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The “Manueline” Secular Architecture in Portugal: a Distinctive Style in Lisbon in the Context of Italian Tradition

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The “Manueline” Secular Architecture in Portugal: a Distinctive Style in Lisbon in the Context of Italian Tradition Искусство Ренессанса 703 УДК: 72.034 ББК: 85.11 А43 DOI: 10.18688/aa199-5-64 О. C. Cмаголь Светская архитектура эпохи мануэлино в Португалии: своеобразие стиля в Лиссабоне в контексте итальянской традиции В становлении и развитии искусства Ренессанса в Португалии прослеживаются, условно, три периода: XV в., рубеж XV–XVI вв. и XVI в. Первый период — накануне Великих географических открытий и их начало: время Жуана I (1385–1433), Дуарте I (1433–1438), Афонсу V (1438–1481) и Жуана II (1481–1495). Предпосылки, вызревав- шие в эти ранние годы, предопределили культурный взлёт. Второй — период наивыс- шего историко-культурного подъёма, эпоха короля Мануэла I (1495–1521) [2]. Третий период обнаружил постепенную художественную стагнацию на фоне общего культур- ного и политического спада второй половины XVI в., который повлёк утрату государ- ственной независимости: Португалия оказалась под испанской властью (1580). В более узком временном спектре ярчайший расцвет своеобразного искусства Ре- нессанса в Португалии традиционно связывается хронологически — со вторым из упомянутых этапов, с рубежом XV–XVI вв., исторически — с ознаменовавшим это время правлением короля Мануэла I Счастливого, представителя Ависской династии (1385–1580), а стилистически в искусстве, особенно в архитектуре — со всплеском на- ционального стиля мануэлино: уникального, синтезировавшего в сложное целое мно- гие элементы. И местный романский, и готический, и испано-мавританский в форме платереско, и язык королевских символов. Последний вобрал как обыкновенные ге- ральдические аспекты, так и причудливую пестроту визуального опыта людей, распах- нувших сознанию современников новые географические горизонты. Это и корабель- ные канаты, и армиллярные сферы, и экзотические растения. В контексте архитектуры рассматриваемой эпохи важнейшее место занимает ренес- сансная составляющая, особенно в её североитальянской форме. С одной стороны, этот компонент обнаруживается и на втором, и на третьем этапе. Более того, если в эпоху мануэлино он несколько фрагментарен, «цитатен», сплавлен с позднеготической орна- ментальностью и образно созвучен тенденциям итальянского Кватроченто, то позднее он «чище», в нём внятнее различимы формы итальянского Чинквеченто (в 1529 г. тер- мин al romano, относящийся к архитектурным заказам, впервые появляется в порту- гальских документах [8, p. 14]). Однако, с другой стороны, наиболее ярким и исклю- чительно самобытным и самоценным в истории португальского Ренессанса остаётся искусство рубежа XV–XVI вв., эпохи мануэлино, в котором мотивы, сопоставимые с 704 О. C. Cмаголь итальянскими, порой менее выявлены, но гораздо более органичны в составе целого, чем позднее, в них ощущается не холодное копирование, но истинно новое качество. Главным камнем преткновения на пути понимания и изучения памятников свет- ской архитектуры времени Мануэла I сегодня являются последствия природных ката- строф. Землетрясения в Лиссабоне в XVI–XVIII вв. (особенно в 1755 г.) стёрли с лица земли большинство местных ренессансных творений эпохи и письменные источники. Сохранился ряд культовых зданий. Но наряду с такими масштабными порождениями архитектурной мысли, как монастырские комплексы (Жеронимуш, Томар, Пена) [2], од- ним из ярчайших проявлений мануэлино стала череда предприятий монарха (как глав- ного заказчика) и местной знати в сфере столичного градостроительства, возведение и реконструкция как отдельных небольших зданий, так и целых дворцовых комплексов. В настоящей статье в центр внимания ставится проблема трактовки светской сто- личной архитектуры Лиссабона времени мануэлино в свете вероятных итальянских влияний. Ввиду утраты основных памятников эта тема и менее изучена, и более слож- на по сравнению с темами культовой архитектуры. В современной историографии, как отечественной (Т. П. Каптерева), так и зарубеж- ной (Л. Фернандес-Гонсалес, К. Лоу, А. Гшвенд), неоднократно затрагивались аспекты светской архитектуры мануэлино, но её анализ в контексте североитальянской сти- листики соответствующего времени оказывался вне фокуса внимания специальных исследований. Отдельного упоминания заслуживает книга К. Лоу, посвящённая куль- турным связям Португалии и Италии в эпоху Ренессанса [8], но и в ней, когда подни- маются архитектурные проблемы, речь заходит в первую очередь о XVI столетии и сохранившихся памятниках. В силу этого предлагаемый здесь подход к теме является в определённой мере новаторским и актуальным. Главная цель работы — попытаться проследить на доступных примерах характер преломления привнесённой на португальскую землю ренессансной стилистической со- ставляющей и её интерпретацию в кругу сплетений местных архитектурных тенденций. Структуру исследования определили три группы задач. Во-первых, выявление фак- торов, дающих основание к рассмотрению светской архитектуры мануэлино в ита- льянском контексте: 1) роль отдельных мастеров и заказчиков; 2) значение развития книжного дела и картографии; 3) косвенные подтверждения (аналогии в культовой архитектуре). Во-вторых, обращение в контексте заявленной проблемы к теме ренес- сансного «идеального города». В-третьих, анализ отдельных аспектов разных типоло- гий светской архитектуры, общественной утилитарной и частной дворцовой (плана, фасада, свода интерьера), с позиций их соотношения с итальянскими решениями. В целом, исходя из близости португальской и испанской архитектурных традиций, можно предположить, что изначально классицизирующие элементы в многосоставной декоративности мануэлино, так же как и в платереско [21, p. 171], коренились в орна- ментальных формах североитальянского, ломбардского происхождения. Важнейшую роль в искусстве, и в частности в архитектуре, в это время [2; 6; 8; 9; 10; 17; 18; 20] сыграли и приезжие итальянские мастера (такие как Андреа Сансови- но, находившийся в Португалии около девяти лет), и сами португальские заказчики, вдохновлённые увиденным в Италии (Афонсу де Албукерке), и местные руководители Искусство Ренессанса 705 архитектурных работ (Антонио Кaрнейро), постоянно контактировавшие с итальян- цами на родной земле, особенно в Лиссабоне, на рубеже веков — «новой столице» за- падного мира, столице яркой в своей внезапной космополитичности. Вторым явлением, немаловажным в распространении итальянизирующих черт стиля мануэлино в Португалии, оказалось развитие книжного дела. Например, сохра- нилась «Лиссабонская Библия» Мануэла I работы итальянских мастеров (Аттаванте дельи Аттаванти, Герарде Монте ди Джованни; Флоренция, 1495–1497) [8, p. 13], в ил- люстрациях которой именно архитектурные построения, как и в венецианско-падуан- ской школе миниатюры конца Кватроченто, играют исключительную композицион- ную роль (MS 161/4 f. 2v–3) [3, p. 24]. Третьим, косвенным, аргументом в пользу обращения к североитальянскому кон- тексту рубежа XV–XVI вв. при изучении светской архитектуры мануэлино являет- ся обилие ломбардо-венецианских мотивов в монументальном декоре культовых памятников Лиссабона интересующего нас времени. Среди них особенно харак- терны резные каменные рельефы большого двора монастыря Жеронимуш (Жoан ди Каштилью, с 1517). Так, тондо с профилем персонажа в шлеме на стене обход- ной галереи воспроизводит в сокращённых формах и в «зеркальном отражении» соответствующий рисунок воина в шлеме работы Леонардо да Винчи (Британский музей, 1472). Знакомство резчиков с этим итальянским образом может подтвер- ждаться аналогичным майоликовым «тондо с императором» (тондо «Дарий») ма- стерской делла Роббиа из Национального музея старинного искусства в Лиссабо- не (inv. 679 Esc). Более того, резкие повороты скульптурных голов верхнего фриза того же двора Жеронимуша выдают интерпретацию античной темы imago clipeata в форме, свойственной декору архитектуры севера Италии конца Кватроченто (большой двор Павийской чертозы, вторая половина XV в.). Но в Жеронимуше эти «ломбардские головы» в духе итальянских мастеров Дж.-А. Амадео и Д. Браманте фланкируют причудливые хтонические маскароны, отсылающие к уже более позд- ним памятникам, например, фасаду палаццо Помпеи в Вероне (М. Санмикели, 1530- е). Всё это выявляет, в узком смысле, синтетичность португальской архитектурной лексики, в широком — характерное ренессансное сближение светских и культовых памятников в мере украшенности, а потому уместно в качестве примера стилисти- ческого созвучия и в разговоре о светской архитектуре. Наконец, в том же монастыре в верхнем фризе клуатра введены и прямые античные цитаты. Мотив римской арматуры (кираса с развевающимися птеругами), наложен- ный на перекрещенные древки орудий, скорее всего, перетолковывает композицию позднеантичного рельефа, подобного ныне экспонируемому во дворе Палаццо-деи- Консерватори в Риме, рельефу из Храма Адриана на пьяцца ди Пьетра (II в.). С учётом всего сказанного представляется допустимым анализ светской архитекту- ры мануэлино в итальянском контексте. С одной стороны, вызревавший в XV в. интерес правителей Ависского дома к Ита- лии [8, p. 1–16], а с другой — резкое выдвижение Португалии на передовые культурно- исторические роли вследствие экспедиции Васко да Гамы 1497–1499 гг. повлекли за со- бой коренное преобразование облика Лиссабона с учётом итальянского наследия. Ведь 706 О. C. Cмаголь город претендовал теперь на роль столицы новой мировой империи, поднимавшейся по подобию древней, Римской [18, р. 30]. Важнейшим новшеством стала реконструкция центра города, изначальные проекты которой восходят к первой половине XV в. Само явление общего городского благоу- стройства оказывается созвучно ренессансным представлениям об «идеальном горо- де» в духе Альберти и Филарете, тогда как
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