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Sar(u) Expression and Transitive/Intransitive Alternation in Kesen*
Fumikazu Niinuma
In this paper, I reconsider Takahashi’s (2015) findings regarding the cooccurrence restriction between the transitive/intransitive verbs and the morpheme asar-, and make a generalization : (i) the morpheme asar- can concatenate with the transitive verbs when the transitive marker is phonetically null, and (ii) otherwise, it concatenates with the intransitive verbs. Also, I provide several pieces of evidence showing that the output of the verb with the morpheme asar- is determined morphologically. and phonologically If this is on the right track, we can conclude that the output is subject to universal principles (such as Elsewhere Condition, locality, etc.). This analysis also implies that the transitive/intransitive markers in Kesen may sometimes become allomorphy (see Akimoto (2018)).
* This is a revised version of the paper presented at the 158th Meeting of the Linguistic Society of Japan held at Hitotsubashi University on June 22, 2019. I would like to thank the audience at the meeting and an anonymous reviewer for their helpful comments. All errors are my own.
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1. Introduction
The so-called sar(u) expression is one of the representative expressions in Northern part of Japan, such as Hokkaido, Aomori, and Iwate. According to the authors such as Kikuchi (1972), and Komatsushiro (1976), this expression has a spontaneous meaning, and the morpheme asar- is an auxiliary. Since it is an auxiliary, it can only concatenate with verbs, and it can concatenate with transitive verbs as well as intransitive verbs, as shown in (1) and (2), respectively1 :
(1) a. *hon-(r)asaru book-SARU b. *kuroi-(r)asaru black-SARU c. *tabun-(r)asaru probably-SARU
1 As correctly pointed out by an anonymous reviewer, the internal argument becomes a subject when the spontaneous morpheme is concatenated with a transitive verb, as in (ii) :
(i) a. Nao-ga sakana-o yak-u. Nao-Nom fish-Acc burn-present ‘Nao grilles the fish.’ b. Sakana-ga yak-asar-u. fish-Nom burn-SARU-present ‘The fish can be grilled.’
However, (iib) shows that adjuncts such as instrument can become the subject, which means that the syntax of the sar(u) expression is quite similar to middle formations in English. See Niinuma and Takahashi (2013) for detailed discussion on this issue.
(ii) a. Nao-ga tegami-o kono pen-de kak-u. Nao-Nom letter-Acc this pen-with write-present ‘Nao writes the letter with this pen.’ b. Kono pen-ga yoku kak-asar-u. this pen-Nom well write-SARU-present ‘This pen writes well.’
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(2) a. tabe-ru tabe-rasar-u (transitive) eat-present eat-SARU-present b. yak-u yak-asar-u (transitive) burn-present burn-SARU-present c. aruk-u aruk-asar-u (intransitive) walk-present walk-SARU-present d. okir-u okir-asar-u (intransitive) wake.up-present wake.up-SARU-present
However, Takahashi (2015) points out two interesting facts about the co-occurrence of the sar(u) expression and the transitive / intransitive verbs. First, transitive verbs that end with e (shimo- ichidan conjugation verbs) cannot co-occur with the morpheme asar-, as shown in (3) :
(3) a. atsum-ar-u ‘to gather’ atsum-ar-asar-u gather-INT-present gather-INT-SARU-present b. atsum-e-ru ‘to gather’ *atsum-e-rasar-u gather-TR-present gather-TR-SARU-present c. ag-ar-u ‘to go up’ ag-ar-asar-u go.up-INT-present go.up-INT-SARU-present d. ag-e-ru ‘ro raise’ *ag-e-rasar-u go.up-TR-present go.up--TR-SARU-present e. tom-ar-u ‘to stop’ tom-ar-asar-u stop-INT-present stop-INT-SARU-present f. tom-e-ru ‘to stop’ *tom-e-rasar-u stop-TR-present stop-TR-SARU-present
Second, the examples (4) show that intransitive verbs that end with e (shimo-ichidan conjugation verbs) cannot co-occur with the morpheme asar-.
(4) a. kir-u ‘to cut’ kir-asar-u cut-present cut-SARU-present b. kir-e-ru ‘to be cut’ *kir-e-rasar-u cut-INT-present cut-INT-SARU-present c. taos-u ‘to beat’ taos-asar-u beat-present beat-SARU-present d. tao-e-ru ‘to fall down’ *tao-re-rasar-u beat-INT-present beat-INT-SARU-present e. war-u ‘to break’ war-asar-u break-present break-SARU-present f. war-e-ru ‘to be broken’ *war-e-rasar-u break-INT-present break-INT-SARU-present
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Three questions immediately arise if Takahashi’s (2015) findings are correct : First, is there any other transitive/intransitive marker which is not compatible with the spontaneous auxiliary asar-? Second, what is the generalization concerning the combination of verbs and the morpheme asar-? Finally, how can we account for the generalization? In this paper, I will try to answer these questions, showing that the co-occurrence restrictions between the morpheme asar- and the verb root that allows transitive/intransitive alternation should be explained morphologically and phonologically. In doing so, I will observe the data from Kesen, which is spoken in South-eastern coastal cities such as Ofunato and Rikuzentakata, Iwate Prefecture (see Yamaura (1989, 2000, 2006)). The organization of this paper is as follows : Section 2 shows the data that I collected concerning the co-occurrence restriction of the morpheme asar- and the verb root, following Jacobsen’s (1992) 15 types of transitive/intransitive alternations. Section 3 makes a proposal to account for the generalization discussed in the last section. Section 4 discusses an apparent counterexample to the generalization, and argue that it can be accounted for by phonological constraints. Section 5 concludes this paper.
2. Data
In this section, I will show the data in Kesen regarding the verb roots which allows transitive/intransitive alternation, and the morpheme asar-. Jacobsen (1992) points out that there are 15 types of transitive/intransitive alternation in Standard Japanese, and Kesen also has the same transitive/intransitive alternation patterns. I collected the data from native speakers of Kesen, and the followings are the result of the concatenation between the morpheme asar- and the 15 types of the verbal roots.
(5) type 1: e-φ a. hag-e-ru ‘to peel off’ *hag-e-rasar-u peel.off-INT-present peel.off-INT-SARU-present b. hag-u ‘to peel off’ hag-asar-u peel.off-present peel.off-SARU-present
(6) type 2: φ-e a. tijim-u ‘to shrink’ tijim-asar-u shrink-present shrink-SARU-present b. tijim-e-ru ‘to be shrunk’ *tijim-e-rasar-u shrink-TR-present shrink-TR-SARU-present
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(7) type 3: ar-e a. ag-ar-u ‘to go up’ ag-ar-asar-u go.up-INT-present go.up-INT-SARU-present b. ag-e-ru ‘ro raise’ *ag-e-rasar-u go.up-TR-present go.up-TR-SARU-present
(8) type 4: ar-φ a. hasam-ar-u ‘to be put in’ *hasam-ar-asar-u put.in-INT-present put.in-INT-SARU-present b. hasam-u ‘to put in’ hasam-asar-u put.in-present put.in-SARU-present
(9) type 5: r-s a. ama-r-u ‘to be left over’ ama-r-asar-u leave-INT-present leave-INT-SARU-present b. ama-s-u ‘to leave’ *ama-s-asar-u leave-TR-present leave-TR-SARU-present
(10) type 6: re-s a. hana-re-ru ‘to be separated’ hana-re-rasar-u separate-INT-present separate-INT-SARU-present b. hana-s-u ‘to separate’ *hana-s-asar-u separate-TR-present separate-TR-SARU-present
(11) type 7: ri-s a. ka-ri-ru ‘to borrow’ ka-ri-rasar-u b. ka-s-u ‘to rent’ ka-s-a(ra)sar-u
(12) type 8: φ-as a. ag-u ‘to open’ ag-asar-u open-present open-SARU-present b. ag-as-u ‘to spend’ *ag-as-asar-u open-TR-present open-TR-SARU-present
(13) type 9: e-as a. ar-e-ru ‘to get rough’ ar-e-rasar-u get.rough-INT-present get.rough-INT-SARU-present b. ar-as-u ‘to devastate’ *ar-as-asar-u get.rough-TR-present get.rough-TR-SARU-present
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(14) type 10 : i-as a. nob-i-ru ‘to grow’ nob-i-rasar-u grow-INT-present grow-INT-SARU-present b. nob-as-u ‘to make grow’ *nob-as-asar-u grow-TR-present grow-TR-SARU-present (15) type 11 : i-os a. oj-i-ru ‘to fall’ oj-i-rasar-u fall-INT-present fall-INT-SARU-present b. od-os-u ‘to drop’ *od-os-asar-u fall-TR-present fall-TR-SARU-present
(16) type 12 : φ-se a. no-ru ‘to ride’ no-rasar-u ride-present ride-SARU-present b. no-se-ru ‘to ride’ *no-se-rasar-u ride-TR-present ride-TR-SARU-present
(17) type 13 : e-akas a. obi-e-ru ‘be frightened’ obi-e-rasar-u frighten-INT-present frighten-INT-SARU-present b. obiy-akas-u ‘to frighten’ *obiy-akas-asar-u frighten-TR-present righten-TR-SARU-present
(18) type 14 : or-e a. kom-or-u ‘to be filled’ kom-or-asar-u fill-INT-present fill-INT-SARU-present b. kom-e-ru ‘to fill’ *kom-e-rasar-u fill-TR-presente fill-TR-SARU-presente
(19) type 15 : are-e a. sud-are-ru ‘to decline’ sud-are-rasar-u go.out.of.use-INT-present go.out.of.use-INT-SARU-present b. sud-e-ru ‘to throw away’ sud-e-rasar-u throw.away-TR-present throw.away-TR-SARU-present
Notice that type 7 in (11) and type 15 in (19) should be excluded because the meanings of the transitive verbs and the meaning of the intransitive verbs in these examples have different meanings.
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The result of the co-occurrence restriction of the morpheme asar- and the verbal root and the generalization regarding it are shown in (20) and (21), respectively :
(20) result
intransitive transitive
type1 *e φ
type2 φ *e
type3 ar *s
type4 *ar φ
type5 r *s
type6 re *s
type8 φ *as
type9 e *as
type10 i *as
type11 i *os
type12 φ *se
type13 e *akas
type14 or *e
(21) Generalization concerning the morpheme asar- and the intransitive verbs which have their transitive counterpart a. The morpheme asar- can concatenate with the transitive verbs when the transitive marker is phonetically null. b. Otherwise, the morpheme asar- concatenates with the intransitive verbs.
In the next section, I will propose an analysis to explain the generalization.
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3. An analysis
3.1. Elsewhere condition
Recall that the morpheme asar- can concatenate with transitive verbs as well as intransitive verbs, as discussed in section 1. Also, it is important to notice that when we consider a verbal root which allows transitive/intransitive alternation, there is a competition between intransitive verbs with their transitive counterpart. This kind of competition has often been explained by the Elsewhere Condition (cf. Anderson (1969), Kiparsky (1973), Aronoff (1976), among others), as illustrated in (22) and (23) :
(22) Underspecification, elsewhere ordering (adapted from Bobaljik 2012 : 5) The rules of exponence (vocabulary insertion) may be underspecified and thus may compete to realize a given node ; such competition is resolved by the Elsewhere Condition [...], in which more specific rules take precedence over more general ones.
(23) Elsewhere Condition If two (incompatible) rules R1, R2 may apply to a given structure, and the context for application of R2 is contained in that of R1, then R1 applies and R2 does not. (Bobaljik (2012 : 9), (12))
The Elsewhere Condition dictates that the comparative form in English (24) is explained because the rule that -er is applied to only short adjectives is more specific than the rule that more is applied to short and long adjectives (such as famous, likely and beautiful).
(24) a. big/bigger/*more big b. intelligent/more intelligent/*intelligenter
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3.2. Locality
Recent inquiry within Minimalism or Distributed Morphology has shown that morphological interactions such as allomorphy is determined by (morpho)-syntactic locality (cf. Bobaljik (2012) ; Embick (2010) ; Bobaljik and Wurmbrand (2013) among others). The assumption that allomorphy is conditioned by phase is reasonable because phase defines the Spell-Out domain. The locality is defined by phase, as illustrated in (25) or (26). What is crucial in both definitions is that auxiliary is not a lexical head nor a category defining head, so that it is not a phase head.
(25) Bošković (2016)’s contextual phase theory a. the highest projection in the extended domain of a lexical head/clause functions as a phase (vP and CP are phases). b. the next merger determines the phasehood of XP. c. X can be targeted by movement due to the need to undergo successive-cyclic movement without violating the PIC (cf. Chomsky (2000), (2001)). d. insertion of a higher phasal head triggers spell-out of the complement of the lower phasal head (Chomsky (2001)).
(26) Phases (Ingason and Sigurðsson (2015)) Category-defining heads, at least v, n, a (Marantz (2001), (2007)), and C, and possibly others, trigger Spell-Out of their complements ; they are the phase heads. These phase heads are often realized as “derivational morphemes”
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3.3. An application
The previous subsections briefly observe the Elsewhere Condition and locality, especially phase theory. With them in mind, I would like to propose an analysis of the output condition of the morpheme asar(u) for verbal roots which allows transitive/intransitive alternation. The syntactic structure I will assume is (27), where the morpheme asar- is located in a functional head F, which is above VoiceP (see Niinuma and Takahashi (2013, 2016), Niinuma (2015) for detailed discussion of the syntactic structure).
(27) Structure
FP
(implicit causer) F’
VoiceP (r)asar
NP Voice’ (agent)
vP Voice
NP v’ (theme)
√ v There are several assumptions under the structure (27). First, following Oseki (2017), I assume that the markers that expresses transitivity is located in Voice. Second, I simply assume without any discussion that the consonant r is inserted when the element [root+Voice] ends with a vowel2 . Finally, I assume that there is an implicit causer, which is located in Spec FP (cf. Alexiadou (2010). Thus, the sentences with the morpheme asar- have the causative structure (cf. Shibatani (1997, 2000), Niinuma and Takahashi (2013)).
2 One might say that the analysis that the consonant r is inserted is not reasonable because we would have to ex- plain why r, not other consonants, must be inserted under a certain position. A piece of evidence comes from the causative marker -(r)ase in this dialect. Unlike Standard Japanese, which has the causative marker -(s)ase, the first consonant of the causative marker in this dialect must be r. I would like to thank Kan Sasaki (personal communi- cation) for pointing out this fact.
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With the structure (27) in mind, let us consider the rules in (28), following the Elsewhere Condition :
(28) [[[[root] v] Voice] (r)asar] a. The morpheme asar- is combined with a root and a phonetically null Voice. (more specific) b. The morpheme asar- is combined with a root and an intransitive Voice. (general)
(28a), which is a specific rule, ensures that the morpheme asar- can be concatenated with the transitive form only when the transitive marker is phonetically null. On the other hand, (28b) is a general rule that states that that intransitive form must be chosen otherwise. Note that the structure [[[[root] v] Voice] (r)asar] are in the same domain because F is not a category changing head. Therefore, F is not a phase head, and [[[[root] v] Voice] (r)asar] is in the same phase and there is a competition of the output between the intransitive verb and the transitive counterpart, as expected.
4. An interaction with phonology
In the previous section, it is shown that the Elsewhere Condition and phase theory can correctly explain the output condition of the verbal root with the morpheme asar-. In this section, I would like to discuss an apparent counterexample to the generalization (21). Let us consider (29), where there is a phonetically null transitive marker but the transitive form become unacceptable. Instead, the intransitive verb can concatenate with the morpheme asar-.
(29) a. sas-u ‘to stick’ *sas-asar-u stick-present stick-SARU-present b. sas-ar-u ‘to be stuck’ sas-ar-asar-u stick-INT-present stick-INT-SARU-present
Sasaki argues that this counterexample (29a) can be accounted for by the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) because there are two successive sequence of sa in (29a). Because of the violation of the OCP, he concludes that (29b) must be chosen over (29a). If this analysis is on the right track, this implies that the output condition of the verbal root with the morpheme asar- interacts with phonology. Now, let us reconsider the examples discussed in Sasaki (2017) :
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(30) a. tok-as-u ‘to disssolve’ *tok-as-asar-u dissolve-TR-present dissolve-TR-SARU-present b. wak-as-u ‘to boil’ *wak-as-asar-u boil-TR-present boil-TR-SARU-present
Actually, the unacceptable form in (30a) and (30b) contains the two successive sequences of sa, but we can explain them without the OCP account. Note that the examples in (30a,b) has an alternative transitive counterpart, which does not have any transitive marker, as in (31a,b). Moreover, the transitive verbs in (31a,b) can combine with the morpheme asar-, which means that the examples in (30) are subject to the generalization (21). Thus, the examples in (30) are unacceptable because of the overt transitive marker, not because of the OCP.
(31) a. tok-u tok-asar-u solve-present solve-SARU-present b. wak-u wak-asar-u boil-present boil-SARU-present
5. Conclusion
In this paper, I have reconsidered Takahashi’s (2015) generalization regarding the transitive/intransitive form e and the spontaneous morpheme asar- in Kesen, and pointed out that as for the verbs which allow the transitive/intransitive alternation, the spontaneous morpheme must select one of the verb forms. In other words, there is a competition concerning the output of the morpheme asar- and the transitive/intransitive verbs. It implies that in some cases, the transitive/intransitive markers may be treated as allomorphy (cf. Akimoto 2018). Furthermore, it was shown that the interaction of morphology and phonology determines the verb form when it is concatenated with the spontaneous morpheme. If the analysis presented in this paper is on the right track, the output of the morpheme asar- with the verbs is conditioned by the universal principles (such as Elsewhere condition and locality). However, there are some other cases in Japanese, such as transitive-transitive-intransitive “triplets” and intransitive- intransitive-transitive “triplets, ” as shown in (32-33), (see Suga (1980) and Oseki (2017)) or so- called homomorphous intransitive-transitive verbs, as in (34) ((cf. Morita (2000)), and it would be interesting how the spontaneous auxiliary interacts with those cases, which I leave for future research.
(32) a. tok-e-ru ‘to melt’ (intransitive) melt-INT-present b. tok-u ‘to dissolve’ (transitive) melt-φ-present c. tok-as-u ‘to melt’ (transitive) melt-TR-present
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(33) a. chijim-u ‘to shrink (int)’ shrink-present b. chijim-ar-u ‘to shrink (int)’ shrink-INT-present c. chijim-e-ru ‘to shrink (tr)’ shrink-TR-present
(34) a. Kaze-ga fuk-u wind-Nom blow-present ‘The wind blows.’ b. Kana-ga fue-o/*kaze-o fuk-u Kana-Nom whistle-Acc/wind-Acc blow-present ‘Kana blows a whistle/*wind’
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