain iii ISVA Independent Sexual Violence Advocate NRPF No Recourse to Public Funds NSM New Social Movements OSM Old Social Movements SARC Sexual Assault Referral Centre SBS Southall Black Sisters SP Service Provider SPOC Specific Point of Contact VAW Violence against Women iv Acknowledgements There are many people who have provided me with support and advice throughout my PhD journey to whom I owe my sincere gratitude. First and foremost, however, I wish to send a heartfelt thanks to the men and women who kindly agreed to participate in this research. In particular I wish to thank the service users who shared their deeply personal stories with me. Your strength and courage is truly inspirational and without you there would be no thesis. I would like to express special appreciation and thanks to my supervisors, Dr Jane Krishnadas and Professor Bill Dixon, who have guided and mentored me throughout – thankyou both for your patience and understanding and for always encouraging and supporting me. I must also thank the criminology teams at both Keele and Plymouth Universities for the opportunities they have given me and for their ongoing encouragement. I cannot write these acknowledgements without giving a special thanks to my family. There are no words to express how grateful I am to you all for the love and support that you have given me. In particular I must thank my mum and grandparents. You have always believed in me even when I have struggled to believe in myself. Nanny and Grandad, thank you for your unconditional love and encouragement throughout my life. Mum, thank you for all the sacrifices you have made for me, you are a real inspiration to me and I would be lost without you. I would also like to thank all of my friends who have supported me through the highs and lows of writing up my thesis – particularly Lauren, Anne, Katie, Sharon and Neil who are at various stages of their own PhD journeys. Finally, I would like to thank my best friend and partner, Thomas, who has never failed to be at my side when I have needed him. You have truly been amazing and I am so grateful to have you in my life – here’s to the end of one journey and to the beginning of an exciting new one! v TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................... 1 1.1 BACKGROUND AND RATIONALE FOR RESEARCH ...................................................................................... 1 1.1.1 What is Honour Based Violence? .......................................................................................... 1 1.1.2 Why the Rural? ...................................................................................................................... 6 1.2 SITUATING THE SELF........................................................................................................................... 9 1.3 RESEARCH AIMS .............................................................................................................................. 11 1.4 LABELS AND DEFINITIONS: A NOTE ON TERMINOLOGY ........................................................................... 12 1.4.1 Victims or Survivors? ........................................................................................................... 12 1.4.2 ‘Rural’ ................................................................................................................................... 14 1.5 MOVING FORWARD: ORGANISATION OF THE THESIS ............................................................................. 16 CHAPTER 2: THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF ‘HONOUR’ AND SHAME ........................................20 2.1 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................... 20 2.2 HONOUR AS A FACET OF IDENTITY AND A MOTIVE FOR ACTION .............................................................. 22 2.3 HONOUR AS A SOURCE OF POWER: CLASS, GENDER AND SEXUAL REGULATION .......................................... 34 2.4 CONTEMPORARY INTERPRETATIONS OF HONOUR AND VIOLENCE IN THE NAME OF ‘HONOUR’..................... 47 2.4.1 The Genderisation of ‘Honour’-Based Violence ................................................................. 50 2.4.2 The Culturalisation of ‘honour-based’ violence: Crimes of passion, crimes of honour .... 56 CHAPTER 3: FRAMING THE PROBLEM: ADDRESSING ‘HONOUR’-BASED VIOLENCE ...................65 3.1 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................... 65 3.2 IDENTITY, DIFFERENCE AND REPRESENTATION ...................................................................................... 68 3.3 ‘SOCIAL JUSTICE’ AND THE PRACTICE OF REPRESENTATION ..................................................................... 75 3.3.1 Problem Framing: Redistribution, Recognition, Representation ...................................... 77 3.3.2 Intersectionality and the Struggle for Representation ...................................................... 80 3.4 VAW DEBATES, POLICY AND LEGISLATION: THE CULTURALISATION OF HBV ............................................ 85 3.5 CHAPTER SUMMARY: MOVING FORWARDS ......................................................................................... 98 CHAPTER 4: METHODOLOGY ....................................................................................................... 101 4.1 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................. 101 4.2 SAMPLING: POPULATION AND LOCATION .......................................................................................... 105 4.2.1 Stage One: Service providers ...........................................................................................
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