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The New External Security Politics of the Horn of Africa Region’, SIPRI Policy Brief, Apr
SIPRI Insights on Peace and Security No. 2019/2 April 2019 THE NEW EXTERNAL SUMMARY w The Horn of Africa is SECURITY POLITICS OF THE undergoing far-reaching changes in its external security HORN OF AFRICA REGION environment. A wide variety of international security actors— from Europe, the United States, neil melvin the Middle East, the Gulf, and Asia—are currently operating in the region. As a result, the Horn of Africa has experienced I. Introduction a proliferation of foreign military bases and a build-up of The countries of the Horn of Africa are experiencing far-reaching changes in naval forces. The external their external security relations.1 The region is simultaneously experiencing militarization of the Horn poses an increase in the number of foreign security actors operating there, a major questions for the future build-up of external military forces—on land and at sea—and a broadening security and stability of the of the security agendas pursued by external actors to include local, regional region. This SIPRI Insights paper is and international issues.2 the second of three papers The emergence of Middle Eastern and Gulf states as key security powers in devoted to the new external the Horn has attracted particular attention in recent years. However, major security politics of the Horn of Asian powers have also established significant security engagements in Africa. The paper highlights the and around the region, including as part of Indo-Pacific security strategies. increasing importance of Furthermore, the established non-traditional security roles of the United geopolitical, commercial and States and Europe in the region are now shifting to encompass traditional military competition as the military competition. -
Food Market and Supply Situation in Southern Somalia
Food Market and Supply Situation in Southern Somalia October 2011 Issa Sanogo 2 Acknowledgement This report is drawn from the findings of a programme mission by Annalisa Conte, Issa Sanogo and Simon Clements from August 30th to September 20th, which was undertaken to assess the suitability of cash-and-voucher based responses in southern Somalia. I wish to acknowledge valuable contributions made by various WFP Headquarters and country office colleagues, namely Rogerio Bonifacio, Oscar Caccavale, Simon Clements, Migena Cumani, Maliki Amadou Mahamane, Nichola Peach, and Francesco Slaviero. Many thanks also to Joyce Luma, Arif Husain and Mario Musa for proof reading the report. Many thanks to the Senior Management of WFP Somalia Country Office, Logistic, Procurement, Programme, Security and VAM staff who provided valuable insights and helped at various stages of this mission. I wish also to thank various partners (INGOs, Local NGOs, UN Organizations, Bilateral and Multilateral Organizations and Technical Partners) and traders for making time available to provide the mission with valuable field updates and perspectives. Secondary data, comments and suggestions provided by FAO, FSNAU and FEWSNET are fully acknowledged. While I acknowledge the contributions made by all the partners in various ways, I take full responsibility for the outcome. 3 I. Summary of Findings ............................................................................................................ 5 II. Markets and Supply Conditions ............................................................................................ -
Somalia Agric Report DRAFT.Indd
Photo credits: Cover & Inside ©FAO Somalia SOMALIA: Rebuilding Resilient and Sustainable Agriculture Copyright © 2018 by International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/The World Bank and the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations ISBN 978-92-5-130419-8 (FAO) Disclaimer: The designations employed and the presentation of material in this information product do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) concerning the legal or development status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. The mention of specific companies or products of manufacturers, whether or not these have been patented, does not imply that these have been endorsed or recommended by FAO in preference to others of a similar nature that are not mentioned. The views expressed in this information product are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views or policies of FAO. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this work do not necessarily reflect the views of The World Bank, its Board of Executive Directors, or the governments and members represented by either institution. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. The boundaries, colors, denominations, and other information shown on any map in this work do not imply any judgment on the part of The World Bank concerning the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries. FAO and The World Bank encourage the use, reproduction and dissemination of material in this information product. -
Turkish-Somali Relations: Changing State Identity and Foreign Policy
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Inquiry (E-Journal - Faculty of Business and Administration,... TURKISH-SOMALI RELATIONS: CHANGING STATE IDENTITY AND FOREIGN POLICY Dr. Abdurrahim Siradag King Fahd University of Petroleum and Minerals ABSTRACT This article will examine the driving dynamics behind the increasing rela- tions between Turkey and Somalia. Turkey has been an important actor on the African politics since the AK Party (Justice and Development Party) came to power in 2002. For instance, while Turkey only had 12 embassies across the continent until 2005, it currently has 35. Turkey is today among the countries in the world having one of the most diplomatic missions on the African continent. Turkey’s economic relations with the continent have also changed significantly. Whereas Turkey’s total trade with Africa was 2 billion dollars in 2005, it is presently about 22 billion dollars. Importantly, Turkey is aiming to increase her total trade with Africa up to 50 billion dol- lars until 2020. Furthermore, Turkish NGOs are actively involved in many humanitarian projects in the different African countries. Turkey has partic- ularly paid a great deal of attention to increasing political, economic and social relations with Somalia during the AK Party government. This article argues that the AK Party has been establishing a new foreign policy identity and transforming the parameters of the traditional Turkish foreign policy through the social interactions with Somalia. Keywords: -
Port Development in Somalia
World Maritime University The Maritime Commons: Digital Repository of the World Maritime University World Maritime University Dissertations Dissertations 1987 Port development in Somalia Saeed Hassan Rageh WMU Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.wmu.se/all_dissertations Recommended Citation Rageh, Saeed Hassan, "Port development in Somalia" (1987). World Maritime University Dissertations. 809. https://commons.wmu.se/all_dissertations/809 This Dissertation is brought to you courtesy of Maritime Commons. Open Access items may be downloaded for non- commercial, fair use academic purposes. No items may be hosted on another server or web site without express written permission from the World Maritime University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. f~WMU LIBRARY I Mi*kRXTXMIE; LJMX VEIR SXTY TME£ WORl—O RORX OEV/EL-OMEMT XIM S O M -^ l— X Ai BY SAEEIO MASS AM R A Gi El Hi -1 SJ^S'7 GENERAL MARITIME ADMINISTRATION World Maritime University Malmo, Sweden F*OR"r OEZVELORMEIlNjnr XM S O M A L - X Ai BY SAEED HASSAN RAGEH A paper submitted to the facaulty of the World Maritime University in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the award of a MASTER OF SCIENCE DEGREE IN GENRAL MARITIME ADMINISTRATION The contents of this paper reflect my personal views and are not necessarily endorsed by the University. Signature Date; 8th October,1987 Supervised and assessed by Professor A.A. Monsef Co-assessed by Georgandopoulos Eleftherios Professor Emeritus “r/^B.L_E: of=" coMTEiNinrs /i»CKIMOWL_E:0<5E:ME:tM"r vii l_XST" -
Unctad Transport Newsletter
UNCTAD TRANSPORT NEWSLETTER No. 20 NOV. 2000 UNCTAD United Nations Conference on Trade and Development TRANSPORT NEWSLETTER No. 20 NOV. 2000 NOTE Symbols of United Nations documents are composed of capital letters combined with figures. Mention of such a symbol indicates a reference to a United Nations document. * * * The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area, or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. UNCTAD/SDTE/TIB/Misc.17 UNITED NATIONS PUBLICATION ISSN 1020-3656 PORT NEWSLETTER NE20 November 2000 prepared by the UNCTAD secretariat Contents Editorial .............................................................................................................................................. 2 LDC III Conference ............................................................................................................................ 3 Port literature ..................................................................................................................................... 4 Technical note: Transport in the Horn of Africa ............................................................................... 7 Recent UNCTAD reports ..................................................................................................................... 12 Advance Cargo Information -
Somali Piracy and the Introduction of Somalia to the Western World
University of Central Florida STARS Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 2011 Somali Piracy And The Introduction Of Somalia To The Western World Daniel A. Jean-Jacques University of Central Florida Part of the History Commons Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Masters Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STARS Citation Jean-Jacques, Daniel A., "Somali Piracy And The Introduction Of Somalia To The Western World" (2011). Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019. 2058. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd/2058 SOMALI PIRACY AND THE INTRODUCTION OF SOMALIA TO THE WESTERN WORLD by DANIEL A. JEAN-JACQUES B. A. University of Central Florida, 2004 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History in the College of Arts and Humanities at the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Spring Term 2011 ABSTRACT This thesis investigates the origins of the modern phenomenon of Somali piracy within a deeper historical context. More specifically, this analysis concentrates on the development of piracy in the north of the country. It is here contended that Somali piracy is, in fact, the product of the confluence of three historical currents. The first of these currents is the progressive degeneration of traditional Somali institutions due to exposure to the colonial and global markets. -
Public Sector Contracts and Concessions: the FGC and the Confidential Assessments Second Bi-Annual Report
Somalia -- Financial Governance Committee -- October 31, 2015 Public Sector Contracts and Concessions: the FGC and the Confidential Assessments Second Bi-Annual Report A. Summary and Recommendations a. The last public FGC report on contracts and concessions was dated January 8, 2015 (the January 8 report). b. After a period of inactivity coinciding with the change in Prime Minister and Council of Ministers, the past 2-3 months has seen a measurable improvement in cooperation between the Federal Government line ministries and the FGC. A significant number of FGC Confidential Assessments are now being used as a basis for Federal Government action. Getting to this point has been slower and less consistent across Ministries than desirable, but comments made by a variety of Federal Government interlocutors suggest that FGC reviews of contracts and concessions are now, for the most part, taken seriously. There are important exceptions to this trend, however. The respective line ministries have remained unresponsive to the FGC's review of the Soma Oil and Gas Exploration Ltd concession (Soma), and have failed to respond consistently or to communicate clearly on the FGC's review of the Somalia FishGuard Ltd concession (FishGuard). These were two of the most controversial concessions reviewed in 2014, and have important implications for Federal- Regional relations. It should be noted that Parliament has recently recognized and endorsed the role played by the FGC in reviewing contracts and concessions, and has supported the FGC's recommendations for these two agreements (paragraph 22). c. The FGC has provided Confidential Assessments or commentary on all the contracts it has so far received, and can now put more effort into helping ministries follow up on FGC recommendations. -
Red Sea Rivalries: the Gulf, the Horn, & the New Geopolitics of the Red Ea
ZACH VERTIN RED SEA RIVALRIES: THE GULF, THE HORN, & THE NEW GEOPOLITICS OF THE RED SEA JUNE 2019 Red Sea Rivalries: The Gulf, the Horn, & the New Geopolitics of the Red Sea Zach Vertin1 INTRODUCTION Gulf states are asserting themselves in the Horn of Africa as never before. This unprecedented surge in political, economic, and strategic engagement across the Red Sea is challenging old assumptions and erasing old boundaries. As the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and Turkey seek to expand their spheres of influence—including through commercial ports and military outposts on Africa’s Red Sea coast—fierce Middle Eastern rivalries are playing out on a larger chessboard. Interest from great powers has further complicated the changing geopolitical landscape as China’s arrival in Djibouti brings the number of foreign militaries in the tiny port nation to five. China, France, Italy, Japan, and the United States are all now stationed at the fulcrum of the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. India and Saudi Arabia have also signaled interest in establishing bases in Djibouti, while Russia has flirted with its own strategic presence in the Horn. For the fragile African states on the western shores of the Red Sea, new engagement from outside powers presents both challenges and opportunities. The most tangible manifestation of the so-called “new scramble for Africa” has been the proliferation of seaports and military facilities (or the rights to such perches) on the Red Sea coast. Much has been rumored about these acquisitions, though a holistic picture of the real estate bonanza has been lacking. -
Report of the Somalia and Eritrea Monitoring Group
ADVANCED COPY – CONFIDENTIAL Letter dated 27 June 2012 from the members of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea addressed to the Chairman of the Security Council Committee pursuant to resolutions 751 (1992) and 1907 (2009) concerning Somalia and Eritrea We have the honour to transmit herewith the report focusing on Somalia of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea in accordance with paragraph 6 (m) of Security Council resolution 2002 (2011). (Signed) Matt Bryden Coordinator Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea (Signed) Emmanuel Deisser Arms Expert (Signed) Aurélien Llorca Aviation Expert (Signed) Jörg Roofthooft Maritime Expert (Signed) Ghassan Schbley Finance Expert (Signed) Babatunde Taiwo Armed Groups Expert (Signed) Kristele Younes Humanitarian Expert ADVANCED COPY - CONFIDENTIAL 2 Report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea pursuant to Security Council resolution 2002 (2011) Contents Page Abbreviations 5 Summary 6 I. Introduction 9 A. Mandate 9 B. Methodology 9 II. Acts that threaten the peace, security and stability of Somalia 11 A. Public sector financial mismanagement and corruption 11 B. Harakaat al-Shabaab al-Mujaahidiin 14 C. Al-Shabaab as a regional and international threat 15 D. Piracy and kidnap for ransom (KFR) 16 III. Violations of the general and complete arms embargo 19 A. Foreign military operations in Somalia 20 B. Private Security Companies (PSCs) 21 C. Private Maritime Security Companies/ Floating Armouries 24 D. Non-compliance 24 IV. Obstruction of Humanitarian Assistance 25 A. Denial of access 25 B. Diversion and misappropriation of humanitarian assistance 26 C. Best practices 27 V. Violations of International Humanitarian Law 27 A. Attacks on civilians 28 B. -
Coastal Livelihoods in the Republic of Somalia
COASTAL LIVELIHOODS IN THE REPUBLIC OF SOMALIA GENERAL INTRODUCTION The Agulhas and Somali Current Large Marine Ecosystems (ASCLME) project is focused on the two large marine ecosystems of the Western Indian Ocean (WIO) region, covering nine countries that are directly influenced by these current systems. It is estimated that at least fifty-six million people are reliant either directly or indirectly on the goods and services provided by these two current systems. The ASCLME project aims to support these countries in their efforts to collectively manage the marine resources on which their people and economies depend. Fisheries and other key coastal activities, including various forms of tourism, aquaculture, shipping and coastal transport, the energy sector, agriculture and forestry, are very important contributors to the economies of the countries of the WIO. In recognition of the complexity and importance of these activities, a Coastal Livelihoods Assessment (CLA) component was developed for the ASCLME project. The CLA component had three main objectives: • to collect as much existing information as possible about the main coastal activities in the nine participating countries as a contribution to the national Marine Ecosystem Diagnostic Analyses (MEDAs); • to make input into ensuring that this information is stored and organised in a manner that will allow easy access and maximum utility to multiple stakeholders, both during and after the lifetime of the ASCLME Project; • to review and sythesise the information collected in order to provide useful inputs to the TDA and SAP processes. In order to achieve these objectives, the CLA component was separated into three distinct phases, with the first phase kicking off in May 2009. -
Red Sea Rivalries: the Gulf, the Horn, & the New Geopolitics of the Red Sea
ZACH VERTIN RED SEA RIVALRIES: THE GULF, THE HORN, & THE NEW GEOPOLITICS OF THE RED SEA August 2019 Red Sea Rivalries: The Gulf, the Horn, & the New Geopolitics of the Red Sea Zach Vertin1 INTRODUCTION Gulf states are asserting themselves in the Horn of Africa as never before. This unprecedented surge in political, economic, and strategic engagement across the Red Sea is challenging old assumptions and erasing old boundaries. As the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and Turkey seek to expand their spheres of influence—including through commercial ports and military outposts on Africa’s Red Sea coast—fierce Middle Eastern rivalries are playing out on a larger chessboard. Interest from great powers has further complicated the changing geopolitical landscape as China’s arrival in Djibouti brings the number of foreign militaries in the tiny port nation to five. China, France, Italy, Japan, and the United States are all now stationed at the fulcrum of the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. India and Saudi Arabia have also signaled interest in establishing bases in Djibouti, while Russia has flirted with its own strategic presence in the Horn. For the fragile African states on the western shores of the Red Sea, new engagement from outside powers presents both challenges and opportunities. The most tangible manifestation of the so-called “new scramble for Africa” has been the proliferation of seaports and military facilities (or the rights to such perches) on the Red Sea coast. Much has been rumored about these acquisitions, though a holistic picture of the real estate bonanza has been lacking.