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Establishing a Two-Party System in Japan
CENTRE FOR EAST AND SOUTH-EAST ASIAN STUDIES MASTER’S PROGRAMME IN ASIAN STUDIES ESTABLISHING A TWO-PARTY SYSTEM IN JAPAN ICHIRO OZAWA AND HIS DREAM OF ‘NORMAL NATION’ Li Xianwen May 2010 Supervisor: Mayumi Saegusa Li 2 ESTABLISHING A TWOPARTY SYSTEM IN JAPAN ICHIRO OZAWA AND HIS DREAM OF ‘NORMAL NATION’ Li Xianwen May 2010 In the 1990s, since the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) has dominated Japanese politics for nearly forty years, making Japanese politics more democratic became a hot issue. Many politicians and political organizations in Japan had joined the debate. A bestseller book, Blueprint For A New Japan, written by Ichiro Ozawa, arguing that establishing a two‐party system is the best way to make Japan more democratic. The two‐party system is the key factor of being a ‘normal nation’ that Ozawa has dreamed of. In 2009, the LDP was finally replaced by the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ). The two‐party system was thus established. Ozawa, currently the Secretary‐general of the DPJ, has contributed the most to the DPJ victory. This article explains that how Ozawa has contributed to the establishment of the two‐party system. I argue that Ozawa uses three strategies to establish the two‐party system: the single member district, party realignment, and Ozawa’s electoral successes. It is significant to see how Japanese democratization has developed in the last two decades through tracing Ozawa’s endeavors. TABLE OF CONTENTS AcknowleDgements I. IntroDuction Research Aims and Question Li 3 Research Methods Theoretical Framework and Literature Review Ethical Considerations Disposition Background The 1955 Political System Ichiro Ozawa II. -
Japan Calling June, 2010
June 2010 Following the resignation of Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama on 2nd of June 2010, Mr. Naoto Kan, Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister in the Hatoyama Cabinet, was elected by the Japanese Diet on 5th June as the new Prime Minister of Japan. Photo courtesy: Cabinet Public Relations Office, Japan. Mr. Masayuki Naoshima, Minister of Economy, Trade and The Japanese Defense delegation (left) having discussions with their Indian Industry of Japan (left) calling on Mr. Anand Sharma, counterparts at a meeting held in the Ministry of Defence, New Delhi. Minister of Commerce and Industry of India (right). Photo courtesy: METI, Japan. Photo courtesy: Ministry of Defence, Government of India. CONTENTS • Mr. Naoto Kan elected as new Prime Minister of Japan P. 2 • Two important Japanese Ministerial visits to India P. 3 • Japan Chamber of Commerce and Industry in India (JCCII) submits “Suggestions for Government of India” P. 4 • Conferment of Decoration on Dr. R.K. Pachauri, Chairman of IPCC P. 5 • Initiatives on Climate Change P. 6 • Unique Bonsai trees on display at exhibition in New Delhi P. 8 • Japan extends Soft Loan Package to India for FY 2009 P. 9 • MOSAI holds 1st SAFJUAA Japanese Language Speech Contest P. 10 • Two Indian judokas get intensive training in Japan P. 12 • Japan launches Venus Climate Orbiter “AKATSUKI” (PLANET-C) P. 14 • Anime Cine Experience P. 15 JAPAN CALLING 1 MR. NAOTO KAN ELECTED AS NEW PRIME MINISTER OF JAPAN Following the resignation of Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama Kitazawa, and Transport Minister Seiji Maehara. on 2nd of June 2010, Mr. -
Yukio Hatoyama
Yukio Hatoyama Japón, Primer ministro (2009-2010) Duración del mandato: 16 de Septiembre de 2009 - de de Nacimiento: Tokyo, región de Kanto, 11 de Febrero de 1947 Partido político: Partido Democrático (Minshuto) Profesión : Ingeniero Resumen La histórica mudanza que las elecciones de 2009 trajeron a Japón lanzó al estrellato a Yukio Hatoyama, líder del centroizquierdista Partido Democrático y ex miembro del mismo partido conservador, el Liberal Demócrata, que la debacle electoral desalojó del poder tras disfrutarlo durante 53 años. Un político no especialmente carismático y sin apenas experiencia de gobierno, Hatoyama focalizó las esperanzas de cambio y renovación en un país afligido por la crisis económica, el paro y la deflación. Su difícil apuesta por el consumo y las políticas sociales sin subir los impuestos o emitir deuda soberana apuntaba a un nuevo modelo de crecimiento, generador de empleo y menos dependiente de las exportaciones. Tras asumir, Hatoyama renegó de algunas de sus promesas fiscales bajo la presión del déficit y la deuda públicos, se vio envuelto en un escándalo de donaciones irregulares y aceptó mantener la presencia militar estadounidense en Okinawa contra el deseo de los isleños. El clamoroso derrumbe de su popularidad y la ruptura de la coalición con los socialdemócratas precipitaron su compungida dimisión en junio de 2010, tras menos de nueve meses en el cargo. (Texto actualizado hasta junio 2010) http://www.cidob.org 1 of 15 Biografía 1. Cuarta generación de un linaje de políticos conservadores 2. Abandono del Jiminto, escisión del Sakigake y creación del Minshuto 3. Los vaivenes en el mando del principal partido de la oposición nipona 4. -
The Last Yakuza: a Lifetime in the Japanese Underworld , Will Be Published in 2011
RE P•RTAGE Jake Adelstein, a writer based in Tokyo, was a reporter for 12 years at the Yomiuri Shimbun , Japan’s largest newspaper, and later served as the chief investigator for a U.S. State Department-sponsored study of human trafficking in Japan. His most recent book is Tokyo Vice: An American Reporter on the Police Beat in Japan (Vintage-Anchor Books, 2010). His second book, The Last Yakuza: A Lifetime in the Japanese Underworld , will be published in 2011. The Last Yakuza Jake Adelstein TOKYO—In June 2007, as Japan’s upper crime group (10,000 members), met in an house elections were drawing near, the na - entertainment complex they own in Yoko - tion’s largest organized crime group—the hama, and announced to board members 40,000 member Yamaguchi-gumi—decided that the Inagawa-kai would support DPJ as to throw its support behind the country’s well. At the same time, the yakuza allegedly second leading political party, the Demo - struck a deal with Mindan and Chosen - cratic Party of Japan ( DPJ ). Fifteen of the Ya - soren— political and social organizations maguchi-gumi’s top-ranking members made that lobby for the rights and interests of the decision behind closed doors. After the Japanese of Korean descent—to support the die was cast, a meeting was convened at the DPJ . Party leaders, in turn, promised both sprawling Yamaguchi-gumi headquarters, groups that they would strive to get Japan - which take up two square blocks in Kobe. ese-Koreans with permanent residence equal The gang’s most powerful executive mem - voting rights when they took office. -
Financial Liberalization and Reform of Japan’S Ministry of Finance: Implications for Japanese Developmental State
Asia-Pacific Social Science Review 13:2 (2013), pp. 102-119 Financial Liberalization and Reform of Japan’s Ministry of Finance: Implications for Japanese Developmental State Dennis Trinidad, Ph.D. De La Salle University, Manila, Philippines [email protected] This study analyzes the impact of government reforms on the Japanese developmental state. In doing so, it examines the case of Japan’s financial liberalization after the 1997 Asian financial crisis and its effect on the bureaucratic power of the Ministry of Finance (MOF). The new politics that emerged in the 1990s provided the backdrop of the reform movement. Along with the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI), MOF had played a crucial role in Japan’s catch-up industrialization by directing capital to favored industries and protecting weak players. The paper contends that by removing policy instruments like preferential credit and bank supervision that allowed MOF to intervene in the financial sector, the reform affected both MOF’s intervening capacity and financial policy network which formed the structural basis of ‘money politics’ and institutional ‘stickiness’ of Japan’s developmental state. Even so, the reform was not sufficient to completely dismantle it. Keywords: Japanese bureaucracy, government reform, developmental state, East Asia The notion of developmental state is perhaps and became associated with crony capitalism, Japan’s greatest contribution to international inefficiency, and obsolescence. The Asian crisis development discourse. It facilitated Japan’s post- was a critical juncture in Japanese government war “catch-up” growth, entry into industrialized reform that began as early as 1979 with government country club, and earned a moniker for Japan as efficiency as its central goal. -
Japan's Confused Revolution
Michael J. Green Japan’s Confused Revolution On September 2, 2009, Japan’s new prime minister, Yukio Hatoyama, received his first congratulatory phone call from President Barack Obama. In their discussion, Hatoyama reportedly emphasized that the landslide victory of his Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) on August 30 was due in large part to the ‘‘change’’ theme championed by Obama himself in the 2008 U.S. presidential election.1 Hatoyama was not just flattering the U.S. president. At the time of Japan’s election, Obama enjoyed 90 percent popularity in JapanÑfar higher than his support in the United States and about twice Hatoyama’s own popularity in most Japanese polls. The Japanese public was fascinated that the American people had elected such an unlikely candidate and rejected the party in power at the ballot box. They themselves had only voted a government out of power twice before in Japanese history: in 1924 and 1947. All other peaceful changes of power were worked out in smoke filled rooms by senior politicians. That was how the conservative Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) that ruled Japan since 1955 briefly lost power to an eight-party coalition cobbled together in 1993 by Morihiro Hosokawa. Japan has a fundamentally conservative political cultureÑit does not do bottom-up revolutions. Even the greatest internal regime change in Japanese modern historyÑthe 1868 Meiji RestorationÑrepresented the return of Imperial power after a struggle of one group of elites against another, rather than a popular rebellion from below. Yet, on August 30 it was the Japanese voters who gave the DPJ the biggest landslide in Japanese political history, with the party’s ranks Michael J. -
Japan Threatens to Reverse Postal Reforms
Policy Brief N U M B E R P B 1 0 - 1 7 U P D ATED OCTOBER 2010 the state-run postal service was split into four companies Turning Back the Clock: under the umbrella of Japan Post Holdings Co. Ltd. The new companies are Japan Post Service, Japan Post Network, Japan Japan’s Misguided Postal Post Bank, and Japan Post Insurance. Under the Koizumi reforms, privatization of JP Holdings and the two financial subsidiaries was scheduled for completion by 2017. Law is Back on the Table In August 2009, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) came to power led by former DPJ Prime Minister Yukio Gary Clyde Hufbauer and Julia Muir Hatoyama, after campaigning for the reversal of the Koizumi reforms. Together with kingmaker Ichiro Ozawa, then secre- Gary Clyde Hufbauer, Reginald Jones Senior Fellow since 1992, was tary-general of the DPJ, and Shizuka Kamei, then-minister the Maurice Greenberg Chair and Director of Studies at the Council on of state for financial services and postal reform, Hatoyama Foreign Relations (1996–98), the Marcus Wallenberg Professor of Interna- was well on his way to achieving this objective. On May 31, tional Finance Diplomacy at Georgetown University (1985–92), senior 2010, with almost no debate, the Lower House approved the fellow at the Institute (1981–85), deputy director of the International Law Institute at Georgetown University (1979–81), deputy assistant secretary legislation to reverse the Koizumi plan. The legislation would for international trade and investment policy of the US Treasury (1977– restructure JP Holdings and allow the government to hold 79), and director of the international tax staff at the Treasury (1974–76). -
Pacnet Number 64 September 22, 2009
Pacific Forum CSIS Honolulu, Hawaii PacNet Number 64 September 22, 2009 appointment of PNP leader Shizuka Kamei as Financial Japan’s Foreign Policy and the Alliance: Transcending Services Minister signals a dramatic break with former Prime Change with Trust Minister Junichiro Koizumi’s attempts at economic reform. by Leif-Eric Easley, Tetsuo Kotani, and Aki Mori Even more important in terms of personnel decisions, DPJ Aki Mori ([email protected]) and Tetsuo Kotani leader and now Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama appointed ([email protected]) are Ph.D. candidates in the Katsuya Okada as Foreign Minister and named Ichiro Ozawa Department of Political Science at Doshisha University, and Secretary General of the DPJ. Ozawa, the veteran politician research fellows at the Ocean Policy Research Foundation in instrumental in the historic transition from LDP to DPJ- Tokyo. Leif-Eric Easley ([email protected]) is a Ph.D. centered government, wields considerable power behind the candidate at Harvard University, a Visiting Scholar at the scenes. Many DPJ lawmakers owe their positions to Ozawa, University of Southern California Korean Studies Institute, who will oversee not only party but also legislative business and a Kelly Fellow with the Pacific Forum CSIS. This article since his closest aide, Kenji Yamaoka, chairs the Diet Affairs draws upon a longer Pacific Forum CSIS Young Leaders Committee. An open question is how Hatoyama will collaboration published in the journal, Asia Policy coordinate policy among Ozawa, Okada’s Foreign Affairs (http://asiapolicy.nbr.org). Ministry, and the newly-established “National Strategy An unprecedented change in government has raised Bureau” headed by Naoto Kan. -
Controlling the Prime Minister in Postwar Japan - How Principals Overcame the Collective Action Problem (Too Successfully)
Controlling the Prime Minister in Postwar Japan - How Principals Overcame the Collective Action Problem (too successfully) - Paper Prepared for the 63rd Political Studies Association Annual Conference @ City Hall Cardiff 26 March 2013 KENSUKE TAKAYASU (London School of Economics / Seikei University) DRAFT: PLEASE DO NOT CITE OR QUOTE WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE AUTHOR 1. The Puzzle: Has the Prime Minister Been Strong or Weak in Postwar Japan? A Weak and Reactive Prime Minister? The ‘weak’ and ‘reactive’ nature of the Japanese prime ministership has been well-documented in the literature1. Indeed, some observers have characterized the Japanese system as an ‘un-Westminster’ system, even though it has had similar formal settings to its British counterpart, a typical Westminster system. Aurelia George Mulgan (2003) argued; The [Japanese] system does not produce strong cabinet government with a prominent leadership role played by the prime minister, but a dual power structure of party-bureaucracy policy-making in which the prime minister and cabinet play a subordinate, rather than a superordinate role. … It is a system where the executive is left out of the loop. Others have categorized its premiership as a ‘reactive’ leadership. In one of the most thorough pioneer works on the Japanese prime ministership, Kenji Hayao (1993: 201) concluded; Thus the prime minister does not play a particularly activist role in the policy process: he participates in only a few issues at a time and is not a major actor in initiating change in policy or in determining its contents. The Japanese prime minister appears relatively weak and passive when compared to other heads of government. -
Japan Country Report | SGI Sustainable Governance Indicators
Japan report Werner Pascha, Patrick Köllner, Aurel Croissant Japan report SGI 2011 | 2 Japan report Werner Pascha, Patrick Köllner, Aurel Croissant Prof. Werner Pascha, University of Duisburg-Essen PD Dr. Patrick Köllner, GIGA Institute of Asian Studies, Hamburg Prof. Aurel Croissant, University of Heidelberg Japan report SGI 2011 | 3 Executive Summary Japan experienced considerable turbulence in its political system during the course of the reporting period. In September 2007, incoming Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda took charge of a coalition government led by the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). This lasted only one year, but was succeeded in September 2008 by a cabinet led by Prime Minister Taro Aso, supported by the same coalition. This in turn was ousted following the lower house elections of August 30, 2009, and replaced by a cabinet led by Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama, heading a coalition including the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) and two smaller partners. This was the first departure from LDP-dominated cabinets since the LDP was formed in 1955, apart from a relatively short period from 1993 to 1994. This unsteadiness reflects deeper concerns over the state‟s ability to handle the country‟s pressing socioeconomic and political issues. In terms of policy-specific performance, Japan has been unable to transform a moderate but stable post-2003 economic upswing into a sustainable growth model. The nation‟s overall debt ratio of around 200% is alarming, and substantially reduces the available scope for fiscal activities. In social policy, successive governments have been unable to create a sustainable framework for dealing with topics such as pension reform, integration of foreign residents, or the full utilization of women‟s labor force potential. -
Internet Aggregators Constructing the Political Right Wing in Japan
JeDEM 5(1): 59-79, 2013 ISSN 2075-9517 http://www.jedem.org Internet Aggregators Constructing the Political Right Wing in Japan Muneo Kaigo Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Tsukuba, Ibaraki, Japan [email protected] Abstract: This paper overviews the condensation mechanism of the information flow from Net-uyoku (cyberspace right- wingers) entries in the Ni-Channel messaging forum of Japan that are edited into summary blogs of Ni-Channel called Matome Saito, and the aggregation of the numerous Matome Saito, with a focus on Japan and the December 2012 election. I examined the tone of argument of the Matome Saito aggregation and found 148 politically related thread blog pages and found that the Matome Saito use supportive language in relation to the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan but negative towards other parties. The analysis also found the blog pages generally reflected Net-uyoku tone of argument found in the Ni-Channel. This study suggests that these Matome Saito can be considered to be an emergence of a new type of political agenda-setters in Japanese politics and may have a potential impact on the formation of public opinion in Japan. Keywords: Japan, 2012 General Election, House of Representatives, Ni-Channel (2Ch), Matome Saito, Aggregator Acknowledgement: This work was supported by JSPS KAKENHI Grant Number 253309394. he transition to Web 2.0 has allowed for many individuals to transmit and upload information onto the Internet, however this breakthrough in information technology has lead to an enormous amount of increase in total information. This evolution has made searching or receiving relevant information among a wide variety of topics very difficult, even for the adept Internet users. -
Agreement Without Implementation
AGREEMENT WITHOUT IMPLEMENTATION Military Bases and Alliance Tensions in Japan By Kerri J. Ng Department of International Relations Coral Bell School of Asia Pacific Affairs ANU College of Asia and the Pacific A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the Australian National University. Canberra © Copyright by Kerri Jinzhi Ng 2020 Unless otherwise indicated, this is my own original work. _________________ Kerri Jinzhi Ng October 2020 ii Acknowledgements First and foremost, I must thank Dr. David Envall, my chief supervisor, for his time, patience and encouragement over the course of this undertaking. Over many long discussions, he has helped me articulate the ideas that I had and organize them in a logical way. I am also grateful for the opportunities he provided for me to share my research in class, which were also valuable exercises in summarizing and communicating my arguments. And if I one day find myself with more than one style guide in my office, I know exactly who to blame. Similarly, I owe a debt of gratitude to the other supervisors on my panel. Professor William Tow was instrumental in getting me to Waseda University as a visiting scholar in 2014, thus enabling me to conduct a large part of my fieldwork in Japan. But he was also a mentor whose door was always open when I needed advice and encouragement. I also thank Dr. Ian Hall for his suggestions in terms of background scholarship and how I should organize it, and to Dr. Amy Catalinac for her insights into the Japanese political system.