Engaging Religious Worlds Loaded Language: Missiological Considerations for Appropriating Political by Alan Howell and Jessica Markwood

few years ago, I (Alan) was preaching at a Makua-Metto church in rural Mozambique. The topic was how God can radically transform lives and as an illustration I used the story of Jesus’ encounter with aA man possessed by a host of demons (Mark 5:1–20). Because demon posses- sion is such a common phenomenon in this context, our Mozambican friends readily identified with this story. After emphasizing the way this man’s life was powerfully changed by Christ, I switched from speaking the Makua-Metto language to Portuguese, Mozambique’s national language, to proclaim Jesus as the Força da Mudança (the Force of Change). While some church members seemed to miss this reference, I noticed other people sitting up a little straighter as knowing smiles appeared on a few faces in the small crowd. I had borrowed the from Mozambique’s governing political party and applied it to Jesus of Nazareth. Was it helpful to use such potentially loaded language? Was it wise to use political rhetoric in cross-cultural Christian discourse in that way?

In our training, we (Jessica and Alan) were taught the importance not only of learning the local language, but also of taking advantage of powerful phrases or concepts for use in our communication. We learned that this is part of “taking every thought captive to Christ” (2 Cor. 10:5). Hijacking words, concepts, or phrases from normal life that are loaded with meaning is an important part of effective Christian discourse. But what about borrowing

Alan Howell, his wife Rachel, and language loaded with political meaning? There are certainly risks involved in their three daughters resided in Mo- using that type of speech, especially when speaking as a guest in the culture. zambique from 2003 to 2018 as part of a team serving among the Makua- How should cross-cultural workers use this type of rhetoric? What principles Metto people. Alan has a MDiv from should be used for navigating this sensitive issue? Harding School of Theology. In this article, we will look first at the Apostle Paul’s usage of politically Jessica Markwood served with the charged rhetoric1 in his missionary communication to churches in Macedonia Makua-Metto team in Mozambique from 2016 to 2018 and is currently (Thessalonica and Philippi). We will explore his appropriation of theo-politi- pursuing a Masters of Intercultural cal language to call people to life in the Kingdom of God.2 Then we will turn Studies and International Develop- ment at Fuller Theological Seminary. to our ministry context in northern Mozambique and share the input

International Journal of Frontier Missiology 36:2 Summer 2019•77 78 Loaded Language: Missiological Considerations for Appropriating Political Rhetoric gathered from interviews with local communities to de-center Rome in seizures of power by force. Instead, he church leaders. That research has favor of Lord Jesus. For Paul, the good advocated a far more demeaning, humil- shaped the missiological considerations news of the coming Lord had socio- iating route. He exhorted them to follow and principles we’ve outlined at the end political implications in the present, in the path of their new lord—the path of this paper—how modern day cross- with each advance of the eternal reign of selfless service and suffering. cultural Christian communicators can of Christ insinuating the inferiority of In chapter two of Philippians, Paul wisely appropriate political rhetoric. Rome and other worldly powers. This pays homage to his lord with the inclu- tension is particularly seen in Paul’s sion of a piece of poetic prose, which Paul’s Use of Theo-Political letters to two Roman strongholds in perhaps followed the hymn format Macedonia: Philippi and Thessalonica. Language with Macedonian often used to venerate leaders in Hel- 10 Churches The Roman colony of Philippi was lenistic and Roman periods. Though As Augustus rose to power and inaugu- inhabited primarily by Roman citizens there is no certainty as to this passage’s 7 rated the era of Pax Romana, Roman living under Roman law. Luke’s genre, Paul’s poetic style implicitly emperors encouraged loyalty of their account in Acts 16 implies that they usurps the emperor, filling the pas- subjects by promising protection and adhered to Rome’s religious expec- sage with royal accolades to remind his threatening destruction. Allegiance was tations; he records that Philippian audience that Jesus, the lowly crucified 11 shown through worship, not merely residents charged Paul and Silas with servant, is Lord (kyrios) over all. through submissiveness to the admin- “advocating customs that are not The cross was the instrument that istration. By the time of Jesus’ birth, 3 Rome utilized to “terrorize subjected emperor deification was commonplace. peoples into submission to imperial The reign of Augustus, which ushered rule” and deter slaves and political in a new age of alleged stability, also ce- opponents from rebelling against the mented this practice throughout Rome. state.12 Josephus calls this method The many copies of the Priene Calen- of execution “the most unwanted of dar Inscription declare Rome’s hero as Paul’s poetic style deaths,” not only because of its physi- . . . Savior who has ended war, set- cal, agonizing torture, but because of ting things right in peace, and since implicitly usurps the grave dishonor associated with en- Caesar when revealed surpassed the during death “in the form of a slave.”13 hopes of all who had anticipated the the emperor. good news [euangelia], not only go- Yet, this is exactly the path that Paul ing beyond the benefits of those who upholds for citizens of the new king- had preceded him, but rather leaving dom. Elliott and Reasoner note, no hope of surpassing him for those For Paul to have proclaimed as a de- who will come, because of him the liverer one who had been subjected birthday of God began good news to so humiliating and debasing a lawful for us” (v. 21). Paul’s acts of [euangelia] for the world.4 death . . . was on its face both scandal- power in the name of Jesus warranted ous and incomprehensible.14 The deceased emperors who followed beating and imprisonment—violations were declared divus (divine) and their of their rights as Roman citizens (vv. Yet this very scandal and shame is decedents divus filius (son of divine), so 22–24, 37). It is to the church in this what God “has highly exalted.” Before that the royal lineage would be sacred, context that Paul writes regarding a this wounded servant, “every knee one that maintained the peace, security, new citizenship. should bow . . . and every tongue 5 confess that Jesus Christ is Lord” and dominion of Rome forever. Paul begins his letter by encouraging (2:9–11)—even the emperor. A new By the time the New Testament texts the church to politeuomai (1:27–30), to 8 kingdom had arisen and had begun to were written, the imperial cultus had participate as a citizen of a free state. conquer through the cross—Rome’s infiltrated society far beyond religious He calls these Romans to be worthy of most despised instrument of oppres- spheres. It had reached the point that the citizenship of a new kingdom and sion. Rome’s greatest fear—a slave no community network was discon- to take on the difficult obligations of rebellion—had already begun in Jesus nected from the divine arm of the em- their new community.9 They must fight the crucified Lord. peror.6 This was the milieu into which together for faith in the euangelion of Paul brought a new euangelion. While Jesus, because true salvation comes from Paul closes the body of his letter with Paul never calls Christians to arms, his God. But Paul was not calling for a a second invitation to take up citizen- theo-political language calls Christian holy war which would imitate imperial ship in this universal kingdom. He

International Journal of Frontier Missiology Alan Howell and Jessica Markwood 79 calls on the Philippians not to be distracted by “enemies of the cross aul’s rhet­oric about a new rule, a transcendent of Christ,” whose “end is destruc- empire of love and service, was power­ful enough tion,” but rather to remember that to warrant his death by a “peaceful” Empire. the Philippian church is among the P colonies of heaven, “and from it we Paul’s conviction that salvation, peace, rejoicing, prayer, thankfulness, and truth, await a Savior, the Lord Jesus Christ,” and security could be found in Jesus constructed by “the God of peace,” until who will “subject all things to himself ” stood in direct opposition to what “the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ” (3:18–21). The imperial gods and their most Thessalonians believed would (1 Thess. 5:12–23). Paul did not put his fear-based power mongering were maintain their economic and social trust in the violent kingdom of Rome, fading away. The crucified Lord with stability. Acts 17 records an angry but a loving community eternally led by his revolutionary community would be mob attacking community members the Lord Jesus. taking power forever. because their compliance with Paul’s Throughout Paul’s communication teachings had “turned the world The Thessalonian church emerged in a with the churches in Macedonia, upside down” by “acting against the situation similar to Philippi, in a city political language is inherently theo- decrees of Caesar, saying that there loyal to the imperial administration, political language. To claim the true is another king, Jesus” (vv. 6–8). Paul but free from direct colonial rule. As good news that Jesus is Lord is to struck a nerve in the city by revealing the capital of Macedonia and host of defy the Empire’s claim on absolute that the façade of peace they knew was Olympic and Pythian games, Thessa- authority. To proclaim that a crucified not so secure. lonica was entrenched in the imperial slave will be exalted over all powers is 15 cult. Cult was ubiqui- This new order was being brought by an insult to imperial rule. To teach that tous by the mid-first centurybce . The a different divine Son and a different Jesus is the incarnate Son of God who Thessalonian aristocracy frequently Lord. Paul called on the Thessalo- brings salvific peace and security is engraved their coins and monuments nians to be subversive, to turn away loaded language, and blasphemous to with images of “saviors” and liberators, from idols to serve the true liberator the Roman gods. Paul never called for reminding citizens of the imperial (1 Thess. 1:9–10). They were in need a militant rebellion against Rome, but benefactors who had brought them of deliverance from the current social instead encouraged Christians to be peace and security.16 conflict and the wrath to come, a real- harmonious citizens. Even so, his rhet- ity not in line with Rome’s promised oric about a new rule, a transcendent “Peace” and “security” were peace and security (1 Thess. 2:2). Paul empire of love and service, was power- of the empire, signatures of Rome’s urged the church to live quietly and ful—powerful enough to warrant his blessings to a helpless people. Pompey, “walk properly before outsiders” so death at the hands of the “peaceful” an early military leader, brought “peace that the Christian community might Empire. Paul’s vision of peace was not and security” to the land after his mili- 17 be a testimony to the euangelion of maintained by the violence of Rome, tary victory over Troy. It was asserted Christ (1 Thess. 4:11–12). but by the love of the Crucified Jesus that Augustus’ Pax Romana had ended 18 who called all Roman subjects into a war and inaugurated an era of peace. Paul critiqued the imperial image: community of true peace and security. Monuments declared him the securer “While people are saying, ‘There is of peace, his face often engraved along- peace and security,’ then sudden destruc- Appropriate Use of Theo- side images of a sword-wielding god- tion will come upon them . . .” (1 Thess. Political language with dess Pax with the inscription CAESAR 5:3–4). Peace and security would not DIVI F(ILIUS) meaning Caesar, Son come to those whose faith is in the mili- Mozambican Churches 19 of a God. Depictions of Tiberius were tant empire. Instead, those who wore Mozambique has experienced great also engraved alongside those of Pax “the breastplate of faith and love” and “a suffering, conflict, and political vio- holding an olive branch and a scepter, helmet [of ] the hope of salvation” ob- lence. After almost five centuries of which symbolized the peace achieved tained “through our Lord Jesus Christ” Portuguese colonial rule, the nation through Roman military might.20 Even would be those who would dwell in achieved autonomy in 1975 follow- Nero’s inscriptions proclaimed “uni- safety (1 Thess. 5:8–10). For Paul, it was ing the war of independence, only to versal peace.”21 Caligula’s numismatic not brute force and economic stimulus be launched into a protracted struggle legacy is associated with the goddess that would bring stability and warrant to consolidate national power. The Securitas, or Security, and was passed loyalty. Instead Paul invited the Thes- province of Cabo Delgado, where on in the currency used during the salonians into a different community most of the Makua-Metto people are reign of Nero and his successors.22 of Spirit-led diligence, encouragement, located, is one of the country’s more

36:2 Summer 2019 80 Loaded Language: Missiological Considerations for Appropriating Political Rhetoric complicated political regions. Along Participants typically evaluated the earlier in the sermon could provide the with the neighboring province of usefulness of politically loaded phrases cover for safely appropriating political Niassa, Cabo Delgado “suffered the over against the risk of misunder- rhetoric later in the discourse. worst excesses of the Portuguese mili- standing. One interviewee refer- Second, interviewees suggested con- tary onslaught,” 23 hosted most of the enced Paul’s statement, “everything sidering the congregational context. As country’s re-education camps,24 and is permissible but not everything is Jesus’ original disciples included both was the location of the government’s beneficial” (1 Cor. 10:23), to say that zealots and tax collectors, Mozambi- highest concentration of commu- the ability to use political rhetoric can church leaders believed that his nist experiments.25 National conflict does not imply that it would neces- followers today should reflect political erupted between military forces and sarily be advantageous. After collating the interviewees’ responses, we found diversity as well. One church leader continued until, in the 1990s, they noted the importance of respecting the were reformatted into Mozambique’s that their counsel for ensuring the effectiveness of appropriating political full political spectrum within a local opposing political parties. More re- congregation as there may be a variety cently, in northeast Cabo Delgado, an rhetoric today meant cultivating an awareness of three different contexts: of political perspectives represented. To ongoing local conflict arose, and has use a phrase or slogan from one group been attributed to Islamic-related acts First, one needs to consider the context may imply support for that party and of . This is the complicated of the phrase within the speaker’s dis- make others feel isolated or slighted. milieu in which the Makua-Metto course or sermon. As one pastor noted, church is situated. “to the political, all things are political.” Third, Christian communicators should consider the local context. Church lead- As cross-cultural missionaries, how do ers need to be aware of non-members we follow the Apostle Paul’s example? in hearing distance and how they could Should we even consider using well- perceive the message, as well as the known (politicized) rhetoric in the political dynamics in that particular task of reconciliation in our already community. While participants affirmed 26 politically-charged context? To As one pastor noted, that political rhetoric should be used discern how to do that effectively, in a way that concentrates on address- we began by asking questions and by “to the political, all ing church-related matters and being listening to believers in the churches things are political.” a disciple of Jesus, only one church of Cabo Delgado. We started our leader was willing to use this rhetoric as interviews by summarizing Paul’s an open critique of the ruling powers. use of Roman Imperial rhetoric. The When I asked if Christian communi- challenge of using politically loaded cators should be “equal opportunity,” language today was illustrated by tell- and borrow rhetoric from the minority ing the story of the sermon on Mark 5 Since it is easy for some people to political parties as well, the interviewees (referred to earlier). We went through misunderstand the speaker’s intent, one felt that it was too risky because it could a list of politically loaded phrases or suggested strategy was to always link be seen as elevating the status of their terms collected from , signs, the political reference to a biblical text rhetoric to be on par with the rhetoric speeches, and written histories of in the sermon. Interviewees noted in of the dominant party. Mozambique, and asked whether or various ways that there is a need for Phrases approved by all ten interview- not they would feel comfortable using caution and, while there is only so much ees under the right circumstances: these phrases in sermons. Addition- one can do to avoid misunderstandings, ally, we discussed the extra difficulties clearly connecting what you are saying 1. Nova família (new family) was when these politically-loaded terms to Scripture provides a direct defense used by the government to refer might be used by foreigners. After in case people question the speaker’s to a redenomination of the cur- conducting qualitative interviews on intent. One pastor suggested stating, rency in 2006. Interviewees appropriating political rhetoric in “I’m using this phrase in a different agreed that this phrase can be Christian communication and triangu- sense or a spiritual sense” or following appropriated because it was lating the principles gleaned from the Jesus’ formula from the Sermon on the national rhetoric and not affiliated data in small groups,27 we found that Mount: “you have heard it said . . . , but I with a specific political party. church leaders were only willing to tell you . . .” Four of the interviewees ob- 2. Unidos na luta contra a pobreza use this type of discourse when certain served that saying positive things about (united in the fight against conditions were met. the current condition of Mozambique poverty) can be appropriately

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changed to, unidos na luta contra o pecado, Satanás, morte, etc. hat which was true in first century Mace­donia (united in the fight against sin, remains true in Mozambique today: the choice to Satan, and death, etc.). live by faith is an inherently political decision. 3. Homem novo (new man) was a key T theme in the political discourse of One pastor interviewed was extremely time, so a meaning in one season may the first President of independent hesitant about using loaded language be different than another. 28 Mozambique, Samora Machel, because “Christians need to be care- and was deemed appropriate since ful in this political climate.” This Conclusion this language fits well with pas- leader said that appropriating political sages like Ephesians 4:26. What was true in first century Mace- rhetoric could be useful in working donia remains true in twenty-first 4. Pensamento único (single thought) with mature believers, but one must be century Mozambique: the choice to Other phrases/terms were approved by extra cautious with new believers and live by faith is an inherently political all but one or two of the interviewees new church communities. He argued decision. From the time of Jesus’ birth, under the right circumstances: for “saying what Paul said” in his his kingdom caused a disturbance context, but was not in favor of “doing 1. A Força da Mudança (Force of among the powers, and still today God Change) what Paul did” in today’s Mozambican calls communities to an ethic that su- context. When we dialogued about 2. FRELIMO é que fez, FRELIMO persedes any political party agenda. Yet this, he asserted that it is “not the right é que faz (FRELIMO is the one Christians are simultaneously called that did it, FRELIMO is the time to appropriate political rhetoric” to live harmoniously and lovingly, one that will do it), is a slogan in Cabo Delgado, and that according seasoning their powerful claims with from FRELIMO, the governing to church history Paul was jailed and salt. Paul’s rhetoric is marked by direct political party, that can accurately beheaded, so if we use his methods we and indirect theo-political language, refer to God. need to be prepared to suffer the same but the advice from Mozambican 3. A luta continua (the battle contin- consequences. All the other interview- colleagues and friends echoes Jesus’ ues) can be used or adjusted to a ees, though, were much more willing instruction to be “wise as serpents and festa continua (the party continues) to borrow political rhetoric for use in as innocent as doves” (Matt. 10:16). 4. Camarada (comrade) Christian communication. Many interviewees echoed sentiments that loaded language could be help- 5. Assimilado (assimilated) was When I asked about additional con- ful, but it could also be foolish. From a colonial-era term to refer to siderations for intercultural missionar- a missiological perspective, teachers Africans with the same status ies serving in Cabo Delgado, some as the Portuguese and could be must be discerning in appropriating interviewees mentioned the way our appropriately adapted to talk political rhetoric, remembering both mission team typically teaches in the about a transfer of allegiance to the importance of proclaiming the Makua-Metto language, while Portu- the kingdom of God. new kingdom, and the fates of Jesus, guese is the language of political rhet- 6. Congresso do partido (party meet- Paul and others. Our research revealed oric. They suggested that might give ing) can be changed to Congresso that using theo-political language can us some flexibility in the way these do Céu (meeting of heaven) to make communication more robust and refer to a gathering of members terms are heard and processed by a effective as long as it is done respect- of different groups because it Mozambican audience. They affirmed fully and responsibly. The interviewees’ does not address the content of the need for foreigners to be courteous counsel on missiological considerations the meetings. and respectful in these matters since and principles makes it clear that inter- 7. Abaixo . . . (Down with . . .) we are guests. Our mission team has cultural missionaries should be aware 8. Viva . . . (Long live . . .) suffered from lies and misinformation of their contexts (at the discourse, by others who used political suspicion 9. Venceremos! (We shall overcome!) congregational, and local levels) to to cause problems for us, so most of make wise use of loaded language. The One phrase was rejected under all the interviewees reaffirmed the need missio Dei is radically political, but that circumstances by all ten interviewees: to do due diligence to avoid misunder- is not its end. Radical reconciliation is 1. A linha política do partido (the standings. In one interview we talked the greater goal, creating a new com- political line of the party) is not about how language is not static, with munity united under the leadership of useful because it is not adaptable. connotations ebbing and flowing over a humble king who rules in love. IJFM

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Endnotes of a sebastologos, one who composed prose 24 LeFanu, S is for Samora, 220–221. 1 hymns in honor of the emperor. Later on, These also ended up being camps where For a helpful introduction to the the term theologos was used for such officials people were sent for punishment. debate surrounding the impact of politi- in the imperial cults in Pergamon, Ephesus, 25 cal discourse on the New Testament and LeFanu, S is for Samora, 6. and Smyrna. Since Paul spent an extended 26 whether it was specifically aimed at coun- For more on conflict and reconcilia- period of time in Ephesus, it is likely that tering imperial powers or merely using the tion at the civic level in Mozambique relat- he was familiar with the writing of prose best language available at the time see Scot ing to the social context of Paul’s ministry, hymns or encomia in honor of the emperor. McKnight and Joseph B. Modica, eds., Jesus see Alan Howell, “Romans, Reconciliation, The Philippians were probably familiar with is Lord, Caesar is Not: Evaluating Empire and Role-playing in Mozambique: Benefit- the practice as well.” Adela Yarbro Collins, in New Testament Studies (Downers Grove, ing from the ‘New Perspectives on Paul’” “Psalms, Philippians 2:6–11, and the Ori- IL: InterVarsity Press, 2013). Missio Dei: A Journal of Missional Theology 2 gins of Christology,” Biblical Interpretation and Practice 9, no. 1 (Winter–Spring 2018). The proper “term for the Jewish and 11, no. 3 (2002): 371. 27 I (Alan) did long interviews (30–45 Greco-Roman language that Paul uses is 11 Diehl, “Empire and Epistles,” 246. theo-political—that which is inextricably minutes) with ten church leaders and then It is at this time impossible to know with both religious (theological) and political.” discussed these findings with small groups certainty that Paul is referencing or has writ- Michael J. Gorman, Cruciformity: Paul’s or classes (over 50 participants total). ten a hymn. For more on this issue see these 28 Narrative Spirituality of the Cross (Grand LeFanu, S is for Samora, 85. recent studies: Michael Wade Martin and Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2001), 352. 3 Bryan A. Nash, “Philippians 2:6–11 as Sub- References Earliest reports of deification of versive Hymnos: A Study in Light of Ancient a living person in the Western world Blumenfeld, Bruno Rhetorical Theory,” The Journal of Theological 2004 The Political Paul: Democracy originate in the fifth-centurybce when Studies 66.1 (2015): 90–138; and Ben Edsall Spartan general Lysander was blessed with and Kingship in Paul’s Thought. and Jennifer Strawbridge, “The Songs We London: T&T Clark. divine honors upon his triumphant return Used to Sing? Hymn ‘Traditions’ and Recep- Collins, Adela Yarbro to Samos. This was a commonly accepted tion in Pauline Letters,” Journal for the Study practice by the time of Alexander the Great 2002 “Psalms, Philippians 2:6–11, of the New Testament 37.3 (2015): 290–311. and the Origins of Christology.” (356–323 ), who was often worshiped 12 bce Diehl, “Empire and Epistles,” 223; Biblical Interpretation 11, no. 3: by those whom he overtook. This grassroots Elliott & Reasoner, Documents and Images 361–372. movement of imperial deification spread for the Study of Paul, 102. Diehl, Judy from the eastern provinces toward Rome as 13 Flavius Josephus and Henry St. John 2012 “Empire and Epistles: Anti-Ro- local peoples began to place their faith in man Rhetoric in the New Testa- human leaders as well as traditional gods. Thackeray,The Jewish War (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997), ment Epistles.” Currents in Biblical See Nicholas Perrin, “The Imperial Cult,” in Research 10, no. 2: 218–263. 7:203; Elliott & Reasoner, Documents and The World of the New Testament: Cultural, Edsall, Ben, and Jennifer Strawbridge Images for the Study of Paul, 103. Social, and Historical Contexts, ed. Joel B. 14 2015 “The Songs We Used to Sing? Green and Lee Martin McDonald (Ada, Elliott & Reasoner, Documents and Hymn ‘Traditions’ and Reception MI: Baker Academic, 2013), 124–134. Images for the Study of Paul, 103. in Pauline Letters.” Journal for the 15 4 Neil Elliott and Mark Reasoner, Diehl, “Empire and Epistles,” 250. Study of the New Testament 37, no. 16 Documents and Images for the Study of Paul Metellus, C. Servillius Caepio, 3, 290–311. (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2010), 35. Antony, Julius, and Augustus were all de- Elliott, Neil, and Mark Reasoner 5 2010 Documents and Images for the Lawrence Keppie, Understanding Ro- clared saviors and bringers of “liberation” on monuments and currency prevalent in Thes- Study of Paul. Minneapolis: For- man Inscriptions (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins tress Press. University Press, 1991), 43. salonica. Abraham Smith, “Unmasking the 6 Powers,” in Paul and the Roman Imperial Gorman, Michael J. Judy Diehl, “Empire and Epistles: 2001 Cruciformity: Paul’s Narrative Anti-Roman Rhetoric in the New Testa- Order, ed. Richard A. Horsley (Harrisburg, PA: Trinity Press International, 2004), 57. Spirituality of the Cross. Grand ment Epistles,” Currents in Biblical Research Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. 17 Jeffrey A. D. Weima, “‘Peace and 10, no. 2 (2012): 223. Howell, Alan 7 Security’ (1 Thess. 5:3): Prophetic Warning Diehl, “Empire and Epistles,” 245. 2018 “Romans, Reconciliation, and or Political Propaganda?” in New Testament 8 Bruno Blumenfeld, The Political Paul: Role-playing in Mozambique: Studies 58 (2012): 341. Benefiting from the ‘New Per- Democracy and Kingship in Paul’s Thought 18 (London: T&T Clark, 2004), 296. Elliott & Reasoner, Documents and spectives on Paul.’” Missio Dei: A Images for the Study of Paul, 35. Journal of Missional Theology and 9 Blumenfeld, The Political Paul, 295. 19 Weima, “Peace and Security,” 334. Practice 9, no. 1. 10 “In the Hellenistic and Roman pe- 20 Weima, “Peace and Security,” 336. Josephus, Flavius, and Henry St. John riods, prose hymns to deities became more 21 Thackeray and more important and the responsibility Weima, “Peace and Security,” 339. 22 1997 The Jewish War. Cambridge, MA: for composing them was assigned to those Weima, “Peace and Security,” 340. Harvard University Press. 23 possessing the office or honorary position Sarah LeFanu, S is for Samora: A Keppie, Lawrence of theologos . . . A decade or two before Paul Lexical Biography of Samora Machel and the 1991 Understanding Roman Inscrip- wrote to the Philippians, the imperial cult Mozambican Dream (New York: Columbia tions. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins in a city of Asia Minor included the services University Press, 2012), 172. University Press.

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LeFanu, Sarah Weima, Jeffrey A. D. 2012 S is for Samora: A Lexical Biog- 2012 “‘Peace and Security’ (1 Thess. raphy of Samora Machel and the 5:3): Prophetic Warning or Politi- Mozambican Dream. New York: cal Propaganda?” New Testament Columbia University Press. Studies 58: 331–359. Martin, Michael Wade, and Bryan A. Nash 2015 “Philippians 2:6–11 as Subver- sive Hymnos: A Study in Light of Ancient Rhetorical Theory.” Jour- nal of Theological Studies 66, no. 1, 90–138. McKnight, Scot, and Joseph B. Modica, eds. 2013 Jesus is Lord, Caesar is Not: Evaluating Empire in New Testa- ment Studies. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Perrin, Nicholas 2013 “The Imperial Cult.” In The World of the New Testament: Cultural, Social, and Historical Contexts, edited by Joel B. Green and Lee Martin McDonald, 124–134. Ada, MI: Baker Academic. Smith, Abraham 2004 “Unmasking the Powers.” In Paul and the Roman Imperial Order, edited by Richard A. Horsley, 57–66. Harrisburg, PA: Trinity Press International.

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