U.S.-Lebanon Dialogue Program on April 17, Al-Jadeed (New) TV

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

U.S.-Lebanon Dialogue Program On April 17, al-Jadeed (New) TV broadcast a cell-phone video of Walid Jumblatt recorded during a private meeting with Druze clerics leaders, including prominent Druze spiritual leader Sheikh Abu Muhammad Jawad Wali el Dine, as well as political activists. In the video, Jumblatt attacked his March 14 allies’ strategies and abilities using insulting and sectarian language. Jumblatt said: “…as for the Shiites, Britain has opened up towards Hezbollah and the US has opened a dialogue with Iran. Today, where should I get my arms from? From the sea, Syria or Israel? Of course not from Israel and we cannot do it from the sea. You have seen how we were blockaded. “And when I kept talking and asking for the 50 plus 1, it is true that from a constitutional logic we would have got Nassib Lahoud (to be president), right? But you saw back then... What’s his name... this Samir Geagea, the Maronites would have loved to see the Druze and the Shiites engage in war in order to sit back and watch us, even the Sunnis would have wished for that. He (meaning MP Saad Hariri) got 1000 Sunni fighters from Akkar into Beirut but they did not last for fifteen minutes [referring to the violence of May, 2008]. Our head is high, he said, we were not defeated, but we couldn’t go for an absolute psychological, political and sectarian war with the Shiites. … On the other side go see those who grow their beards and shave their moustaches (meaning Sunni extremists).” One of the people in the meeting said that those were far more dangerous than the Shiites. Jumblatt said that the sea of Muslims from Beirut is enlarging (and reaching the Druze). He explained that he cannot do anything about the demography especially at the sea level areas but the situation in the Mountains remains acceptable. The Sheikh interrupted and said, “With all due respect to you and to your perception of the situation, I believe that there is no point behind the hostility toward the Shiites. A specific event occurred and that was it.” A man then interfered and said, “Sheikh, we are all with you and with Walid Jumblatt. We will follow you regardless of the decision you make.” Jumblatt continued: “The elections will happen and nothing essential will change, but our problem is in the Chouf where Walid Jumblatt can no longer form a list because the ‘isolationist tendency’ is back, and the bad race will remain a bad race (Maronites). If there is anyone who knows the Maronites it’s the Jumblatt family and the Druze. … Saad Hariri is still new, he was experimenting with us, he convinced Ghattas Khoury (to run in the Chouf), and look where we are! We will try to fix it or I will form a list against Ghattas and Dory Chamoun!” U.S.-Lebanon Dialogue Program Aspen Institute | One Dupont Circle NW | Suite 700 | Washington, DC 20036 .

Copy Link

Recommended publications

Walid Jumblatt Is Included As an Edited Transcript of His Remarks and May Be Cited As Such
Proceedings of the 2007 Weinberg Founders Conference Autumn of Decisions: A Critical Moment for American Engagement in the Middle East October 19–21, 2007 Proceedings of the 2007 Weinberg Founders Conference Autumn of Decisions: A Critical Moment for American Engagement in the Middle East October 19–21, 2007 The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050, Washington, DC 20036 (202) 452-0650 All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2008 by the Washington Institute for Near East Policy Published in 2008 in the United States of America by the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050, Washington, DC 20036. Design by Daniel Kohan, Sensical Design and Communication Photography by Stan Barouh Editor’s Note Most of these conference proceedings are presented as edited summaries of speeches and panel discussions; text designated as such should not be cited as actual transcripts of speaker remarks. The presentation by Vice President Rich- ard Cheney is included as an unedited transcript of his speech and may be cited as such. The presentation by Walid Jumblatt is included as an edited transcript of his remarks and may be cited as such. Table of Contents Preface ix The Speakers xi The Struggle for Freedom and Democracy in Lebanon 1 Edited Transcript Walid Jumblatt Chairman, Progressive Socialist Party, Lebanon Turkish Foreign Policy: Western or Not? 15 Rapporteur’s Summary Soner Cagaptay Director, Turkish Research Program, The Washington Institute Asli Aydintasbas Former Ankara bureau chief, Sabah newspaper America’s Future Direction in Iraq 19 Rapporteur’s Summary J.
[Show full text]
Lebanon's Unstable Equilibrium
LEBANON'S UNSTABLE EQUILIBRIUM AUTHOR Mona Yacoubian November 2009 UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE 1200 17th Street NW, Suite 200 Washington, D.C. 20036-3011 www.usip.org USIP Peace Briefing: Lebanon's Unstable Equilibrium INTRODUCTION Lebanon's recently announced national unity government has eased fears that the country would once again be mired in a dangerous political stalemate. Yet, despite the recent breakthrough, Lebanon's unstable equilibrium -- marked by both internal and regional tensions - - could still devolve into serious violence. Deep seated sectarian animosities persist, raising the prospects for political instability and civil strife if unaddressed. Regionally, mounting tensions with Israel raise the worrisome possibility of isolated border incidents spiraling into more serious conflict. Taken together these two underlying challenges to stability -- internal civil unrest and regional conflict with Israel -- could undermine Lebanon’s fragile peace. This paper will examine internal challenges to Lebanon’s stability. Formed five months after the June 2009 parliamentary elections, Prime Minister-designate Saad Hariri's consensus cabinet, comprised of his March 14th coalition together with members of the opposition March 8th bloc, is an essential step toward ensuring that Lebanon gains more stable footing. 1 The new government follows a compromise formula allotting 15 cabinet seats to the majority, 10 to the opposition, and five to President Michel Suleiman. While power-sharing arrangements are by nature less effective and more prone to stalemate, they are crucial to Lebanon’s delicately balanced confessional system and provide an essential pathway to civil peace. Beyond the new consensus government, two critical developments would help to facilitate peace and stability in Lebanon: .
[Show full text]
Political Leadership in Lebanon and the Jumblatt Phenomenon: Tipping the Scales of Lebanese Politics Sebastian Gerlach
SAIS EUROPE JOURNAL OF GLOBAL AFFAIRS Political Leadership in Lebanon and the Jumblatt Phenomenon: Tipping the Scales of Lebanese Politics Sebastian Gerlach For observers and scholars of contemporary Lebanese politics, an understanding of Lebanon’s complex political dynamics is hardly possible without a thorough analysis of the role of Walid Jumblatt, the leader of the country’s Druze community. Notwithstanding his sect’s marginal size, Jumblatt has for almost four decades greatly determined the course of domestic developments. Particularly between 2000 and 2013, the Druze leader developed into a local kingmaker through his repeated switch in affiliations between Lebanon’s pro- and anti-Syrian coalitions. This study argues that Jumblatt’s political behavior during this important period in recent Lebanese history was driven by his determination to ensure the political survival of his Druze minority community. Moreover, it highlights that Jumblatt’s ongoing command over the community, which appears to be impressive given his frequent political realignments, stems from his position as the dominating, traditional Druze za’im and because the minority community recognized his political maneuvering as the best mean to provide the Druze with relevance in Lebanon’s political arena. 84 VOLUME 20 INTRODUCTION who failed to preserve their follower- ship after altering their political ori- For observers and scholars of con- 2 temporary Lebanese politics, a thor- entation. In this respect, it is even ough understanding of the country’s more puzzling that Jumblatt was able complex political dynamics is hardly to maintain the support of his Druze possible without analyzing the role of community, known for its nega- Walid Jumblatt, the leader of Leba- tive attitudes towards the prominent non’s Druze community.
[Show full text]
Lebanon Date: 14 August 2009
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: LBN35294 Country: Lebanon Date: 14 August 2009 Keywords: Lebanon – Elections – 2009 – Sunnis – March 14 This response was prepared by the Research & Information Services Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. This research response may not, under any circumstance, be cited in a decision or any other document. Anyone wishing to use this information may only cite the primary source material contained herein. Questions 1. Please provide a brief report on the position of Sunnis and the political situation in Lebanon following the June 2009 elections? 2. Please provide information on the June 2009 election results. RESPONSE 1. Please provide a brief report on the position of Sunnis and the political situation in Lebanon following the June 2009 elections? 2. Please provide information on the June 2009 election results. Executive Summary Note: There are various Romanised spellings of religious denominations, political parties and place names. Different sources refer to Hizballah and Hizbollah, Shia and Shi’a, Shiite and Shi’ite, Ta’if and Taef. In this response the spellings Hizballah, Shia, Shi’ite and Ta’if are employed, however alternative spellings in source materials have not been altered. Since the end of the civil war in 1990 there have been a number of violent and potentially state-destabilising incidents in Lebanon. Perhaps the most serious include the assassination of the Sunni former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri in 2005 and clashes between Hezbollah (Shi’ite) supporters and Sunni Muslims in Beirut in May 2008.
[Show full text]
LEBANON RESTRICTIONS on BROADCASTING in Whose Interest?
April 1997 Vol. 9, No. 1(E) LEBANON RESTRICTIONS ON BROADCASTING In Whose Interest? SUMMARY ...............................................................................................................................................................2 RECOMMENDATIONS............................................................................................................................................4 INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................................................................6 IMPLEMENTATION OF THE BROADCASTING LAW........................................................................................8 Restrictions on News, Political Programs, and Live Broadcasts....................................................................8 Operating Stations Denied Licenses; News and Political Programs Banned .................................................9 THE REACTION IN LEBANON ............................................................................................................................13 Capacity of the Airwaves Disputed..............................................................................................................15 Organizing Protests......................................................................................................................................16 Ban on Demonstrations Enforced ................................................................................................................17 INTERNATIONAL
[Show full text]
WARS and WOES a Chronicle of Lebanese Violence1
The Levantine Review Volume 1 Number 1 (Spring 2012) OF WARS AND WOES A Chronicle of Lebanese Violence1 Mordechai Nisan* In the subconscious of most Lebanese is the prevalent notion—and the common acceptance of it—that the Maronites are the “head” of the country. ‘Head’ carries here a double meaning: the conscious thinking faculty to animate and guide affairs, and the locus of power at the summit of political office. While this statement might seem outrageous to those unversed in the intricacies of Lebanese history and its recent political transformations, its veracity is confirmed by Lebanon’s spiritual mysteries, the political snarls and brinkmanship that have defined its modern existence, and the pluralistic ethno-religious tapestry that still dominates its demographic makeup. Lebanon’s politics are a clear representation of, and a response to, this seminal truth. The establishment of modern Lebanon in 1920 was the political handiwork of Maronites—perhaps most notable among them the community’s Patriarch, Elias Peter Hoyek (1843-1931), and public intellectual and founder of the Alliance Libanaise, Daoud Amoun (1867-1922).2 In recognition of this debt, the President of the Lebanese Republic has by tradition been always a Maronite; the country’s intellectual, cultural, and political elites have hailed largely from the ranks of the Maronite community; and the Patriarch of the Maronite Church in Bkirke has traditionally held sway as chief spiritual and moral figure in the ceremonial and public conduct of state affairs. In the unicameral Lebanese legislature, the population decline of the Christians as a whole— Maronites, Greek Orthodox, Catholics, and Armenians alike—has not altered the reality of the Maronites’ pre-eminence; equal confessional parliamentary representation, granting Lebanon’s Christians numerical parity with Muslims, still defines the country’s political conventions.
[Show full text]
Political Party Mapping in Lebanon Ahead of the 2018 Elections
Political Party Mapping in Lebanon Ahead of the 2018 Elections Foreword This study on the political party mapping in Lebanon ahead of the 2018 elections includes a survey of most Lebanese political parties; especially those that currently have or previously had parliamentary or government representation, with the exception of Lebanese Communist Party, Islamic Unification Movement, Union of Working People’s Forces, since they either have candidates for elections or had previously had candidates for elections before the final list was out from the Ministry of Interior and Municipalities. The first part includes a systematic presentation of 27 political parties, organizations or movements, showing their official name, logo, establishment, leader, leading committee, regional and local alliances and relations, their stance on the electoral law and their most prominent candidates for the upcoming parliamentary elections. The second part provides the distribution of partisan and political powers over the 15 electoral districts set in the law governing the elections of May 6, 2018. It also offers basic information related to each district: the number of voters, the expected participation rate, the electoral quotient, the candidate’s ceiling on election expenditure, in addition to an analytical overview of the 2005 and 2009 elections, their results and alliances. The distribution of parties for 2018 is based on the research team’s analysis and estimates from different sources. 2 Table of Contents Page Introduction .......................................................................................................
[Show full text]
Lebanon 24/7 Adventure Stories & Travel Guide
Lebanon 24/7 adventure stories & travel guide You shall be free indeed when your days are not without a care nor your nights without a want and a grief, But rather when these things girdle your life and you rise above them naked and unbound. Khalil Gibran, The Prophet For my grandmother, a devoted traveller, Edith Giel-Van Hengel (1932-2014) For my dear parents Irma and Hans First edition (2018), adapted and translated from the author’s Dutch book ‘Alle Dagen Libanon, van tricky Tripoli tot brui- send Beiroet’, published in 2016. Author: ©Martijn van der Kooij Translation: Diederik Rodenburg / Linda van Tilburg (chapter I) Editor: Ayesha de Sousa Publisher: Donald Suidman, BigBusinessPublishers, Utrecht www.bbpublishers/lebanon Cover design and map of Lebanon: Vincent Schenk Cover photo: Ahmed Mouissaoui (Flickr) Design: Studio Patrick, Rotterdam No part of this book may be reproduced in any form, by print, photocopy, microfilm or any other means, without written permission from the publisher. Contents Introduction 6 I In Beirut 22 II ‘Samira’ to his friends 26 III Beirut Souks 33 IV Tofik wedding 39 V Venturing into Shatila 43 VI The House Of Khalil Gibran 51 VII Magical food 56 VIII Recycle Beirut 61 IX Hezbollah 67 X Jingle Jbeil 91 XI Walking tours with Ronnie 94 XII Tariq from Sour 100 XIII The hidden synagogue 108 XIV On the run 113 XV Trouble in Trablous 118 XVI ‘Jesus funeral’ 125 XVII Spies 132 XVIII Not allowed? Do it anyway! 138 IX Elie in trouble 145 Epilogue 149 Things to do & my own favourite places 153 Chef Michel Yammine 178 Acknowledgments 182 Introduction When I first set foot in Lebanon, there were many things I could never have imagined.
[Show full text]
1983-12-16 Cable Re Rumsfeld Mission
sisO Department of State INCOMING 01 OF 06 1609102 0784 SS 02 6 14 GE 01 JERUSA 04265 81 OF 06 160910Z 0784 SS02614 PAGE 01 JERUSA 04265 16/ 09 33 Z RECONVENING THE GENEVA RECONCILIATION CONFERENCE. JUMDLATT ANSWERED THAT THE GROUP WAS SUPPOSED NEO ED-Bl SS-9l S-02 D-01 P-02 NEA-Ol 1 X-01 FAIR-Ol 1H11 A2 WGP TO MEET AGAIN. THEY NEED TO FIX A NEW NATIONAL PACT TO TAPE INTO ACCOUNT THE NEW DEMOGRAPHIC ERCENT ACTION SS-BO BALANCE. THE DRUZE REPRESENT ONLY SEVEN OF THE POPULATION BUT THE SHII'A REPRESENT AT AS TO WHY IT IS INFO OCT-00 COPY-01 ADS-SO SSO-SO /026 w LEAST ONE-THIRD OF THE PEOPLE. E 000171 1609272 /11 IMPOSSIBLE TO RECONVENE RIGHT NOW, HE SAID THAT X o 1608532 DEC 83 WITHOUT A SOLID CEASEF IRE, WHY GO TO GENEVA TO FM AMCONSUL JERUSALEM TALA? RUMSFELD SUGGESTED THAT IT WAS THE SYRIANS ci TO SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 7202 TELLING THEM NOT TO GO. INFO JCS WASI1DC IMIIEDL ATE AMEMBASSY AMMAN IIIMEDIATE 5. JUMDLATT RESPONDED THAT IT IS NOT THE SYRIANS, s AMEMBASSY BEIRUT IMMEDIATE BUT A DECISION BY NSF MEMBERS. MOREOVER, IT IS AMEMBASSY DAMASCUS IMMEDIATE TOO EARLY TO DISCUSS A NEW CABINET. A CEASEF IRE AIIEMBASSY CAIRO IMMEDIATE NEEDS TO BE FIXED, CONSOLIDATED, AND THEN ALL AIIEMBASSY JIDDA IMMEDIATE THE ISSUES CAN BE DISCUSSED IN GENEVA, INCLUDING USELO RIYADH IMMEDIATE THE MAY 17 AGREEMENT. IT CANNOT BE IMPLEMENTED, AMEMBASSY LONDON IMMEDIATE FROZEN, OR ABROGATED--IT IS THE PROBLEM. IN E AYIEMBASSY PARIS IIIMEDIATE RESPONSE TO JUPIBLATT'S QUERY ABOUT THE U.S.
[Show full text]
The Pennsylvania State University Schreyer Honors College
THE PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIVERSITY SCHREYER HONORS COLLEGE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND RELIGIOUS STUDIES PROGRAM TO THEM WE ARE ALL ANTS: LEBANON- FROM INDEPENDENCE TO UNCERTAINTY MOHAMED SALIM RAOUDA BALAH Spring 2011 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for baccalaureate degrees in History and International Politics with honors in History Reviewed and approved* by the following: Dr. Arthur Goldschmidt Professor Emeritus of Middle East History Thesis Supervisor Dr. Catherine Wanner Associate Professor of History, Anthropology and Religious Studies Honors Adviser * Signatures are on file in the Schreyer Honors College. ABSTRACT The evolution of the Lebanese state is marred by the sectarian order established by the National Pact at the time of Lebanese independence in 1943. As of 2011 the current political crisis in Lebanon has polarized the Sunni community supporting the March 14 party and the Shi’a population supporting the March 8 party. Many of their issues have been dragged across history with no clear, long term, solution to address them. As a result, these problems have culminated in today’s political crisis, adding a new dynamic with the emergence of Hizbullah as a major player in the Middle East. This thesis examines the historical roots of Lebanese independence as a tool for understanding the circumstances allowing Hizbullah to gain prominence. Then it aims to analyze recent historical events between the end of the civil war and the present day to draw conclusions about the current state of affairs. Through this historical and political analysis, I will show the reader that over the period of Lebanese history, the opportunity to reform the country and remove foreign influence has been thwarted by the sectarian divisions.
[Show full text]
The Hariri Assassination and the Making of a Usable Past for Lebanon
LOCKED IN TIME ?: THE HARIRI ASSASSINATION AND THE MAKING OF A USABLE PAST FOR LEBANON Jonathan Herny van Melle A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS May 2009 Committee: Dr. Sridevi Menon, Advisor Dr. Neil A. Englehart ii ABSTRACT Dr. Sridevi Menon, Advisor Why is it that on one hand Lebanon is represented as the “Switzerland of the Middle East,” a progressive and prosperous country, and its capital Beirut as the “Paris of the Middle East,” while on the other hand, Lebanon and Beirut are represented as sites of violence, danger, and state failure? Furthermore, why is it that the latter representation is currently the pervasive image of Lebanon? This thesis examines these competing images of Lebanon by focusing on Lebanon’s past and the ways in which various “pasts” have been used to explain the realities confronting Lebanon. To understand the contexts that frame the two different representations of Lebanon I analyze several key periods and events in Lebanon’s history that have contributed to these representations. I examine the ways in which the representation of Lebanon and Beirut as sites of violence have been shaped by the long period of civil war (1975-1990) whereas an alternate image of a cosmopolitan Lebanon emerges during the period of reconstruction and economic revival as well as relative peace between 1990 and 2005. In juxtaposing the civil war and the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafic Hariri in Beirut on February 14, 2005, I point to the resilience of Lebanon’s civil war past in shaping both Lebanese and Western memories and understandings of the Lebanese state.
[Show full text]
The Reconstruction of Lebanon Or the Racketeering Rule Fabrice Balanche
The reconstruction of Lebanon or the racketeering rule Fabrice Balanche To cite this version: Fabrice Balanche. The reconstruction of Lebanon or the racketeering rule. Lebanon after the Cedar Revolution, C Hurst & Co Publishers Ltd, 2012, 978-1849042499. halshs-03175774 HAL Id: halshs-03175774 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-03175774 Submitted on 24 Mar 2021 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. 8 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF LEBANON OR THE RACKETEERING RULE Fabrice Balanche The socio-economic dimensions of the Lebanese conflict have often been overlooked in favour of political and geopolitical readings since the Syrian withdrawal in 2005.1 The same is true of the Arab Spring of 2011. Granted, the search for freedom and democracy are universal aspirations. But the deterioration of real or perceived living conditions and a frustration born of unequal economic growth also generates political contestation.2 The endemic conflicts in Lebanon are thus not a simple effect of regional geo- politics, even if they accentuate the internal problems. Based on my experi- ence living in Lebanon (2003–7) and research in political geography in this country conducted over the past decade, this chapter argues that the policy of reconstruction3 followed by Prime Minister Rafik Hariri and his succes- sors in this post4 is largely responsible for the current crisis, because it was unable to solve any of the pre-1975 problems.
[Show full text]