The Region in Review: International Issues and Events, I992

At a time of dramatic change in global sia, had not been involved economi­ strategic and economic structures, it cally or diplomatically in the islands to might be expected that the important any significant degree. The only excep­ international issues and events of con­ tions were the one-off fisheries agree­ cern to the Pacific Islands in 1992 ments with and , occurred outside, rather than inside, which were discontinued for economic the region. The list ofpotentially sig­ reasons before the end of the nificant developments was endless: the Cold War. continuing strategic shakeout after the The more interesting involvement to end of the Cold War; the withdrawal of watch was that ofWestern countries on the military from the whose economic assistance the island ; moves toward free trade states depend. According to conven­ areas in the Association of Southeast tional wisdom, such aid is in danger of Asian Nations (ASEAN) and North falling below its Cold War levels now America (North American Free Trade that strategic concerns are no longer Agreement, NAFTA); developments in present, and as aid funds are diverted Asia-Pacific economic cooperation; to the former and Eastern increased pessimism over the outcome (see eg, Herr 1993; Elek 1992, of the General Agreement on Tariffs 2; Callick 1991). Developments in 1992 and Trade (GATT); changes within the support the view that the Pacific European Community; and continuing Islands no longer grab the attention recession in the West. These develop­ they did during the Cold War, when ments, far from determining affairs in foreign leaders frequently visited island the Pacific, formed only one element in capitals, and political developments in a more complex equation. As in the the islands could be front-page news in past, developments in regional rela­ Paris, Canberra, Washington, and tions, and in relations between the London. Nevertheless, outside powers region and the outside world, derived retained an interest in influencing as much from political and social island affairs. In this sense it is "busi­ change within island societies as from ness as usual," except the business is outside factors. now generally handled by desk officers rather than foreign ministers. No CHANGING GLOBAL CONTEXT reduction in economic assistance to the One striking reflection of the changing region is evident. Even , global strategic context was the declin­ whose economic stringency has dic­ ing interest in the region by Russia, tated a 3 percent reduction in the total which during the year closed its aid budget for 1992-93, will slightly embassy in Port Moresby-its only increase its assistance to the Pacific diplomatic presence in the region. The Islands (McKinnon 1992). effect was negligible, because the French involvement was no excep­ Soviet Union, and subsequently Rus- tion to this general trend. 's

39° POLITICAL REVIEWS 391 commitment to influencing regional Islands, which, despite teething prob­ affairs seemed unaffected by the end of lems, aims to promote American the Cold War. A policy of integrating investment in the region and greater French territories into regional affairs, access for island products to the United financially supporting various regional States market. It will be based at the programs, and cultivating a less con­ East-West Center in Hawai'i, and will frontational image was pursued vigor­ be responsible to the Pacific Islands ously and with considerable success. Conference, the governing body of the However, the end of the Cold War did Pacific Islands Development Program. create the necessary conditions for a On the Pacific rim, the withdrawal of dramatic departure in French nuclear­ the United States military from Clark testing policy. In April, the socialist Field and Subic Bay in the Philippines government in Paris suspended testing does not reflect a reduction of strategic at Moruroa and in January 1993 interest in the area. The United States announced that the suspension would moved during the year to develop a continue as long as the other major more flexible and mobile approach to nuclear powers did not resume their its Pacific presence, focusing on access tests. This decision, greeted with great for its ships and planes and pre-posi­ enthusiasm in the Pacific (except in the tioned materiel in Southeast Asia, and test-dependent economy ofPape'ete), building up support bases on was made for domestic political rea­ (/DW, 12 Dec 1992, 40). sons (Mitterrand's socialists were los­ and continued to ing ground to the French greens). spar for the allegiance of Pacific Island Although it is not therefore to be seen states. In a move that greatly angered as a response to the end ofEast-West Beijing, the meeting of the rivalry, it was a policy shift that would South Pacific Forum in July agreed to have been unimaginable without such institute a regular dialogue with Tai­ change. wan. This decision reflected the The United States renewed its fish­ increasing support for Taiwan among eries treaty with the Forum island island states, with , , and states, guaranteeing payment of having already for­ us$180 million over the next ten years. mally recognized Taiwan. Others, such The earlier treaty was widely inter­ as and , have preted as a product of US Cold War close informal relations. The new concerns, an attempt to alter the image Vanuatu government, although not yet that the United States was riding granting formal recognition-notwith­ roughshod over island economic inter­ standing a statement by Foreign Minis­ ests while the Soviet Union was willing ter to the contrary­ to pay for fishing access. The new moved much closer to Taipei than its treaty is an interesting signal of a con­ predecessor. In August, for example, tinuing commitment after the end of Taiwan sponsored Prime Minister the Cold War. The United States also 's trip to Buda­ moved to activate the Joint Commer­ pest to attend a meeting ofthe World cial Commission with the Pacific Anti-Communist League. 392 THE CONTEMPORARY PACIFIC· FALL 1993

The changing global trading regime REGIONAL RELATIONS and the increasing regionalization of approaches to economic matters The institutional framework within caught the attention of Pacific Island which multilateral relations are con­ policymakers during the year. They ducted appears to have received further were generally keen to be part of any endorsement during 1992. There is a Asia-Pacific regional developments, to rough division oflabor between the take action to mitigate the effects on South Pacific Commission (spc), the their current trade of the move to lower Pacific Islands' Development Program, tariffs in (which will dilute the University ofthe South Pacific, the the margin ofpreference for island Forum Fisheries Agency, the South products under the South Pacific Pacific Applied Geoscience Commis­ Regional Trade and Commercial sion, the South Pacific Regional Envi­ Agreement), and to consider the possi­ ronmental Programme (SPREP), and the ble impact of free trade area develop­ Forum Secretariat. Their respective ments in ASEAN and North America, efforts are harmonized through a South and of a single integrated market in Pacific Organizations Coordinating Europe. More generally, they were Committee. Far from being affected by concerned, as were other trade-depen­ a post-Cold War redirection of funds, dent small players outside major blocs, this network continued to attract suffi­ with the discussions in GATT which cient financial assistance for moderate suggested that world trade might move growth. The coordination committee toward more, rather than less, protec­ also took bolder steps to rationalize tionism. But none of these develop­ regional strategies and appeared to ments affected Pacific Islands trade in gain more legitimacy as the hub of the 1992. It is simply too early to say what regional institutional network. impact they might have. The increased acceptance of these Other factors may have more dele­ arrangements was reflected in the terious effects on the export-dependent absence from regional debate of any future now being mapped for island significant support for the alternative economies. A central concern will be approaches that had dominated delib­ how to remain competitive with pro­ erations for at least a decade: the possi­ duction in China and Southeast Asia. bility ofmerging the South Pacific At what point will the off-shore capital Commission with the Forum, or of attracted to island export zones move strengthening the commission to the on to Asian countries? The opening to point ofcompeting with the Forum the world market of mineral resources network in some ofthe same functional in the former Soviet Union may have areas. implications for the attractiveness of The most significant institutional exploiting the resources ofPapua New development was the successful estab­ Guinea, especially if that might involve lishment of the South Pacific Regional such difficulties as have been experi­ Environmental Programme in Apia enced in Bougainville. despite the constraints imposed by POLITICAL REVIEWS 393 the severe impact of Cyclone Val on foreign criminals, money laundering, Western , and the inordinate terrorism, and extradition (SPF 1992). demands posed by preparations for the The third major institutional devel­ region's participation in June in the opment in 1992 was the formation of a Conference on Envi­ grouping of Smaller Island States, com­ ronment and Development in Rio. The prising , Kiribati, , environmental program began the year Nauru, and . The outcome ofthe as a unit in SPC headquarters in first summit meeting ofprime ministers Noumea; by December it was installed and presidents, held in Rarotonga in in Apia as a distinct regional institution January, suggests that the group with about forty staff. Its budget in intends a fairly radical departure from 1992 was US$7 million compared with existing regional programs. The lead­ US$I.5 million in 1990 (SPREP 1992). ers proposed the establishment of their The legal changes necessary to estab­ own regional development bank, joint lish its autonomy were delayed by the negotiations with distant-water fishing United States Government's concern nations and international shipping about the implications of allowing its companies over access to their com­ territories to become signatories to a bined exclusive economic zones, exam­ SPREP treaty. This issue remains unre­ ination of the possibility of imposing solved. fees on the use oftheir airspace, enter­ A second development of some sig­ ing a consortium for international nificance was the institutionalization of investment, and sharing technologies the relatively new interest in promoting such as black-pearl farming (PR, 6 Feb joint action on drug trafficking and 1992,4). A committee of officials of the criminal activities in the region. A Smaller Island States subsequently met Regional Security Committee, com­ in to take these ideas further prising senior officials from Forum and the group caucused in Honiara in member countries, met for the first July prior to the Forum meeting. time in Suva in February. The commit­ Even if the particular proposals for tee will act as a focal point for the collaboration within the SIS group fail activities of various existing regional to eventuate-and the lack of action on networks-the South Pacific Chiefs of equally ambitious statements of intent Police Conference, the Customs Heads in the case of other subregional group­ of Administration Regional Meeting, ings is not encouraging-the Smaller and the Pacific Islands Law Officers Island States have the potential to at Meeting-each ofwhich may send rep­ least equal the impact ofthe Melane­ resentatives as observers (Barber 1992). sian Spearhead Group as a lobby The results ofthe Suva meeting were within the Forum. Although some res­ taken up by Pacific leaders at the ervations were raised in Honiara about Honiara meeting of the Forum in the the implications for regional unity of form of a Declaration on Law Enforce­ the new subgrouping, the Forum meet­ ment Cooperation, covering such mat­ ing nevertheless endorsed the develop­ ters as drug trafficking, intrusions by ment of the group and directed the 394 THE CONTEMPORARY PACIFIC. FALL 1993

Secretariat to assist where possible. minister ofVanuatu, and Ieremia Tabai Furthermore, the Pacific Islands Devel­ after thirteen years as president ofKiri­ opment Program offered to fund a bati (although Tabai has returned in a meeting for the private sectors ofthe new role as Secretary-General of the five SIS members, and the South Pacific Forum Secretariat). Most leaders Organizations Coordinating Commit­ attending regional meetings in 1992 tee urged that Smaller Island States be had only attended a few meetings; for regarded as a legitimate category for many-notably Maxime Carlot Kor­ the purposes ofregional programs. man ofVanuatu and Sitiveni Rabuka Robert Rex's farewell speech to the ofFiji-it was their first direct involve­ Honiara Forum marked the end of an ment. era in regional relations-a passing The structure of regional relations from the scene ofthose of the older was particularly affected by political generation of island politicians who change within Vanuatu and Fiji. For had first met at South Pacific Confer­ twelve years Vanuatu, under Walter ences sometime between 1950 and the Lini's prime ministership, had repre­ 1960s, who had formed the Pacific sented the radical end ofregional poli­ Islands Producers' Association in 1965, tics as the most antinuclear and the and the Forum and its offshoot, the most anti-French of island countries. South Pacific Bureau for Economic The dramatic change to a franco­ Cooperation in the early 1970s, and phone-dominated coalition govern­ who had continued to hold power in ment in Vila could have implications their countries until recently. The end for the Melanesian Spearhead Group, of this era was underlined by the deaths for whom New Caledonian indepen­ of Hammer DeRoburt in July (Presi­ dence is a rallying point, and for the dent of Nauru in all but a few of the Forum and its political positions. The last twenty-five years), and of Robert marked difference that a francophone Rex in December (premier of Niue for administration represents for regional the nineteen years since self-govern­ politics was symbolized in Carlot Kor­ ment); the departure of Ratu Mara man's request that Forum deliberations from the prime ministership of Fiji in henceforth be in French and English. May (after twenty-five years of Political developments in Fiji had a national and regional leadership); the similar set of implications. Fiji was the end ofPrince Tuipelehake's twenty­ most important player in regional two-year term as Tonga's prime minis­ affairs from the late 1960s until the ter; and Governor Coleman's loss of coups in 1987. Preoccupied at home power in . and having fallen out with Australia Leadership in the region has now and New Zealand, it had a very low­ passed to a different generation in their key role from 1988 to 1991. The first late forties rather than sixties and sev­ postcoup election, the acceptance of enties. Also missing at the regional the constitutional changes by Australia table in 1992 were some key players in and New Zealand, and Rabuka's suc­ the second generation ofleaders: Wal­ cessful debut at the Honiara Forum, ter Lini after twelve years as prime suggest that Fiji is in a position to again POLITICAL REVIEWS 395 take its place among the more influen­ France had been on the same side on tial states in regional politics. any issue) were motivated by a variety The politics of regional relations of factors. The Melanesian countries, within the South Pacific Commission the most unlikely supporters given focused on housekeeping issues-the their opposition during the 1970S and selection of key officers including the 1980s to the headquartering of the secretary-general, the siting of new commission in Noumea, were respond­ headquarters, and financial manage­ ing to FLNKS entreaties to keep it there ment and accountability-leaving little as an important part ofthe Kanak peo­ time to debate development problems ple's interaction with other Pacific or programs. The culmination of the Islanders. France presumably thought debate on the site of the headquarters, it important to retain it on French soil which occupied much of the 1991 South as part oflegitimating the French pres­ Pacific Conference in Nuku'alofa (see ence in the region. Others were con­ Fry 1992), came at a special ministerial cerned to continue the long association meeting at Noumea in March. Asked with Noumea, and that the South to leave their Anse Vata headquarters Pacific Commission remain indepen­ of forty-five years (formerly the Ameri­ dent from the Forum and continue to can headquarters during World War II) represent the interests of territorial to make way for tourism development, administrations. The Suva site, on the commission members had to choose other hand, was mainly supported by among five proposed sites: Noumea, the non-Melanesian independent coun­ Suva, Nuku'alofa, Vila, and Pape'ete. tries. Their support was motivated by When they failed to reach a consensus relatively high operating costs in after two days of debate, the Fijian del­ Noumea, anger at the way the commis­ egate proposed a vote be taken. The sion had been treated by the French Tongan and French Polynesian propos­ administration and the Noumea als fell out after the first round; the authorities, and anti-French feeling Noumea site won out over Suva 16 more generally. votes to 7 in the second; the Vila pro­ Although Fiji and its supporters posal was to be considered only in the were unsuccessful in moving the site event of a decision to move from away from Noumea, their challenge Noumea (PR, 26 March 1992, 1-3). resulted in the acceptance of a superior Voting was along the lines estab­ site. Before the challenge the French lished during the heated debate at the proposal was for a site at Receiving in 1991 conference and for much the same the suburbs of Noumea. The proposal reasons. The Noumea site was sup­ that was ultimately accepted comprises ported by the Melanesian Spearhead a beachfront office site at Anse Vata, a countries, most metropolitan countries block away from the present headquar­ and territorial administrations, and of ters, and a separate site at Receiving course, France and . for housing of commission personnel. The members of this highly unusual The cost of the new headquarters will alliance (it must have been the first be met by France (88 percent) and Aus­ time that the Melanesian countries and tralia (12 percent). The challenge also 4W#,'Rtjft@,¥"d#*Yl 'M == ·....·"...zzmr

THE CONTEMPORARY PACIFIC. FALL 1993 prompted a more generous subsidy of changes would have to be made or operating costs from the local New Australia's future extra-budgetary Caledonian government. These conces­ funding to the commission might have sions, which would not have occurred to be reviewed. This was a dramatic without the intervention by Berenado departure from the low-key approach Vunibobo, then Fiji's minister for trade usually adopted by Australia, and was and commerce, at the Nuku'alofa con­ the first time that any government had ference in October 1991, may have threatened withdrawal of funds if its gone some way in calming what had position was not adopted. It probably become very strong feelings on this ensured solid island support for Soko­ Issue. manu. Australia's stance was inter­ The other housekeeping issues­ preted by most island delegates as selecting a new secretary-general and unacceptable, with their strength of financial management-became inter­ commitment to what they saw as a twined at the South Pacific Conference principle overriding any concern that in Suva in October. Following the Australia would carry out its threat. tragic death in early March of Secre­ In an interview with the Fiji Times tary-General elect Jacques Iekawe, two after his appointment, Sokomanu names were put forward for consider­ accused Australia of trying to run the ation: Jioji Kotobalavu, formerly direc­ South Pacific Commission as a colonial tor ofthe South Pacific Applied Geo­ club. He asked, "Do we still need peo­ science Commission, and Ati George ple to bulldoze us around here or let Sokomanu, former president of Pacific Islanders do their own thing Vanuatu. Kotobalavu withdrew at the and show places like Australia and oth­ eleventh hour to take up a position as ers that they can do the job as well as secretary of the Fiji prime minister's others?" Sokomanu was later criticized office. In a closed session the confer­ in the conference report for revealing ence voted 20 to 6 against an Austra­ the proceedings of in-camera discus­ lian motion to reopen nominations for sions to the press. Australia was also the position; consequently Sokomanu accused by Papua New Guinea Foreign was appointed (with Poloma Komiti Minister John Kaputin of bringing its promoted to director ofprograms and tensions with Vanuatu into regional Fusi Caginavanua as deputy director). relations, an accusation dismissed as For the metropolitan countries the "absolute nonsense" by Steve Martin, appointment was intimately connected the leader of the Australian delegation with the financial management of the (Lakhan 1992). South Pacific Commission. Australia's The collective efforts ofthe island delegates in particular were reportedly states on environmental matters during concerned that given the particular 1992 focused on developing and push­ need at this time for improved financial ing a regional position within the Asso­ management, the appointment deci­ ciation of Small Island States and in sion be delayed until a broader field the run up to, and during the United could be found. During debate they Nations Conference on Environment warned that appropriate management and Development. After the Rio con- POLITICAL REVIEWS 397 ference, regional efforts concentrated Niue Treaty on Fisheries Surveillance on developing a climate change pro­ and Law Enforcement (Properjohn gram. A strong position was taken on 1992). The surveillance regime demon­ the Johnston Atoll chemical weapon strated its effectiveness during the year, destruction facility, with a demand that when nine Korean and Taiwanese it be closed down after the current boats were suspended from the burn-off. A surprisingly weak position Regional Register of Foreign Fishing was adopted in relation to the Japanese Vessels after being sighted fishing ille­ plutonium shipments, given the con­ gally in Nauru's waters. The Taiwan cerns of some member states (the Deep Sea Boatowners and Exporters strong opposition to the shipments by Association subsequently made a Nauru's President Dowiyogo was financial settlement (PR, 1 Oct 1992, I). reported on the front page of the New BILATERAL RELATIONS York Times in October). The Forum simply urged that appropriate care be In addition to influencing multilateral taken, and that permission be sought relations inthe region, political for travel through their economic zones changes in Fiji, Vanuatu, and Papua (SPF 1992). Regional programs in areas New Guinea held significant implica­ such as coastal management and tions for various bilateral relation­ biodiversity began to take on some ships. Most important was the rap­ substance with the employment ofnew prochement between Fiji and Australia resources at SPREP headquarters. and New Zealand following the first Collective diplomacy in the eco­ postcoup elections under a new consti­ nomic arena focused on developing tution. While both governments had links with Asia and, reflecting Forum their reservations about vote weighting wishes, the new secretary-general made and other mechanisms favoring one this a priority. In September Tabai race over another, and one region over addressed a ministerial meeting of the another, they accepted this as the best Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation solution possible in the circumstances. Group (APEC) in Bangkok, the first They were encouraged in this position time the Forum has been granted by the acceptance of the new constitu­ speaking rights (although still only as tion, and the participation in the elec­ an observer). On the basis of this expe­ tions, by those parties ousted by the rience, he revealed his intention of coups: the National Federation Party encouraging individual island states to and the Labour Party. Although the send representatives on Forum delega­ Australian government still talked of tions, or to seek APEC membership in accepting the electoral outcome in the their own right where possible (Garrett context of Rabuka's guarantees of 1992a). Tabai also attempted to future constitutional revision, some develop links between ASEAN and the sense of relief that full relations could Forum. Finally, the legal regime con­ be resumed with Fiji was evident. Fol­ cerned with controlling the operations lowing Rabuka's successful meetings of distant-water fishing nations in the with Prime Ministers Keating and Pacific scored with the signing of the Bolger at the Forum in July, Australia ~• .i§!!i!lMM!&'tMtM.*iIN!JiMV!Ill!{iffi;"0l§!!l!l'!1QH>'6ik5iM6iMA !.FJI!!!I'&il¥

THE CONTEMPORARY PACIFIC· FALL 1993

and New Zealand cleared the way for The Vanua'aku Pati also had a special resumption of defense cooperation. dislike of French settlers in New Cale­ Australia immediately offered three donia, whom they saw as meddling in (previously cancelled) patrol boats, Vanuatu's pre-independence ;lOd post­ and later in the year sent its defense independence politics. On the other minister to Suva to discuss the terms of hand, the French viewed Vanuatu the restoration of defense links. under as the main regional Prime Minister Rabuka's visit to supporter ofKanak independence in Australia was a diplomatic success. New Caledonia. The tensions culmi­ The impression he gave, of a man of nated in 1987 in the expulsion ofthe moderation who was prepared to con­ French ambassador for the second sider further reforms ofthe constitu­ time. As a consequence in the same tion to make it more democratic, was year, France suspended all economic somewhat tarnished by subsequent assistance to Vanuatu. publicity given to extreme anti-Indian The new Carlot Korman govern­ comments that he allegedly made dur­ ment rapidly mended fences with ing a television interview for Austra­ France and New Caledonia, making lia's Network Ten. It was later the first move in January. A ministerial revealed, however, that Rabuka had delegation was sent to New Caledonia been the victim of blatantly dishonest to hold talks with the three provincial editing (Garrett 1992b). While in the governments. New Caledonia's Terri­ original interview he was clearly saying torial Congress voted to give economic that the Fiji constitution should be assistance to Vanuatu to provide free "totally Fijian-oriented," he did not schooling. (Schooling is very political express the more extreme views attrib­ in Vanuatu, because it is seen as deter­ uted to him. Using time-honored but the balance ofpower between ironic diplomatic behavior, both Aus­ francophone and anglophone com­ tralia and New Zealand sent warships munities over the long term). New For­ to Suva Harbour before the end of the eign Minister Vohor indicated during year to symbolize the full restoration of his visit to Noumea that he would also friendly relations. like to see a French embassy and a cam­ The election of a francophone gov­ pus of the French University ofthe ernment in Vanuatu immediately South Pacific in . In February affected Vanuatu's relations with the Carlot Korman government asked France and New Caledonia and, later the French government to assist with in the year, with Australia. Relations the surveillance of its exclusive eco­ between Vanuatu and France had been nomic zone (Australia was already strained since independence in 1980. offering assistance in this area). In The then-governing Vanua'aku Pati March it was announced that the saw France as directly and indirectly Vanuatu government would be open­ attempting to thwart the move to inde­ ing a consulate in Noumea, and the pendence and as subsequently interven­ government also moved to complete a ing in the domestic politics ofVanuatu property agreement with the French by supporting the francophone parties. government that would allow both the POLITICAL REVIEWS 399 return of a French ambassador to Vila during 1992 was the "spillover effects" and the normalization of relations. In of the Bougainville crisis. The tragic April, Carlot Korman visited Paris (PR events in Bougainville between 1989 23 Jan 1992, 6; 2 Apr 1992,1,4). and 1991 had already made this the Vanuatu's relations with Australia most serious security problem in the took a very different turn. Despite an region since the Second World War. early visit to Vila by Foreign Affairs Despite calls from the Bougainville and Trade Minister Senator Evans, Revolutionary Army (BRA) and its sup­ and a successful return visit to Can­ porters for assistance from the outside berra by Carlot Korman, relations world, and concern expressed by inter­ became severely strained in July when national nongovernment groups such the Vanuatu government expelled Aus­ as Amnesty International and the tralia's acting high commissioner, Pacific Conference of Churches, the James Pearson, on the grounds that he international community had generally had interfered in the internal affairs of regarded this as an internal matter for Vanuatu. Pearson had publicly the Papua New Guinea government. expressed Australia's concerns about This position was maintained by the proposed amendments to the Business Forum states in 1992, but it became Licence Act, which would give the increasingly evident that events had finance minister the right to refuse or moved well beyond a serious internal revoke business licenses without hav­ crisis in Papua New Guinea. By year's ing to give reasons (PR, 9 July 1992, I). end the conflict had severely damaged In talks with Carlot Korman at the Papua New Guinea-Solomon Islands Honiara Forum meeting, Evans said relations and Australia-Solomon that he regarded Pearson's actions as Islands relations, and called into ques­ "ordinary, legitimate, diplomatic tion the future ofthe Melanesian behavior." With matters unresolved by Spearhead Group. the talks, Evans subsequently indicated At the center ofthe developing inter­ that the Australian government would nationalization of the conflict was the cancel the scheduled visit of two Aus­ deterioration ofrelations between tralian warships as part ofVanuatu's Papua New Guinea and Solomon Independence Day celebrations and Islands. Although the relationship had would contemplate a further response. been strained since the beginning of the He argued that "when people don't crisis, tensions escalated sharply in observe the ordinary rules of diplo­ 1992. In February, Prime Minister Rab­ matic behavior it is necessary to bie Namaliu sent a formal protest to respond in a way that makes clear Solomon Islands Prime Minister Solo­ that's the case" (PR, 16 July 1992, 6). mon Mamaloni, accusing his govern­ ment of allowing its territory to be used THE INTERNATIONALIZATION by BRA sympathizers "to stage acts of OF THE BOUGAINVILLE CRISIS propaganda and sabotage against our Although it did not appear on any offi­ sovereignty" (PR, 6 Feb 1992, I). This cial regional agenda, the most signifi­ was largely a response to the entry into cant international issue in the Pacific Bougainville, through Solomon 400 THE CONTEMPORARY PACIFIC· FALL 1993

Islands, of an Australian who set up a and Forum headquarters. The govern­ transmitter for Radio Free Bougain­ ment asked the Commonwealth Secre­ ville, the establishment of a Bougain­ tariat to revive its mediation efforts. In ville Coordination Office in Honiara, response, the secretary-general of the and the rejection by the Solomon Commonwealth visited Honiara in Islands government of an extradition May. He is reported to have said that treaty proposed by Papua New he would ask Commonwealth mem­ Guinea. bers to be sympathetic to requests from Relations between Honiara and Port Solomon Islands for assistance in sur­ Moresby plummeted after the Papua veillance ofthe border with Papua New Guinea Defence Force in March New Guinea (PR, 28 May 1992,4). carried out a cross-border raid on The elections in Papua New Guinea Bomana Bay settlement on Fauro raised hopes ofreconciliation between Island, destroying a fuel depot and the two countries, as Paias Wingti in burning houses. Although Namaliu his election campaign appeared to take subsequently apologized and claimed a position on Bougainville that was that the raid was not authorized by his more appealing to Solomon Islands. In government, he also implied that Solo­ the first month after his election as mon Islands had some responsibility prime minister in July, events moved for its occurrence. Such raids could be steadily toward a restoration of rela­ avoided, he argued, if Papua New tions. Wingti met Mamaloni in Guinea and Solomon Islands cooper­ Honiara in late July en route to the ated on border surveillance. He added Melanesian Spearhead Group meeting that BRA activities carried out from the in Vila. As a result Mamaloni moved Solomons could easily be interpreted as to meet Papua New Guinea concerns, a threat to Papua New Guinea's withdrawing a Solomon Islands pass­ national sovereignty (PR, 26 Mar 1992, port issued to a prominent member of 1,4). In response to the raid on Fauro the Bougainville Provisional Govern­ Island, Mamaloni broke all contact ment, Bishop Zale, which listed his with the Namaliu government and place ofresidence as "Republic of announced that he would boycott the Bougainville," and agreeing to an offi­ Melanesian Spearhead Group-due to cial meeting to discuss border surveil­ meet in Wewak in April-until com­ lance (PR, 20 Aug 1992, 6). pensation was received from Papua This reduction in tensions was New Guinea. He would not discuss the short-lived. In mid-September the issue with Port Moresby until after the Papua New Guinea Defence Force Papua New Guinea elections in June again attacked a Solomon Islands set­ (Garrett 1992C). tlement-Komaliae village in the At this point, the Mamaloni govern­ Shortland Islands-killing two people, ment attempted to engage the interna­ injuring a child, and kidnapping a man tional community on the issue. Parlia­ (Waqa 1992). These unauthorized mentary delegations toured Pacific actions took Papua New Guinea-Solo­ Island countries and Papua New mon Islands relations to rock bottom, Guinea, and visited Commonwealth with Mamaloni threatening to sever •J• ~'P. .11I:1' • //I "

POLITICAL REVIEWS 4°1 diplomatic ties and to recognize the strained, with Mamaloni cancelling BRA and the Republic of Bougainville. Australian surveillance flights over the He also blamed Australia for its Solomon Islands' economic zone and defense involvement with Papua New accusing the Australian defense attache Guinea, asserting that many Solomon in Honiara of involvement in the PNG Islanders were "questioning the sincer­ Defence Force raid. He also requested ity" of the Australian government the withdrawal ofthe Australian advis­ "since it is Australia which is supplying ers to the Solomon Islands police force. the lethal weapons with which Papua At the international level, the United New Guinea forces are killing Bougain­ Nations, although initially reluctant to villeans and Solomon Islanders" (Honi­ consider the matter, finally sent a mis­ mae r992, 7). In a further response to sion to Honiara. The parliamentary the raid, the Mamaloni government opposition in Honiara generally agreed submitted a request to the United with Mamaloni's concerns over Papua Nations Security Council that it con­ New Guinea's handling of the Bougain­ sider sending a mission to examine the ville crisis, and the consequent inter­ border issue. vention of the Papua New Guinea Wingti responded quickly to a pro­ Defence Force in Solomon Islands terri­ test note from Honiara with an apol­ tory, as well as the need to seek inter­ ogy and a promise ofdisciplinary national assistance with mediation on action for those involved and compen­ the border dispute, but they parted sation for those affected in the Short­ ways on the question ofMamaloni's lands. But this did not defuse the response to Australia and his refusal to situation. The Solomons government hold talks with the Papua New Guinea continued to lobby at the United government. Nations for a mission to look at the The tensions between Honiara and border problem and refused dialogue Port Moresby in 1992 marked a depar­ with Port Moresby. In response to a ture in the post-independence relations letter from Stephen Pokawin, premier ofPacific Island states. This was the of the Manus provincial government, first time such a fundamental rift had requesting that Mamaloni host a meet­ developed between two island coun­ ing ofdisaffected Papua New Guinea tries. It was also the first time an island premiers in Honiara, Mamaloni out­ state had thought another to be infring­ lined his views on Bougainville and ing its sovereignty. In this case, of attacked the roles ofthe Papua New course, each thought the other was Guinea and Australian governments. threatening its sovereignty. Honiara He went as far as inviting the premiers accused Papua New Guinea ofhaving to hold a meeting in Honiara to discuss no respect for its border or its citizens the Wingti government's proposal to by allowing its defense force to harass dismember Papua New Guinea's pro­ Solomon Islanders in cross-border vincial government system (WPR, 1 Dec raids. Port Moresby accused the Solo­ 1992,2; IBP, Dec 1992, II). mon Islands government of allowing its By year's end relations between territory to be used as a base and con­ Honiara and Canberra were severely duit for assistance to a group rebelling 402 THE CONTEMPORARY PACIFIC· FALL I993

against the authority of the Papua New Herr, Richard. 1993. The South Pacific: Guinea government. The terms of the Retreat from Vladivostok. In Reshaping dispute over contending sovereignties Regional Relations: Asia-Pacific and the had a familiar and ironic ring: that of Former Soviet Union, edited by Ramesh -Papua New Guinea rela­ Thakur and Carlyle Thayer, 255-000. Boul­ der, co: Westview. Forthcoming. tions from the mid-1970S to the mid­ 1980s, with Jakarta claiming that the Honimae, Johnson. 1992. Solomons May Papua New Guinea government was Give Recognition to BRA. Pacific Islands allowing its territory to be used by Monthly, October, 7.

West Papuan separatists, and Port lBP, Islands Business Pacific. Monthly, Moresby concerned about Indonesian Suva. military incursions into Papua New Guinea territory. IDW, Jane's Defence Weekly. 1992. The Jane's Interview: Interview with Com­ GREG FRY mander of US Naval Forces Marianas, Rear Adm. Kristensen. 12 December. References Lakhan, Asha. 1992. "Colonial Club" Ways Slammed. Fiji Times, 29 October, I. Barber, David. 1992. Tip of the Dirty Ice­ berg. Pacific Islands Monthly, May, 16. McKinnon, Don. 1992. Official Develop­ ment Assistance Programme: 1992/93. Callick, Rowan. 1991. No Blue Skies Yet in Press release, 4 July. Minister of External the South Pacific. Pacific Economic Bulletin Relations and Trade, Wellington, New 6(2), December. Zealand. Elek, Andrew. 1992. The South Pacific Properjohn, Russ. 1992. Treaty to Con­ Economies in a Changing International serve Vast South Pacific Fisheries Resource. Environment. Paper presented at Confer­ Insight (Australian Department of Foreign ence on the Future of Asia-Pacific Econo­ Affairs), 7 August, 10-11. mies: Pacific Islands at the Crossroads? Brisbane, 10-12 November. PR, Pacific Report. Fortnightly, Canberra.

Fry, Greg. 1992. The Region in Review, SPREP, South Pacific Regional Environment 1991. The Contemporary Pacific 4(2): Programme. 1992. 199I!92 Annual Report. 384-386. Apia.

Garrett, Jemima. 1992a. The Asian Con­ SPF, South Pacific Forum. 1992. Communi­ nection. Pacific Islands Monthly, Novem­ que: Twenty-third South Pacific Forum, ber,9· Honiara, 8-9 July. ---. 1992b. Shame on You, Channel 10. Waqa, Vasita. 1992. Slaughter in the Pacific Islands Monthly, December, 13. Shortlands. Islands Business Pacific. Octo­ ber, 20-26. ---. 1992C. Border Problems Raise Questions. Pacific Islands Monthly, WPR, The Washington Pacific Report. June, 43. Monthly, Washington, DC.