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Zélateurs Et Politiques Face À La Guerre De Trente Ans (1618-1648) Claire Gantet

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Zélateurs Et Politiques Face À La Guerre De Trente Ans (1618-1648) Claire Gantet Zélateurs et politiques face à la guerre de Trente ans (1618-1648) Claire Gantet To cite this version: Claire Gantet. Zélateurs et politiques face à la guerre de Trente ans (1618-1648). 2009. halshs- 00783592 HAL Id: halshs-00783592 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00783592 Preprint submitted on 1 Feb 2013 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Zélateurs et politiques face à la guerre de Trente ans (1618-1648) Que la guerre de Trente ans, qui secoua le Saint-Empire entre 1618 et 1648, soit une guerre de religion, ne faisait aucun doute pour les contemporains. Non seulement, et les contemporains en étaient tout à fait conscients, elle était l’aboutissement des frictions nouées autour de la paix de religion d’Augsbourg de 1555, mais elle était aussi issue des tensions provoquées par la confessionnalisation – l’introduction, l’imposition par les princes du catholicisme ou du luthéranisme dans leur territoire et leurs tentatives subséquentes de rationaliser leur appareil d’État et de « disciplinariser » leurs sujets - et le grippage des rouages institutionnels du Saint- Empire par la scission confessionnelle1. D’emblée, son enjeu fut donc la mise en place d’un État apte à supporter la différence confessionnelle. Et c’est au sens fort de cette gageure - l’invention d’un État fondé sur une paix de religion -, et non au sens faible d’une guerre confessionnelle affrontant catholiques et protestants que la guerre de Trente ans fut perçue comme une guerre de religion allemande greffée d’intérêts étrangers. En conséquence, elle fut constamment accompagnée de réflexions sur la finalité de la mêlée ; le combat d’épées et de canons fut constamment doublé d’un combat de plumes sur la notion de paix de religion, qui parfois l’anticipa, parfois le souligna, parfois le cautionna2. 1 La paix d’Augsbourg reconnaissait comme confessions légitimes et dotées des mêmes droits le catholicisme et le luthéranisme, qui désormais, officiellement, n’était plus considéré comme une hérésie. Son principe suivait la maxime, formulée en 1563, cuius regio, eius religio (à telle région, telle religion, c’est-à-dire que le prince a le droit d’imposer sa confession à son territoire). L’uniformité territoriale n’était toutefois pas observée dans les États ecclésiastiques. Ceux-ci bénéficiaient du « réservat ecclésiastique », selon lequel tout territoire d’un prélat converti au protestantisme restait catholique ; cette clause permettait le maintien de la puissance foncière de l’Église catholique et de l’équilibre du collège des princes-électeurs (qui élisaient le roi des Romains, partant l’empereur à venir) en faveur du catholicisme. De plus, dans certaines villes libres d’Empire (c’est-à-dire des villes sujettes non, médiatement, d’un prince territorial mais, immédiatement, de l’empereur) biconfessionnelles, telles Augsbourg, Nuremberg, Rothenbourg et Strasbourg, la pluralité confessionnelle était autorisée en vue d’assurer la survie de la minorité catholique. La contrainte religieuse était prohibée et aux sujets en désaccord avec la confession de leur prince on reconnaissait le droit d’émigrer. Rédigé bien avant la fin du Concile de Trente, alors que l’on pensait encore possible une réunion des catholiques et des protestants, le texte de la paix d’Augsbourg s’affirmait provisoire et ménageait un certain nombre d’obscurités. Excluant de son champ d’action les calvinistes, les anabaptistes et les spiritualistes, qui relevaient toujours de la législation sur les hérétiques (passibles donc de peine de mort), l’édifice de 1555 fut très vite entravé par l’expansion du calvinisme, en particulier lorsque l’un des princes les plus puissants, le prince- électeur du Palatinat, s’y convertit officiellement dans les années 1560. Le Tribunal de la Chambre impériale fut alors engorgé par toutes les requêtes et la Diète d’Empire, scindée en un « corps des catholiques » et un « corps des protestants » ne parvint plus à prendre de décisions. Cf. Heinz Schilling, Heribert Smolinsky (éd.), Der Augsburger Religionsfrieden 1555, Münster, Aschendorff, 2007 (Reformationsgeschichtliche Studien und Texte, 150) ; Axel Gotthard, Der Augsburger Religionsfrieden, Münster, Aschendorff, 2004 ; Claire Gantet, David El Kenz, Guerres et paix de religion en Europe, XVIe-XVIIIe siècle, 2e éd., Paris, Colin, 2008 (Colin Sup.) (2003), p. 63-65. 2 Cf. Claire Gantet, La Paix de Westphalie. Une histoire sociale, XVIIe-XVIIIe siècle, Paris, Belin, 2001 (Essais d’histoire moderne), p. 29-58. © Claire Gantet - Zélateurs et politiques face à la guerre de Trente ans (1618-1648) Or les hommes qui s’exprimèrent sur la paix à venir n’étaient pas que des héros de la plume, mais exerçaient des fonctions religieuses et politiques. L’objet de cette contribution est de montrer comment ils pensèrent la guerre qu’ils vivaient et projetèrent la paix, comment tantôt, par leurs écrits sur la guerre et la paix, ils ouvrirent des conditions de possibilité au combat, comment, tantôt, ils tentèrent de freiner l’événement, comment, tantôt, ils furent dépassés par lui. Comment, donc, la théorisation de la guerre s’ancra dans des pratiques, des situations et des conflits politiques. Pour ce faire, je reprendrai la terminologie des contemporains. En 1634, tandis que les enjeux confessionnels de la guerre se diluaient, le pape Urbain VIII désigna avec dédain les partisans catholiques d’une poursuite de la guerre - le père confesseur jésuite du duc de Bavière Adam Contzen (1573/75-1635)3 et quelques évêques - de zelanti, « zélateurs »4. Ces hommes, mus par « le zèle du Christ » et par la quête de « l’honneur de Dieu » sur Terre, avaient une foi « exagérée » qui les menait à vouloir mener une « guerre sainte ». La langue de l’époque leur opposait la catégorie des politici, des « politiques », des « juristes politiques au sang-froid » (kaltsinnige politische Juristen, ceci, alors que les politiques n’étaient pas forcément des juristes), nourris au moins en partie de la lecture du Prince de Machiavel, qui tentaient de neutraliser le religieux. Lorsque la pensée de Machiavel s’était diffusée, entre autres par les réfutations des jésuites Antonio Possevino et Pedro de Ribadeneira dans les années 1580, le terme de « politique » était devenu une sorte d’insulte propre à dénoncer celui qui se trouvait ainsi estampillé. L’opposition des zélateurs aux politiques ne releva pas que de la seule rhétorique. Ancrée dans l’urgence, elle déploya tous les ressorts des médias disponibles : sommes et traités, chroniques, lettres et suppliques, feuilles volantes et gravures plus ou moins satiriques – autant de textes qui appelaient à l’engagement, à la prise de parti, et qui seront par conséquent mobilisés dans cette contribution. La théorisation intellectuelle de la guerre fut en effet guidée, voire façonnée, par des conflits socio-politiques et des représentations culturelles. Dans l’opposition entre zélateurs et politiques se dégagent trois temps. Les cinq premières années de la guerre furent le théâtre d’un combat entre zélateurs catholiques et calvinistes au sujet des justifications théologico-politiques de la guerre. Les zélateurs parurent 3 Adam Contzen entra dans la Société de Jésus à Trèves en 1595. Il professeur de philosophie à l’université de Würzbourg en 1606, puis eut la chaire d’Écriture sainte à l’université de Mayence en 1610. En 1623, il devint le père confesseur du duc Maximilien de Bavière. 4 Cf. Robert Bireley, Maximilian von Bayern, Adam Contzen S.J. und die Gegenreformation in Deutschland, 1624-1635, Göttingen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1975, p. 226. 2 © Claire Gantet - Zélateurs et politiques face à la guerre de Trente ans (1618-1648) l’emporter autour de la question de l’édit de restitution, qui, en 1629, donnait une caution impériale aux politiques d’« extirpation » de l’« hérésie ». La fin de la guerre marqua la victoire fragile des politiques. 1. Tyrannicide jésuite, machiavélisme calviniste : guerre de religion et État (vers 1618 – vers 1623) Comme la guerre de Trente ans eut pour enjeu la définition d’une paix de religion, elle s’ouvrit logiquement sur des conceptions irréconciliables de la paix civile et de religion, formulées avant tout par les zélateurs. Au fil de la guerre, celles-ci devinrent de plus en plus polémiques et radicales. Les schémas de pensée, toutefois, semblent s’être formées auparavant, au gré de questions de politique intérieure5. Le premier contexte qui porta des zélateurs à l’action, autour de 1600, fut la question de la sorcellerie, en particulier en Bavière. La Bavière, autour de sa capitale Munich et de son université Ingolstadt, était devenue le point de rassemblement de maints zélateurs catholiques, les jésuites Petrus Canisius, Grégoire de Valencia, Jacob Gretser et Adam Contzen. Le prolixe Adam Contzen attribuait la colère de Dieu d’abord au manque de zèle dans l’extermination des sorcières. Cette conviction était partagée par des responsables politiques. Ainsi le juriste Johann Simon Wa[n]gnereckh (ca. 1565-1617), acteur de la codification du droit bavarois (par le Codex Maximilianus de 1616), promoteur d’une sorte de « révolution bureaucratique », réformant les organes de gouvernement centraux, obligeant à la tenue de protocoles écrits et à leur vérification, avait pour but la purification de la société de tous les éléments aptes à offenser Dieu et susciter sa colère. Entré en 1592 à la suite d’une ascension sociale fulgurante au Conseil aulique de Bavière, ce fils d’un percepteur de péage campagnard organisa en 1600 un procès spectaculaire destiné à fédérer au niveau de l’Empire, voire de l’Europe entière, une réaction globale de chasse aux sorcières ; à cette fin, il requit de tous les démonologues européens des rapports justifiant l’extermination des sorcières.
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