For the study of Liberal, SDP and Issue 38 / Spring 2003 / £5.00 Liberal Democrat history

Journal of LiberalHI ST O R Y

Roy Jenkins 1920 – 2003 Andrew Adonis The man who towered above left and right Roy Jenkins remembered Roy Jenkins The British Liberal tradition Robert Shiels Lawyer, politician, judge The life of Tommy Shaw Mark Rathbone The Rainbow Circle and the New Liberalism Lawrence Iles Campaigner against slavery Biography of Sir John Harris Liberal Democrat History Group Issue 38: Spring 2003 Journal of Liberal History The Journal of Liberal History is published 3 Editorial quarterly by the Liberal Democrat History Group. Welcome to the new-look Journal of Liberal History ISSN 1479-9642 4 Roy Jenkins remembered Editor: Duncan Brack The man who towered above left and right; by Andrew Adonis Deputy Editor: Sarah Taft Assistant Editor: Alison Smith Biographies Editor: Robert Ingham 6 Interviewing Roy Jenkins Reviews Editor: Sam Crooks Adrian Slade conducted the last major interview given by Roy Jenkins, in November 2002 Patrons Dr Eugenio Biagini; Professor Michael Freeden; 10 The British Liberal tradition Professor Earl Russell; Professor John Vincent From Gladstone to uoung Churchill, Asquith and Lloyd George – is Blair their heir? by Roy Jenkins Editorial Board Dr Malcolm Baines; Dr Roy Douglas; Dr Barry 18 Writing about Roy Doyle; Dr David Dutton; Professor David Obituaries and appreciation; reviewed by Neil Stockley Gowland; Dr Richard Grayson; Dr Michael Hart; Peter Hellyer; Ian Hunter; Dr J. Graham Jones; Tony Little; Professor Ian Machin; Dr Mark Pack; 21 Pioneering spirit Dr John Powell; Jaime Reynolds; Iain Sharpe Did Benjamin Franklin invent community politics? by Tony Little Editorial/Correspondence 22 Lawyer, politician and judge Contributions to the Journal – letters, articles, Robert Shiels examines the career of Tommy Shaw (1850–1937) and book reviews – are invited. The Journal is a refereed publication; all articles submitted will be reviewed. Contributions should be sent to: 24 The Rainbow Circle Duncan Brack (Editor) and the New Liberalism; by Mark Rathbone 38 Salford Road, London SW2 4BQ email: [email protected]

29 Campaigner against slavery All articles copyright © Journal of Liberal History. The life and career of Sir John Harris (1874–1940); by Lawrence Iles Advertisements 32 Report: Remembering Jo Adverts are welcome; please contact the Editor with Michael McManus, William Wallace, Tony Greaves and Tom Dale; report by for rates. Graham Lippiatt Subscriptions/Membership 37 Archives An annual subscription to the Journal of Liberal Bodleian Library, University of Oxford; by Helen Langley, Elizabeth Turner and History costs £10.00 (£5.00 unwaged rate). Samuel Hyde This includes membership of the History Group unless you inform us otherwise. 38 Reviews Overseas subscribers should add £5.00; or, a special three-year rate is available for David Cannadine: Ornamentalism, reviewed by Tony Little; Martin Pugh: The £40.00 total. Pankhursts, reviewed by Sam Crooks; John Powell (ed.): Liberal by Principle: The Politics of John Wodehouse, 1st Earl of Kimberley, reviewed by David Cloke Cheques (payable to ‘Liberal Democrat History Group’) should be sent to: 43 Research Patrick Mitchell The History of Parliament Project; by Paul Seaward 6 Palfrey Place, London SW8 1PA; email: [email protected]

Cover design concept: Lynne Featherstone Liberal Democrat History Group Published by the Liberal Democrat History The Liberal Democrat History Group promotes the discussion and research of historical Group, c/o 38 Salford Road, London SW2 4BQ topics relating to the histories of the Liberal Democrats, Liberal Party, and SDP, and of Liberalism. The Group organises discussion meetings and produces the Journal and other Printed by Kall-Kwik, occasional publications. 426 Chiswick High Road, London W4 5TF For more information, including details of publications, back issues of the Journal, tape records of meetings and archive and other research sources, see our web site at: www.liberalhistory.org.uk. March 2003 Hon President: Earl Russell Chair: Tony Little

2 Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 Editorial Next issue

elcome to the first – but that broad spread was he next issue of the Journal of Liberal History, no. 39, issue of the Journal not necessarily apparent will be a special issue, devoted to the history of the Wof Liberal History. from the title. TSocial Democratic Party – but with a difference. We Or, to be more precise, the Consultation with the will be using more than sixty cartoons, originally drawn for thirty-eighth issue of the membership of the His- the Social Democrat newspa- publication first known as the tory Group failed to discover per, to illustrate the seven- Liberal Democrat History Group any opposition to the name year rise and fall of the SDP. Newsletter and then (from is- change – which now brings The original cartoons sue 17) the Journal of Liberal the Journal into line with the themselves will be available for Democrat History. titles of our books (Dictionary sale, with Journal subscribers Why another change of of Liberal Biography, Dictionary enjoying a 20% discount off name? Some time ago, mem- of Liberal Quotations, Great Lib- gallery prices. Journal readers bers of the Journal’s Editorial eral Speeches) and our website are also invited to a special Board suggested that the ‘Lib- (www.liberalhistory.org.uk). private view of the originals at eral Democrat’ tag identified And with a name change, London’s Gallery 33. See the the Journal too closely with the also a change in the Journal’s leaflet enclosed with this issue party, and lessened its appeal to design, building on advice for more information. non-party members. given us by professional de- Together with articles by As regular readers will be signers. Inevitably this will Bill Rodgers, Chris Ren- aware, we exist to promote take a few issues to bed down, nard and Conrad Russell, a the discussion and research but we hope you like the comprehensive bibliography of historical topics relating new-look and new-name and chronology, this edition to the histories of the Liber- Journal just as much, if not should be special indeed. al Democrats, Liberal Party, more, than before. Look out for Journal 39, and SDP, and of Liberalism Duncan Brack (Editor) available in June. Imitation is the sincerest form of flattery … (part II)

ith the long-term trade unionist and former David Hill, the former Chief government. This was clearly success of the Liberal Labour General Secretary Media Spokesperson of the demonstrated by the quality WDemocrat History Lord (Tom) Sawyer and Labour Party, and Tim Allan, of the contributions made Group now established and a former Fabian General Sec- the former Deputy Press Sec- by young Labour members Conservative History Group retary Dianne Hayter. Other retary to Tony Blair. A Labour to the Dictionary of Labour recently launched (see Journal participants in the discussion History Journal is planned, Biography. We hope to provide 37), you might be forgiven for included former Opposition initially twice a year, featuring a lively and inclusive forum wondering whether Labour Chief Whip and MP Lord articles, biographical portraits for those wishing to discuss were now going to try and get Graham of Edmonton, Tony of Labour figures, reports of and debate the key episodes in on the act. Well you would Crosland’s former PPS Dick meetings, reviews and news of in the Labour Party’s history.’ almost be right – or left even Leonard, and MPs Chris Bry- forthcoming events. For more information – since the Labour History ant and John Spellar. Chair Greg Rosen said: please contact Greg Rosen Group actually launched last More meetings are ‘We were really pleased with ([email protected]) or summer, in July 2002. planned, and also a magazine, the launch and the team is Jayant Chavda (jayantchavda Its launch meeting, a de- though in the Fabian tradi- now working hard to build @hotmail.com). Membership bate entitled ‘Labour’s Second tion of gradualism, getting on that event. There is a costs £10 (or £5 conces- Term: Lessons from History’ the organisation up and run- myth that Labour’s young sions; cheque payable to the brought a varied audience ning has taken a few months. members are uninterested in ‘Labour History Group’) to the historic Moses Room Forthcoming events will in- the party’s history. The reality and should be sent to Patrick in Parliament to discus and clude a historical perspective is that there is a great deal Loughran, Labour History ruminate. The panel included on Labour and the media, led of interest in understanding Group, Suite 5, 4th Floor, historian and biographer by Harold Wilson’s former the historical context 2 Caxton Street, London Lord (Kenneth O.) Morgan, Press Secretary Joe Haines, of the current Labour SW1H 0QE.

Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 3 Roy Jenkins (Lord Jenkins of Hillhead) died on 5 January 2003, at the age of 82. He was a good friend to the Liberal Democrat History Group, speaking at several of our meetings and contributing a number of articles to the Journal. Andrew Adonis, Jenkins’ authorised biographer and currently Head of Policy in 10 Downing Street, wrote this appreciation of his life, which first appeared in The Times under the title ‘The man who towered above left and right’. ROY JENKINS REMEMBERED hortly before his passion which few devote to any was of Britain’s electoral system, sudden death, Roy one of those pursuits. It was the which usually invests power in Jenkins called to combination of these, together broad social coalition parties led discuss his next with Oxford, his wife Jennifer from the centre – a force the book. He had almost and the influence of his remark- SDP/Liberals could not become Sfinished writing a life of FDR, able father, a Welsh collier who without winning more Labour already two books on from his won a scholarship to Ruskin Col- voters than they were able to epic Churchill published barely lege, which formed his outlook. once Denis Healey had beaten sixteen months ago, and he did Churchill, Jenkins liked to joke, the left-winger Tony Benn for not want ‘an excessive interlude’ ‘combined a puritan work ethic the Labour deputy leadership. before his next project. He was with a great capacity for pleasure, After the failure of the SDP, ‘veering strongly’ towards JFK, even self-indulgence, a combina- new Labour successfully built its ‘who, with his circle, were for me tion I find very attractive’. coalition out from the Labour the glamour of the sixties, and His instinct for rating and clas- heartlands into new territory. whose reputation is I think in sifying was an abiding Oxford However much or little this proc- need of re-rating upwards’. It was trait. And the desire to ‘upgrade’ ess owed to the Jenkins legacy, a neat vignette of Lord Jenkins’s Kennedy, a glamorous liberal the result is precisely the kind unstinting appetite for work and President leading a broad social of broad cross-class coalition led play, and his view of the good coalition in pursuit of moder- from the centre-left which he life (even at the age of 82) as one ate progress, was of a piece with preached, a movement of breadth which keeps the two in harmony. principles and prejudices in- and dynamism to match those led A day without work – he typi- grained by the time Jenkins left by Gladstone, Asquith and Attlee cally wrote 500 words daily until Balliol for war in 1942. But what in their heydays. his death – was as rare as a day of his ranking on the scoreboard Jenkins’s other achievements without a good lunch. of political history? are less disputed – the bold re- The gibe of dilettantism, di- Most disputed is the wisdom forming Home Secretary, the rected by erstwhile cabinet col- of breaking with Labour and es- resolute Chancellor who salvaged leagues, was the opposite of the tablishing the SDP in 1981, and the first Wilson Government truth. Jenkins was thoroughly the impact of that on Labour’s and Labour’s claim to governing dedicated, even driven. Politics, reformation under Neil Kin- competence, and the pro-Euro- literary endeavour and a wide so- nock and his successors. Perhaps peanism which did so much to cial circle were all pursued with a Jenkins’s critical misjudgment inspire a progressive generation

4 Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 ROY JENKINS REMEMBERED and to establish Britain as a seri- empowerment as the principle Churchill, to enact abortion and sexual law ous force in the EU. of progress. reforms that would have proved As the details of past battles By the early sixties these Jenkins impossible to pass quickly as fade, it is as a political inspiration elements had combined with government measures. He took that Jenkins will stand out. And in an ardent Europeanism and a liked to the helm at the Treasury after one respect above all: as a beguil- conviction of the need to liber- the catastrophe of devaluation in ingly tough radical who was seri- alise (or ‘civilise’ as he put it) the joke, ‘com- November 1967 and within two ous about power yet never saw relationship between state and bined a years the balance of payments the ‘radical Centre’ as a mushy citizen, to create a set of ideals and public finances were largely territory of no fixed beliefs. He and objectives more radical and puritan restored. His only regret was that refused to equate centre-left relevant than anything on offer he failed to act more decisively to moderation with weakness – and from either the Labour left or work ethic raise taxes at the outset. his new Labour heirs are in the the Tory right until the rise of ‘He was a very considerable same mould. Thatcher. By 1960 Jenkins was with a servant of the state; he kept the Little given to the cant of calling for ‘wholesale reform’ in greatca- train of government on the rails party politics, Jenkins generally the Home Office, for the state to over difficult stretches of country,’ avoided calling himself a social- ‘do much less to restrict personal pacity for Jenkins writes of Harold Wilson, ist even while climbing the La- freedom’, and he had resigned in a forthcoming essay intended bour ladder. His earliest political from the Labour front bench in pleasure, as another ‘re-rating upwards’. tract, published in 1953, Pursuit protest at his mentor Gaitskell’s The same could be said of Jenkins of Progress, set his creed in the failure to embrace Europe. even self- himself. But more than that, he ‘English progressive tradition’ He was as rigorous in govern- indulgence, was a bold social democratic re- bestriding Liberals and Labour. ment as in his thinking. As Home former with a rare talent to trans- Unambiguously on the left, Secretary in 1965, Jenkins’s first a combina- late vision into reality through with a coherent argument for act was to change the entire man- force of personality and, at his greater equality (including more agement of the Home Office, tion I find peak, a superb mastery of the art public ownership – a cause he including his do-nothing Per- of politics. dropped through experience), it manent Secretary, a decision that very attrac- also argued for levelling up not enabled the enactment of a com- tive’. This appreciation first appeared in down, for economic stability and prehensive liberal programme in The Times of 7 January 2003, and dynamism as the precondition only 23 months. He skilfully used is reprinted with the kind permission for reform, and for individual Private Member’s Bills as devices of the author.

Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 5 INTERVIEWING ROY JENKINS

The last major interview Roy Jenkins gave, in November 2002, was to Adrian Slade, on behalf of Liberal Democrat News and the Journal of Liberal History.

Roy Jenkins, since 1987 Lord Jenkins of y primary in- remains the best prime minister Hillhead, first entered terest in recent that the country never had. He parliament in 1948. It times has been certainly shares with Churchill my writing,’ that rare gift of continuing to lead seems hard to believe he says. ‘I don’t political thinking while writing of a man who still gets ‘Mknow whether reading the papers lengthy, elegant and highly read- is useful but I still like to keep in able books. Anyone who has not up at around 6.30a.m., touch with the political process.’ read his Asquith and Gladstone is goes for a walk, reads Following his much praised biog- missing out on fascinating politi- raphy of Churchill, his new book, cal history. the newspapers for Twelve Cities, which he modestly Roy Jenkins started in senior an hour and a half dismisses as ‘rather self-indul- office as Minister of Aviation gent’, has just been published, in Harold Wilson’s government over breakfast and and he is working on a biography of 1964. He was soon given spends the rest of the of Franklin D. Roosevelt. ‘It will the Home Office, where, dur- be relatively short, about 70,000 ing his two and a half years, he morning writing a few words,’ he says. ‘It’s mainly for the introduced a series of reforming American market.’ That may be, measures, particularly in the fields thousand more words but it is an even bet that, short of sex discrimination, race rela- of his next book. No or long, Liberal Democrats will tions and penal reform, of which want to read it too. he remains rightly proud. He also doubt his afternoons We talked in his room in the made sure that David Steel’s pri- are spent equally busily House of Lords, where he has vate member’s bill to change the spoken in debate only a few times abortion laws was given full time researching the detail since giving up the leadership of and backing. of which his books the Liberal Democrats peers nearly In the late 1960s he became five years ago. ‘I said something on the Chancellor who got an un- are always full. He has Iraq recently but I don’t believe that stable, post-devaluation economy also been Chancellor ex-leaders should get in the way of back under control. ‘Sometimes their successors too much.’ being Chancellor is like trying of Oxford University For many older people with to build sandcastles on the beach since 1987. an interest in politics Roy Jenkins just below the high tide line,’ he

6 Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 INTERVIEWING ROY JENKINS

says, ‘But in the end I had some independent commission on popular in the Tory Party in the success.’ That success just failed to electoral reform. ‘I put a lot of seventies when they perceived it win the 1970 election for Harold effort into that,’ he says. ‘It took as a protection against some kind Wilson, but Jenkins returned as nearly a year, part of which I of Stalinist Socialist threat. They Home Secretary in 1974, when was working full time.’ So far his have fallen away now, although the principal challenge was in- proposals have been ignored, or why they haven’t come round to tense IRA activity. at least not implemented. it again, I don’t know. If I were a Were there any lessons to be Did he see any hope for them in Conservative today, which I find drawn from this experience in dealing the future? difficult to imagine, I would be with Islamic terrorism today? ‘I am not sure that I see much strongly in favour of it, if only ‘I think it is an intractable short-term hope, but I do see on the most narrow grounds of problem,’ he says ‘And I am very medium-term hope. I’ll tell you self-interest.’ sceptical that it will be helped by why. The climate has changed and Roy Jenkins himself in fact any invasion of Iraq. However is continuing to change. It is very served in two minority govern- that is done, and I do have a pretty noticeable that nobody would ments – 1964–66 and the first fundamental objection to it: I am dream of setting up a new elected parliament of 1974. not convinced that it will reduce authority of any sort these days What had been his attitude to rather than increase Islamic ter- with first-past-the-post. And possible party co-operation in those rorism against the West.’ therefore I think the House of days? When Roy Jenkins did not Commons, as a bastion of first- ‘I have always worn party af- succeed Wilson in 1976, as some past-the-postism, is becoming filiations fairly lightly,’ he says, might have expected, he was increasingly isolated. It is rather adding hastily. ‘Don’t set the appointed President of the Eu- remarkable that these days no- alarm bells ringing with that. I ropean Commission, where he body, even those most sceptical am not going to leave the Lib- worked until the formation of in the government, would dream eral Democrats. But certainly in the SDP in 1981. of proposing it for other bodies. ’64 I remember being very keen Did he regret not having become Look at the Scottish Parliament, on keeping all lines of commu- prime minister? the Welsh Assembly, the European nications to Jo Grimond well He qualifies his reply with a elections, the elected element of open, particularly when I need- broad smile. ‘Well, I would have the House of Lords, the London ed Liberal support. And in ’74, liked very much to have been Assembly. It is difficult to imag- even more strikingly, I won my prime minister,’ he admits ‘But I ine the Commons holding out own qualifications when I put am not sure how much I would indefinitely when all its outlying a paper to the cabinet in early have liked the job at the time. I bastions have fallen down.’ spring proposing a Speaker’s thought I’d say that to the retir- But wasn’t the attitude also a Conference on electoral reform. ing president of Brazil when I great deal to do with majorities in Of course, I was shot down very meet him in Oxford tomorrow. parliament? heavily. Harold Wilson wasn’t He may share my view. I also said ‘As we pointed out, slightly totally opposed but Barbara it to John Major when he asked cynically but correctly, in our Castle wrote later in her diaries me, and in return I asked him report – “When political parties that “Roy came to us with some whether he regretted having been have the will for electoral reform preposterous scheme from his prime minister. He appeared to they don’t have the authority and instinctive Liberal coalition- enjoy my question.’ when they have the authority mindedness. We sent him away Earlier in our meeting I had they don’t have the will” – and with a flea in his ear.”’ explored with him his most not even Asquith’s Liberal Party He knew Jo Grimond well in recent, perhaps his last, major was immune from that. But it is a the 1960s and they used to talk contribution to British poli- knuckle point,’ he says. ‘For exam- socially together about co-opera- tics – his chairmanship of the ple, electoral reform became very tion and realignment.

Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 7 INTERVIEWING ROY JENKINS

Did he think Grimond was a David Steel him joining the Liberal Party tainly did not think himself ac- good leader? rather than forming a separate cursed that he wasn’t there. It was ‘Yes. He opened up the field of and I al- party. ‘Some people wanted that, said to be a joke made by Owen, Lib/Lab co-operation and made and I did discuss it,’ he says. ‘But, although it was not really his style, the Liberals a much more serious ways got as I recall, it was David Steel’s that “Roy claims to love Liberals party, although he did not get view, which I shared, that this but he has never really spoken to very far with Harold Wilson with on very would have made much less of a one who isn’t called Grimond or his suggestions of an arrange- well, but breakthrough into the new poli- Bonham-Carter.” Quite untrue, ment in ’65. Actually he himself tics.’ So in 1981 four rather differ- of course, and I suspect not really cooled on co-operation later. then some ent politicians joined together to David Owen’s joke. Perhaps John For example, he was very cool found the SDP. Pardoe invented it?’ about my ’79 Dimbleby lecture.’ people ‘Bill Rodgers was always a Amid the 1981–82 Alliance In many respects this lecture on close friend and ally of mine,’ says negotiations on seats ‘when Bill the BBC had reflected Grimond’s said: ‘they Roy Jenkins. ‘Shirley slightly less Rodgers played the hard man, earlier views about realignment. would, close but also mostly an ally. The although it all seems rather trivial ‘But he did come round. He ac- odd one out was David Owen, now’, Roy Jenkins courageously tually came to Warrington during wouldn’t partly because he had about as went on the by-election stomp the by-election in ’81 and found little liberalism in him as Jack once more, this time winning himself quite impressed. And later they, be- Straw and David Blunkett. Owen Glasgow Hillhead, but following of course we had that remarkable was arguably a Social Democrat the highs of the first two years the meeting at the Liberal Assembly cause too but never a Liberal in any 1983 election result inevitably in Llandudno.’ David Steel sense. He despised not just Lib- came as a disappointment. Although he was not part of it erals but liberals with a small l. Would he have done anything dif- himself, how did Roy Jenkins view was one of David Steel and I always got on ferently and was the supposed attempt the earlier example of co-operation very well, but then some people to unseat him as Alliance leader dur- – the Lib/Lab Pact? nature’s said “they would, wouldn’t they, ing the election a factor? ‘I think it was a worthwhile because David Steel was one of ‘I had felt the beginnings of exercise but I don’t think there Social nature’s Social Democrats and the ebb tide in the by-election was enough of a union of hearts, Democrats Roy Jenkins was one of nature’s and the Falklands War accelerated as Gladstone once said about Ire- Liberals.”’ that. Also the natural tendency to land, so I don’t think it was ter- and Roy Was that important to him, perpetuate a two-party system ribly productive for the future. I given what, I suggested, were the two had begun to reassert itself. As to actually think it made it more dif- Jenkins strands within the SDP, one support- the rather disagreeable meeting ficult for David Steel to do what ing David Owen and the other the David and I had at Ettrick Bridge, he wanted to do subsequently.’ was one of other three? I don’t think it affected the re- Hadn’t the Labour Government nature’s ‘It was a little more complicat- sult much. I have never borne benefited more than the Liberals? ed than that’ he said, adding, sur- deep resentment against David ‘Well, the Liberals didn’t want Liberals’ prisingly, ‘Shirley voted for Owen about that, although I told him an election in 1977.’ in the leadership contest of 1982, afterwards that he did not handle John Pardoe said he did.’ although I think she regretted it things very well, and he agreed. ‘Ah but John Pardoe always afterwards. In fact Shirley and I David has many high accounts in loathed Social Democrats. He were the two most instinctive my balance and one small debit and Healey couldn’t get on at all liberals of the four. Bill Rodg- has never left a scar.’ and he never liked me much ei- ers, for whom I had the greatest David Owen is said to have ther. He was a curious figure but respect, always slightly believed in believed that Roy Jenkins had I was interested to read about him a more instinctively Morrisonian always envisaged merger with the again the other day.’ approach to discipline, which Liberal Party as inevitable. ‘I cer- How much, if at all, had David Shirley and I never did.’ tainly never envisaged us fighting Steel’s views influenced the creation Roy Jenkins insists firmly that each other. Where I thought the of the SDP? he had always envisaged an alli- Alliance might lead I am not ‘He was enthusiastic about ance with the Liberals, and that quite sure. I think I could sum the Dimbleby lecture and he Shirley Williams soon agreed with up my view with that Churchil- came to see me in Brussels two that. ‘Owen was never wholly lian speech on American relations or three times subsequently. We convinced and that was the real “Let it roll like the Mississippi were looking to a future of col- fault line,’ he says. ‘The Lland- and things will take their course.” laboration.’ udno Assembly and its incredible And, as you know, I subsequently Remembering long-standing atmosphere sealed it all for us, but became very keen on merger’. party speculation about the con- David Owen was in America. It He feels that over fifteen years versations between them, I asked wasn’t quite specifically that he the merger has proved very suc- whether there been any talk of had refused to come but he cer- cessful as a marriage of minds.

8 Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 INTERVIEWING ROY JENKINS

There had been very little back- have seen more but I think we In retrospect he believes biting, bitterness and jealously. were let down by the perform- that his first period as Home The original high aim, to change ance of the Conservative Party. If Secretary gave him his greatest the face of British politics, had there had been a smaller major- satisfaction as a minister and, not been achieved but the Lib- ity, things might well have been although he was reluctant to eral Democrats had made politics different,’ he believes. ‘I said to answer my question, he says he more tolerable and the fact of the Blair, and I think he rather likes would like to be remembered party’s presence had undoubtedly sweeping perspectives of that by future generations as some- changed the Labour Party. ‘I don’t kind, “Lib–Lab rivalry turned the one who, during a long political think that necessarily damages 20th century into a Tory century life, remained consistent in his our own long-term prospects’ in the way the 19th had not been. broadly left-of-centre views he says, ‘but without the pres- I don’t want to see that happen in without having swung violently ence of the Liberal/SDP Alliance the 21st century.”’ about. ‘But also’ he concludes and our merged party there is no Given his obvious disappoint- ‘For managing, and it is an doubt that Labour have spiralled ment on that score, not necessarily a increasingly rare thing in Brit- downwards, and Blair would not disappointment shared by all Liberal ish politics, to combine being have been able to impose the re- Democrats, what did he think of the a fairly major politician with formism on the Labour party that concept of ‘effective opposition’? many outside interests, without he has.’ ‘I think that is the best role for being dominated by them.’ Roy Jenkins was one of Paddy now that we can possibly pursue. With which assessment most Ashdown’s most enthusiastic sup- I believe full amalgamation is people would readily concur. porters in his bid for closer links dead, at least for some time to with Blair’s Labour Party. come, but I don’t think Paddy A shorter version of this interview was Did he think more should have was wrong to pursue it. It’s often first published in Liberal Democrat happened subsequently? worth pursuing holy grails that News in January 2003 ‘Yes, I would have liked to you don’t necessarily achieve.’

RESEARCH IN PROGRESS If you can help any of the individuals listed below with sources, contacts, or any other information — or if you know anyone who can — please pass on details to them. Details of other research projects in progress should be sent to the Editor (see page 2) for inclusion here.

Cornish Methodism and Cornish political identity, 1918–1960s. The Liberal Party and the wartime coalition 1940–45. Sources, Researching the relationship through oral history. Kayleigh Milden, particularly on Sinclair as Air Minister, and on Harcourt Johnstone, Institute of Cornish Studies, Hayne Corfe Centre, Sunningdale, Truro Dingle Foot, Lord Sherwood and Sir Geoffrey Maunder (Sinclair’s PPS) TR1 3ND; [email protected]. particularly welcome. Ian Hunter, 9 Defoe Avenue, Kew, Richmond TW9 4DL; [email protected]. The Hon H. G. Beaumont (MP for Eastbourne 1906–10). Any information welcome – especially from anyone having access to The political life and times of Josiah Wedgwood MP. Study of the material about the history of Liberalism in Eastbourne – particularly political life of this radical MP, hoping to shed light on the question on his political views (he stood as a Radical). Tim Beaumont, 40 Elms of why the Labour Party replaced the Liberals as the primary popular Road, London SW4 9EX. representatives of radicalism in the 1920s. Paul Mulvey, 112 Richmond Avenue, London N1 0LS; [email protected]. The letters of Richard Cobden (1804–65). Knowledge of the whereabouts of any letters written by Cobden in private hands, Recruitment of Liberals into the Conservative Party, 1906–1935. autograph collections, and obscure locations in the UK and abroad for a Aims to suggest reasons for defections of individuals and develop an complete edition of his letters. Dr A. Howe, Department of International understanding of changes in electoral alignment. Sources include History, London School of Economics, Houghton Street, London WC2A personal papers and newspapers; suggestions about how to get hold 2AE; [email protected]. (For further details of the Cobden Letters of the papers of more obscure Liberal defectors welcome. Cllr Nick Project, see www.lse.ac.uk/collections/cobdenLetters/). Cott, 1a Henry Street, Gosforth, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, NE3 1DQ; [email protected]. Liberal foreign policy in the 1930s. Focussing particularly on Liberal anti-appeasers. Michael Kelly, 12 Collinbridge Road, Whitewell, The Welsh Liberal Tradition – A History of the Liberal Party in Newtownabbey, Co. Antrim BT36 7SN; [email protected]. Wales 1868–2003. Research spans thirteen decades of Liberal history in Wales but concentrates on the post-1966 formation of the Welsh Liberal policy towards Austria-Hungary, 1905–16. Andrew Federal Party. Any memories and information concerning the post- Gardner, 17 Upper Ramsey Walk, Canonbury, London N1 2RP; 1966 era or even before welcomed. The research is to be published [email protected]. in book form by Welsh Academic Press. Dr Russell Deacon, Centre for Liberals and the local government of London 1919–39. Chris Humanities, University of Wales Institute Cardiff, Cyncoed Campus, Fox, 173 Worplesdon Road, Guildford GU2 6XD; christopher.fox7@ Cardiff CF23 6XD; [email protected]. virgin.net.

Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 9 THE BRITISH LIBERAL TRADITION

From Gladstone to young Churchill, Asquith, and Lloyd George – is Blair their heir?

In this wide-ranging lecture, Roy Jenkins (Lord Jenkins of t is a great pleasure to me Princeton, in the presence of to pay what I think is my that powerful personality who, Hillhead, Chancellor seventh visit to the city of of all the major US foreign of Oxford University), Toronto, but my first for policy advisers in the days of the nearly four years; and to so-called Imperial Presidency, told the story of the Ispeak under the auspices of Vic- had the distinction of being toria University but within the almost invariably (so I thought) rise and fall of the territory of the University of To- on the right side. Senator Keith Liberal Party under ronto. As Chancellor of Oxford I Davey is in that position today, am closely familiar with the com- and I am honoured that he and prime ministers plicated – sometimes delicate, but his wife are here. Gladstone, Churchill, on the whole amicable – relations Now this is essentially a his- between free-standing colleges. torical lecture, centred around the Asquith and Lloyd We have thirty-nine of them, figures named in the somewhat George, and explored varying in age between 750 and cumbersome title. It is the story 10 years – and varying in wealth, of the rise and fall of the British the place of the current too – and an overarching but far Liberal Party as a governing party, prime minister, Tony from all-powerful university. with a final section on where I am also delighted to be Tony Blair stands in relation to Blair, in this tradition. asked to give the Keith Davey the Liberal tradition. There may lecture, which already in its four be some lessons for Canadian years of existence has achieved politics in the story, but if there The British Liberal a considerable reputation – and are, I leave it to you to draw them. Tradition was the not only for snowstorms. I have I have always found it unwise to given quite a lot of named lec- lecture an audience on a subject fourth annual Senator tures, but only very rarely with about which they manifestly the pleasure but also the chal- know more than I do. Keith Davey Lecture, lenge of having the eponymous I think, however, that I ought delivered at Victoria figure present and sitting in the to give you a few introductory middle of the first row. I think words on my own political posi- University, University the last occasion was when I tion. I have always been a liberal of Toronto, in 2000. gave a George Ball lecture at with a small ‘l’ but I am proud

10 Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 THE BRITISH LIBERAL TRADITION

today to call myself a Liberal with of the House of Lords who were also contributed. Another three a capital ‘L’ as well – a Liberal present, there were several Whig future prime ministers – Rose- Democrat, of the party that was magnates, who could easily have bery, Campbell-Bannerman, and formed in 1987 by amalgamation accommodated the whole lot in Asquith – were not present for with the SDP, made up mainly of their own London house. And the good reason that they were those who had come out of the there was also the Reform Club, respectively aged twelve, twenty- Labour Party in 1981 and had built to Charles Barry’s palatial three, and six at the time. Nor was already fought three general elec- design only sixteen years before, Lloyd George, who was aged mi- tions in close alliance with the and then – as it no longer is – po- nus four, and who in any event was old Liberal Party. We are a party litically partisan, which would a somewhat doubtful member of with a very strong base in local have been more than adequately the sextet or septet, for although he government – cities and counties welcoming. But Willis’s Rooms was a prime minister – and a most – plus 46 seats in the House of it was. And what there took place notable one – who was a Liberal, Commons. And over the last four had a remarkable impact on the he never presided over a Liberal general elections we have polled political life of Britain for at government, and indeed did a great an average of around 20 per cent least the next six decades. In this deal to break the Liberal Party as of the popular vote. context it was the equivalent of an instrument of government. But The Liberal Party was born Martin Luther nailing his notice the most surprising absentee was at a meeting in Willis’s Rooms, to the church door in Wittenberg, Gladstone, who was the greatest St James’s, London, on the after- or of the embattled farmers by beneficiary of the event, and who noon of the 6th of June, 1859. the rood bridge at Lexington in his four premierships was the It was an odd place for the ac- firing ‘the shot heard round the dominant Liberal figure of the couchement of what was to be world’. remaining forty-one years of the a largely nonconformist, even in Of the six (or maybe seven) nineteenth century. He deliberately many ways a puritanical party, for Liberal prime ministers of the next stood back. Willis’s Rooms, was, as its name sixty years, the first two, Palmer- Gladstone, who in my view implies, a faintly rakish locale. It ston and Lord John Russell, were was undoubtedly the great- was the successor to Almack’s, a present at the creation. Indeed, by est British prime minister of fine haunt of early nineteenth- their somewhat pro forma expres- the nineteenth century, just as century gambling and general sions of mutual respect, they made Churchill was of the twentieth, dissipation. Furthermore, among the occasion, to which John Bright, had not of course started his the 274 MPs and many members a greater orator than a minister, long political career, spanning

Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 11 THE BRITISH LIBERAL TRADITION

imperial pretension and showi- ness of the fourth quarter of the century. There was no tendency to imperial braggadocio or ex- pansionary wars in the post-Peel third quarter. Indeed, the tenden- cy was to reduce imperial com- mitments, as in the British North America Act of 1867 – the first major move toward self-govern- ment and the surrender of power within the British Empire. Gladstone was an adjutant of and the heir to Peel. He was left a powerful but uprooted politi- cian throughout the 1850s. He was powerful because of his phenomenal energy and ora- torical force – ‘the tremendous projectile’ was a sobriquet aptly bestowed upon him. But he was uprooted because the Peelites, after the death of their leader in 1850, became a party of high quality but of few numbers, who were in transit from a Tory shore to – probably but not certainly – a Liberal harbour. Gladstone’s trouble was that he found almost equally antipathetic the beckon- sixty-three years in the House of William Ewart 1830 and 1848. Britain was also ing lights of both the departed Commons, as a Liberal. Indeed, Gladstone still suffering from a long, post- shore (in the shape of Disraeli) he had been referred to in 1839 (1809–98) Napoleonic Wars depression, and and the other bank (in the shape by Thomas Babington Macaulay her public finances were in an ap- of Palmerston). He distrusted famously and somewhat satiri- palling state. Interest on debt ac- them both – so he took some cally as ‘the rising hope of those counted for half the budget, and time to make up his mind. This stern and unbending Tories’. the other half was substantially was the reason he did not go to But he became a key figure in made up by the payment of a Willis’s Rooms. But he eventually the 1841–46 government of Sir great number of sinecure salaries. decided that Palmerston had at Robert Peel, which was nomi- Her revenue – admittedly only least the advantage of being the nally Conservative, although not £47 million – came from a vast older – twenty-five years his sen- nearly enough so for Disraeli, spread of over 750 mostly illogi- ior, whereas Disraeli was only five who made his name by splitting cal customs and excise duties. The years so. Gladstone was never a from Peel, although at the price Peel reforms not only repealed cynic, but he could sometimes act of making the Conservative the Corn Laws – which led to in a way that cynics might regard Party very nearly unelectable for the split with Disraeli and other as well calculated to suit his future twenty years. old-guard Conservatives – but political convenience. So in 1859 Peel did a great deal to lay the also cleared up a good deal of the he formed a ‘hostile partnership’ foundations of Liberal England. mess and gave Britain the oppor- with Palmerston under which he At the beginning of the Peel tunity to be the major free-trade/ was for six years his Chancellor of government, Britain was far from free-market industrial power of the Exchequer, disagreeing with being the stable and prosperous the world. And it made the third him on almost everything, for parliamentary semi-democracy quarter of the nineteenth century Palmerston by the 1860s had be- of the middle and late Victorian – in complete contrast with the come a Liberal only in the sense period. Chartist agitation was at second quarter – the period of that he believed in keeping the its height in the couple of years Britain’s most unchallenged in- Conservatives out of office. Yet before the Peel government came dustrial supremacy in the world, somehow the two jogged along in, and Britain was regarded as and with a marked spreading of together, with mutual respect just as potentially eruptive a so- quiet, unostentatious prosperity mingled with disagreement, ciety as France, which bracketed and greater political calm. It was with each observing the other’s those years with revolutions in also a period unsullied by the prerogatives, and with Gladstone

12 Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 THE BRITISH LIBERAL TRADITION knowing that Palmerston could nineteenth-century triumph of more dominant figure in the not last much longer. When he rational internationalism over country, both loved and hated. died, still in office and very old short-sighted jingoism; it also The phrase the Grand Old Man, for the period, on the eve of his marked the crucial divide be- or GOM, increasingly used, was eighty-first birthday, there was a tween the previous hundred years coined only in 1881. His last two short Russell interregnum until of two Anglo-American wars and governments, the one lasting only 1867, when Gladstone succeeded the twentieth-century habit of six months and the fourth no to the full leadership, which he close North Atlantic cooperation. more than twenty, were domi- was to occupy until 1894, ex- All this, and other, lesser nated by Gladstone’s conviction cept for the few years of nominal measures, too, added up to a that home rule (that is, without withdrawal in the late 1870s in formidable record for a single a separate foreign policy or mili- order to write theology. Yet this government. Like nearly all gov- tary independence) was the only withdrawal enhanced rather than ernments, it ended badly, but its solution for Ireland. He arrived at diminished his power and indis- five-and-one-quarter years of this view by a solitary process of pensability over twenty-seven office made it in many ways the ratiocination over the summer years and four premierships. outstanding administration of the of 1885, a process that involved These four premierships were century. much study of the Canada Acts of of varying quality. The first was Gladstone led three subse- 1840 and of 1867. probably the best. It disestablished quent governments. He was He was overwhelmingly right the Anglican church in Ireland, the only man in Britain ever to on the issue. There was no other thus ending the anomaly of the achieve four separate premier- way that the albatross of the Irish religion of a tiny minority of ships, and the only one ever problem could be cut from the the population enjoying full state to be in office until the age of neck of British politics. But he privilege. Gladstone personally eighty-four, beating both Palm- was not good at presenting this remained a passionately commit- erston and Churchill – his near- dramatic change of position to ted high Anglican to the end of est rivals in this respect – by over his major colleagues. As a result his life, certainly more religiously three years. But none of these he lost two of them, Hartington, committed than any subsequent three subsequent governments later Duke of Devonshire, from prime minister except perhaps Herbert Henry compared in achievement with the right of the party and Joseph for Mr Blair, but he moved from Asquith (1852– the first, although paradoxically Chamberlain from the left, while a very authoritarian position on 1928) he personally became an ever the loyalty of several others was religion in his early books to a belief in full tolerance for others. The University Tests Act opened Oxford and Cambridge to dis- senters and Roman Catholics. That first government also cre- ated the Ballot Act, which even with the limited franchise of less than three million was essential to fair as opposed to influenced voting. There was also an Educa- tion Act that for the first time provided a national framework of elementary schools to supple- ment the previous, religion-based system, which had been patchy. Internationally, Britain kept out of the Franco-Prussian War in 1870, and in 1872 accepted the Alabama award, which involved Britain paying a vast sum in damages (5 per cent of the total budget) to the United States in compensation for the activities of a British-built and -launched Atlantic raider, which the Con- federacy had used during the Civil War to inflict grave damage on Union shipping. This settle- ment was more than the greatest

Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 13 THE BRITISH LIBERAL TRADITION severely strained, though with- most of them could not easily Baldwin, Eden after Churchill, out breaking. The Hartington/ hear what he was saying, and even Douglas Home after Macmillan, Chamberlain defection was when, if they could, it was pretty Callaghan after Wilson, and Ma- enough to defeat the first Home recondite stuff. His oratory was jor after Thatcher. Rule Bill (that of 1886) in the intensely physical – the flash of After Rosebery had flounced House of Commons. The second his eagle’s eye, the swoop of his out, the Liberal Party was split (that of 1893) got through the cadences, the drama of his ges- into three factions by the South Commons by a narrow major- tures. It took a physical form that African war, and appeared for ity of 34, but foundered in the he might have used for perverse half a generation almost as un- House of Lords by a crushing purposes, but did not. The Queen electable as Disraeli had made the majority of 419 to 41. It was one thought he might become ‘a Conservative Party in the middle of the most short-sighted votes half-mad dictator’ but few oth- of the nineteenth century, and as ever cast in that archaic chamber, ers did. He was deeply imbedded the Labour Party was made by the historical sagacity of which in the parliamentary process and the defection of Ramsay Mac- is often exaggerated, for with it gave almost too much respect Donald in the 1930s and made there disappeared the last hope of He was not to his cabinet colleagues, never itself throughout the 1980s and Anglo-Irish reconciliation within necessarily sacking them. He believed in an the beginning of the 1990s. There a common British polity. international rule of law, as he were only three years of rather And with it too (or very soon the great- showed in the Alabama case, and hesitant Liberal office between afterwards) there disappears from in the concert of Europe. Securus 1886 and 1905. my theme (but certainly not from est prime judicat ortis terrarum – the united Then, in the strange way that history) William Ewart Glad- verdict of the whole world must parties recover, sometimes when stone. He was not necessarily the minister be accepted as conclusive – was they are least expected to do so, greatest prime minister – I think – I think I his favourite precept, and mostly the tail end of the long Con- I would put Churchill higher be- it was also his practice. servative government provided cause he so matched his hour and would put In spite of all this he did not the Liberals with a number of succeeded in his central purpose leave much of an immediate leg- defensive rather than adventurous – but Gladstone was certainly the Churchill acy to the Liberal Party. He was issues on which they could come most remarkable specimen of hu- never much interested in social together. Joseph Chamberlain, manity ever to inhabit 10 Down- higher be- reform – or constructive radi- perhaps the greatest wrecking ing Street. This was so first be- cause he calism, as he sceptically called it genius of British politics, hav- cause of his phenomenal energy, – which was coming increasingly ing split the Liberals over home both physical and mental, which so matched into fashion at the turn of the rule in 1886, proceeded to split led to his touching life at so many century. His immediate successor the Conservatives over protec- different points. This displayed his hour (although not his choice) for the tion and Imperial Preference in itself in his climbing Ben Macd- tail end of that Liberal govern- 1903. Balfour equivocated, and hue – an eight-hour round trip and suc- ment of 1892–95 was the 5th Earl the Liberals, fortified by a few – during a visit to Queen Victoria ceeded in of Rosebery, who was perhaps the Conservative floor-crossing re- at Balmoral in his seventy-fifth least satisfactory of all the Liberal cruits, of whom by far the most year; and in his engaging with his central prime ministers, despite being a notable was twenty-nine-year- vigour in almost every theologi- powerful, somewhat florid ora- old Winston Churchill, rallied cal and doctrinal dispute of the purpose tor and an elegant literary stylist. to the defence of traditional free late nineteenth century, of which But he was extremely selfish, trade. A Conservative Education there were many; and in his fill- – but Glad- always complaining, and veered Bill, which, while rather progres- ing in time, when he was prime stone was off far to the right soon after sive, nonetheless offended the minister, by translating the odes he left office. Nor was he a nice sectarian susceptibilities of the of Horace and writing slightly certainly man. Just as Gladstone was the mainly Liberal nonconformists, fantastical critiques of Homer, in greatest human being to occupy was another piece of cement for which he endeavoured to portray the most 10 Downing Street, so Rosebery the Liberals. him as part of the headwaters of may well have been the nastiest. Sir Henry Campbell-Ban- Christianity; and in his claim, sur- remarkable But even had he possessed more nerman, a benign walrus of a prisingly well authenticated, that specimen virtues he probably would not man who had been drafted in he had read 20,000 books – an have had a successful premier- as leader at the time of greatest average of nearly three hundred a of human- ship. ‘Tail-end Charlies’ – in other schisms, successfully put together year – during his reading lifetime. words, those who come in after a a government at the end of 1905, And second because of the ity ever to long and powerful prime minister after the Balfour government riveting nature of his oratory, of the same party – practically collapsed, and proceeded to win which enabled him to hold great inhabit 10 never do. This has been true not one of the only three (the others popular audiences spellbound Downing only of Rosebery after Gladstone were Labour in 1945 and 1997) for several hours at a time even but also of Balfour after Salis- left-of-centre landslide majorities when, without amplification, Street. bury, Neville Chamberlain after in the largely Tory-dominated

14 Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 THE BRITISH LIBERAL TRADITION

twentieth century. Campbell- for the speedy and calm dis- David Lloyd controversial bill of the new Bannerman was quite a success- charge of public business. He George government – education, licens- ful if easy-going prime minister did not have the charisma of his (1863–1945) ing (of alcoholic sales), a Scot- for two-and-one-quarter years. distinguished lieutenants Lloyd and Winston tish land bill – was destroyed He combined a taste for French George and Churchill, but for Churchill by the House of Lords. Until culture and fashionable German at least the first six years of his (1874–1965) that veto could be limited, the spas with a determined Scottish premiership he had the natural government with the biggest radicalism. Edward VII paid him authority to remain in reason- majority in recent history was the compliment – very high from able control of them, and the locked in a vice of impotence. that self-indulgent gourmand confidence to give them room It was Asquith’s great achieve- source – of saying that ‘Banner- for plenty of initiatives. He did ment that he loosened that vice. man knows how to order a good not have an adventurous mind He encouraged Lloyd George, dinner in all the best restaurants that breached new frontiers, but whom he made chancellor when of Europe’. But from the begin- he had knowledge, judgment, he became prime minister, to take ning, the real lynchpin of the insight, and tolerance. He was command of the cavalry advance government was the Chancellor a great peacetime prime minis- guard in this battle, and Churchill of the Exchequer, Herbert Henry ter, and I would place him very to be his second-in-command. Asquith, who succeeded effort- high among the nineteen of the But it was Asquith himself who lessly to the top job when Camp- twentieth century’s, either sec- retained calm control of the bell-Bannerman’s health failed ond or third. Like those other central operation, after the two in 1908. Bannerman died in 10 considerable radical prime min- general elections in one year Downing Street, the only prime, isters, Gladstone before him and that were necessary to persuade minister to do so, for power is Attlee (Labour prime minister the King that he had no alter- generally speaking a considerable from 1945 to 1951) afterwards, native but to agree, if necessary, preservative. he was a man of rather con- to create enough new peers to Asquith was the last head servative, establishment tastes in override the massive Conserva- of a Liberal government. He everything outside politics. tive majority in the Lords and to was a highly educated classi- Throughout the Campbell- replace the absolute veto with a cist from a lower-middle-class Bannerman period it did not suspensory one of just over two background, with as natural an matter that home rule was not years. This put home rule back aptitude for fashionable life as proposed, for virtually every on the agenda, for although the

Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 15 THE BRITISH LIBERAL TRADITION

Liberals had won the two general Both Churchill and Lloyd as a full minister when he was elections in the sense of leaving George were, however, never very thirty-one, the youngest for a the Conservatives in a Commons strong party men, even though century – at creating memora- minority and without allies, they they often appeared violently ble phrases, which were strongly were now dependent on Irish partisan. Lloyd George, who partisan, anti-Tory, and designed Nationalist and Labour support. came from a modest but pastoral to enthuse the Liberal faithful. Lloyd George and Churchill, (and therefore not squalid) North Yet there were always some who working for a time in close alli- Wales background, was until doubted whether he ever was a ance and each always fascinated 1914 seen as a scourge of the real Liberal. He had of course by the other’s streak of political prosperous classes. Yet as early as started as a Tory MP, and by1924 genius, were the so-called heav- 1910 he had written a memoran- (and the age of fifty) he was back enly twins of radical social ad- dum strongly urging a Liberal/ as a Tory and Chancellor of the vance. They cut themselves firmly Conservative coalition, with a Exchequer in a Conservative adrift from Gladstonian distrust trade-off of advantages for both government. By then the hope of of state interference in the coali- sides. This had been strongly another Liberal government had tion of the people. Lloyd George supported by Churchill, whose become very thin. Lloyd George produced the so-called People’s What is background was quite different as prime minister had presided Budget of 1909, which, although – he was a duke’s grandson and over a war-winning but largely very modest by later standards, certain is firmly upper-class. That much Tory coalition, and had contin- was alleged at the time to amount aside, in those pre-1914 days ued that alliance, on a still more to a several-pronged attack upon that Mr both were radical opportunists, Tory base, for the first four years property. It was a free trade budg- natural partisans so long as the of the peace. But in so doing, and et in the sense that it showed how Blair would battle was joined, but always as a result of his rupture with the modestly mounting costs of like to looking out for the opportunity Asquith, he had destroyed the social security and Dreadnought of a favourable truce. Liberal Party as an instrument of battleships could be paid for see cross- Churchill in those days was government. And Churchill was without resorting to import du- even more unpopular with the very much interested in govern- ties. It provoked the Conserva- voting right than was Lloyd George. ment as opposed to the sterility of tive peers to rashly overextend Both were seen as noisy fire- opposition. their battlefront. In rejecting this continue, brands, although Churchill, But how good a Liberal was he budget they were challenging the would like perhaps because his oratory was in his Asquith Government days? doctrine that the Commons had less musical, had an even greater He certainly believed in social exclusive control over finance, a a strong capacity to jangle nerves. He was reform, and during his year-and- doctrine that had been perceived also seen as a class traitor and a a-half as Home Secretary he was as secure for several centuries; in Liberal/ turncoat; neither of these epithets strongly Liberal on penal policy. so doing, they planted themselves was remotely applicable to Lloyd He was instinctively on the side on ground that ensured their de- Labour George in his radical days. of the underdog, and favoured feat in the Parliament Act of 1911. alliance, Their oratory was remarkably him at the expense of the mid- Both Lloyd George and Church- contrasting. Besides being more dle dog, especially provided he ill were active fighting generals would like musical, Lloyd George’s was far himself could remain a top dog. in this battle, although Asquith more spontaneous; Churchill’s He was instinctively in favour of remained firmly in the com- almost a was more literary and high-flown a hierarchical society and did not mander-in-chief’s seat. Both and always meticulously prepared. envisage reforms that would dras- were also eager skirmishers for re-creation The physical presence of an audi- tically upset the established social various pieces of social legisla- of the old ence was crucial to Lloyd George, order. This did not, however, dif- tion: health and employment who wrapped himself around his ferentiate him from Gladstone, insurance, minimum standards governing listeners, as it were; for him, a suc- who pronounced himself to John and wages in the sweated trades, cessful speech was an emotional Ruskin as a firm inegalitarian. and the setting up of labour Gladsto- catharsis. Churchill depended What did differentiate him from exchanges to reduce frictional far less on an audience. That was Gladstone was his intuitive impe- unemployment. All this made nian party, one reason why, from the 1920s rialism and the stimulus that he Churchill the sorcerer’s appren- thereby onwards and above all during the derived from the clash of arms. tice to Lloyd George’s sorcerer Second World War, he was such This latter quality was of crucial (the latter was over eleven years avoiding a brilliant broadcaster. He could benefit to the Western world in his senior). It also meant that perform as well with only a mi- 1940, but it was not Gladstonian. they had turned their backs the split on crophone before him as in front Gladstone would have been a rot- very firmly on the old Gladsto- of 2,000 people. Lloyd George ten war leader, and he was very nian tradition of concentrating the centre- could not. lucky that his sixty-two years in on libertarian political issues left of Brit- Churchill was nonethe- politics were among the most and leaving ‘the condition of less very successful, even as a peaceful in British history. the people’ to look after itself. ish politics. young minister – and he started In Britain any early hope of a

16 Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 THE BRITISH LIBERAL TRADITION

Democrat candidate was more and for the British members of likely to beat the Conservatives, the European Parliament. But he or she got Labour support, and he has so far balked at extending vice versa. This was welcome to that to the Westminster Parlia- Mr Blair, as it was to me and to ment, which is a central desire most Liberal Democrats. It gave of the Liberal Democrats. him, in a very loose sense, a 62 He is also torn between his per cent as opposed to a 44 per commitment to decentralise cent mandate. What does this power and his strong desire to hold for the future? Was it purely maintain centralised control a one-off phenomenon that will over his own party. This is half not repeat itself in new circum- understandable, given the mess he stances? No-one yet knows. thinks his party made of its elec- The Liberal Democrats mostly toral prospects in the 1980s. But future Liberal government per- Tony Blair – support the Labour government he has not exercised his control at ished in the 1920s; but this did anything of the rather than the Conservatives, but all skilfully, especially in relation not mean that the influence of British Liberal by no means always. to his choice of Labour candidate liberalism disappeared from Brit- tradition? What is certain is that Mr for the new, directly elected May- ish politics. Baldwin was a liberal Blair would like to see cross-vot- or of London, and of the leader of Tory prime minister in the 1920s ing continue, would like a strong the Welsh Assembly. and 1930s. So was Macmillan in Liberal/Labour alliance, would Furthermore, he is not instinc- the 1950s. There were consider- like almost a re-creation of the tively a Liberal on social liber- able liberal influences in both the old governing Gladstonian party, tarian issues. He tends to want Labour and Conservative parties thereby avoiding the split on to tell people what they ought – but few Liberal parliamentary the centre-left of British politics to do, rather than pull back the seats. In 1983, after new strength that made the twentieth century law from interference in people’s was injected into the old Liberal overwhelmingly a Conservative decisions about their own lives Party through its amalgamation century, in a way that the nine- and conduct where this does not with the short-lived but power- teenth century never was and clearly damage others. ful catalyst the Social Democratic that he and I very much hope He is, however, instinctively Party, the new alliance got 26 per the twenty-first century will not internationalist and pro-Euro- cent of the popular vote but only be either. He would like all these pean, which is a very important 3.5 per cent of the seats. things more than would much of item in the Liberal Democrat Any significant recovery in his party. He has been a strong creed. He is the most pro-Euro- parliamentary seats came only leader, partly from temperament pean British prime minister since in the 1997 election, when Tony and partly from his vote-winning Edward Heath, who left office Blair was swept into power with ability, which does not yet show twenty-six years ago. I think he 417 seats, nearly two-thirds of great signs of diminution. wants to see Britain part of a the House of Commons. The This raises the question, single European currency, but has Conservatives were reduced to how good a Liberal is he? The been hesitant – I think too cau- 165, and the Liberal Democrats answer is mixed, but with the tious – about the timing. secured 46 seats, the best Liberal positive somewhat predomi- So the balance sheet from a showing in twenty years. But at nating. He has certainly rid the Liberal point of view is by no least half of these 46 seats were Labour Party of much of its old means bad, but not perfect gained – as were many of Mr ideological baggage. Far from either. But very few things in Blair’s 417, for he polled only 44 wanting further nationalisation, human life are perfect. Also, it per cent of the popular vote – on he has been almost as keen a is too early to make full judg- the basis of spontaneous cross- privatiser as was Mrs Thatcher. ments about Mr Blair’s prime voting between Labour support- He has laid to rest the view that ministerial performance. It is ers and Liberal Democrats. There the Labour Party is essentially a unwise to tip the waiter before was no formal pact. There was no class party. He has pursued ac- the meal is over. It is unwise to withdrawal of candidates in each tive policies of constitutional judge a prime minister in the other’s favour. But the elector- reform much in line with the context of history before he has ate, feeling very strongly that the Liberal tradition, policies that run his course. Mr Blair has cer- eighteen-year-old Conservative include devolution to Scotland tainly shown himself a competent government had far overstayed and Wales, the removal of a large prime minister. Whether he will its welcome, took matters into part of the hereditary element be a great one and a true Liberal their own hands and created an from the House of Lords, and heir to those others – Gladstone, unbaptised, almost unacknowl- the introduction of proportional Asquith, Churchill, and Lloyd edged, popular alliance. When voting systems for the Scottish, George – remains to be seen. But it was thought that the Liberal Welsh, and London assemblies I am not without hope.

Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 17 WRITING ABOUT ROY

The obituaries and essays on Lord Jenkins of Hillhead brought forward the usual tributes and obsequies. They almost all noted Jenkins’ first- rate intelligence, applauded the scale of his achievements as a political biographer t the same time, the prejudice and a bonfire of repres- and recounted his Roy Jenkins that sive legislation (homosexuality, penchant for interesting many friends and abortion divorce) … decriminali- sation of homosexuality has done former colleagues conversation, good more to alleviate human misery food and fine wine. remembered was a than any other post-war Act’.3 And Amore disciplined and more profes- Lord Healey described Jenkins’ first The breadth of his sional politician and, indeed, a more period at the Home Office as his hinterland – his life down-to-earth person than was ‘greatest contribution’, claiming ‘it often supposed. He was polite and was nothing less than a social revo- outside politics – was lution’. Predictably, some conserva- friendly to his political opponents, widely recognised. tives struck the only sour notes. a delightful luncheon companion Ferdinand Mount saw Lord Jenkins and, in the words of Lord Healey, ‘a as ‘the personification of … the singularly civilised man’.1 peculiar thoughtless complacency But, as befits someone who about the way we embarked on was a significant figure in the these new directions’ in the 1960s. country’s public life for fifty years, Thus he held Jenkins implicitly the discussion of his political responsible for the free availabil- achievements and what they rep- ity of drugs and pornography and resented was more contentious, blighted family lives on run-down more politically charged. council estates today.4 Jenkins’ record during his two Indeed, what was most re- stints as Home Secretary was markable was the way in which widely praised. In the Guard- the writers of obituaries and ian, David Marquand argued that essays portrayed Lord Jenkins’ Jenkins did ‘as much as any other achievements through their own single person to make Britain a political lenses. To David Mar- more tolerant and civilised country quand, who followed Jenkins to to live in’.2 For the Observer, Vernon Brussels and then into the SDP, Bogdanor wrote that ‘his tenure … he was first and foremost the hero was marked by a massive attack on of the European cause. Jenkins

18 Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 OBITUARIES AND APPRECIATIONS WRITING ABOUT ROY REVIEWED BY NEIL STOCKLEY

had, Marquand wrote, ‘played for Europe and stressing ‘it was colleagues – and rivals – on the an indispensable part in taking doubtful whether he could have Old Labour right, he provided Britain into what is now the done more’. the perfect alibi for their defeats European Union’. He admired By contrast, Jenkins’ achieve- in the 1980s. ‘Without Roy’, said Jenkins’ courage in leading the ments at the Treasury were Lord Healey, ‘Thatcher would 69 Labour MPs who defied the the subjects of less praise from never really have happened’. In party whip to vote in principle ‘centre-left’ writers and, indeed, other words, had the SDP not for joining the Common Market somewhat more ambiguous existed, she would not have been and argued that this ‘gave the Eu- comment. For making devalu- in power long enough to do her ropean cause a cushion of moral ation work, balancing the gov- worst. Tribune’s political corre- authority without which it would ernment’s books and putting the spondent tried to show that in almost certainly have foundered’. balance of payments back into 1983 the Liberal-SDP Alliance Vernon Bogdanor lauded his the black, The Times placed him increased Mrs Thatcher’s Com- integrity and political courage. ‘in the first flight of Chancellors Both David mons majority, despite a small And yet, as only The Times and in the twentieth century’. Both drop in Conservative support, the Daily Telegraph pointed out, in Lord Owen and the Observer’s Marquand by splitting the centre-left vote.8 an attempt to save his position as business correspondent, William and Fer- But there is no guarantee that deputy leader, Jenkins ended up Keegan, were also very positive.7 without the SDP, those opposed voting with his Labour colleagues But Keegan and, to a lesser extent dinand to Thatcherism would have fallen against the legislation that per- The Times, noted that Jenkins had in behind the Labour Party that mitted Britain to join the Com- initially been too timid in his ap- Mount Tony Benn and his followers had mon Market.5 proach to fiscal policy. For their fashioned. Indeed, the available Marquand described Jenkins’ parts, Ferdinand Mount and the were sure evidence suggests the very oppo- achievements as President of the Daily Telegraph complained he had that the site. Nor does Healey’s claim that European Commission in con- raised taxes too high. In my view, in taking away 27 moderate MPs siderably more detail than any Dennis Kavanagh made the most party gave ‘[the SDP] shifted the balance of other writer. During his four accurate criticism: ‘living stand- power in the party to the left, and years in Brussels, Jenkins had ‘left ards for ordinary people showed Labour made its recovery much more a more enduring mark on Eu- only a tiny improvement and the protracted’ hold much water. ropean politics than any British pent-up wage pressures exploded the shock As was widely noted, the SDP politician since Ernest Bevin’. In under the successor government therapy failed to break the mould of putting monetary union back on of Edward Heath’. Still, economic British politics. (This was partly to the agenda, he said, Jenkins had policy is intrinsically less suited to and, start- Jenkins’ fault, for his period as set in train the European Mon- absolute moral judgements than leader was hardly a success – a etary System (EMS), which ‘laid either social reform or European ing with point that only The Times came the foundations for the European integration. And perhaps we have close to developing fully). But Single Act of 1985, the European seen so many booms and busts, Jenkins’ both David Marquand and Fer- Union of the 1990s and the single false dawns and fallen idols that Dimbleby dinand Mount were sure that currency of today’. In a generally the heroes of post-war British the party gave Labour the shock affectionate essay, Lord Owen, economic policy are hard to lecture in therapy and, starting with Jenkins’ who broke with Jenkins partly recognise. Dimbleby lecture in 1979, the on the European question, saw The most politicised aspect 1979, the roadmap for its long march back his record there as ‘in some re- of the obituaries was surely the to power. This was ‘a broad-based spects, a disappointment’.6 The discussion of Jenkins’ role as roadmap social-democratic party, capable Daily Telegraph noted that the the ‘principal begetter of the for its long of speaking to middle England creation of the EMS ‘attracted Social Democratic Party (SDP)’ … The fact that it was called as much criticism as praise’. The (Daily Telegraph). The debates march back the Labour Party’, Marquand Times was more positive, praising over the party’s impact were just wrote, ‘does not detract from Jenkins’ skill as an ambassador as fierce as ever. To his erstwhile to power. the achievement’. Indeed, many

Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 19 WRITING ABOUT ROY media commentators believed believed they were largely a state was not wrong when he called that Jenkins paved the way for of mind. ‘He was committed to Jenkins ‘a gifted failure’10 because Blair and in the words of Tony libertarianism, a mixed economy he did not become Labour Party Benn, acted as the ‘grandfather’ to and internationalism [but] he did leader or Prime Minister. But this Tony Blair’s ‘New Labour Party’. not espouse a political philosophy. is less important than the inspira- But this is too simplistic. He seemed to believe that, if you tion many still take from Jenkins’ First, Jenkins did not save the found twenty men and women of achievements as a practical re- Labour Party. The traumatic proc- liberal disposition, good will and former and the insights that were ess of policy reviews that turned minds of their own, government in many respects ahead of his Labour into a pro-‘social market’, could function almost by instinct; time. In its editorial the day after pro-Europe and multilateralist it did not need an ideology’. The Lord Jenkins’ death, the Independ- party did not even start until the Daily Telegraph saw him as ‘more ent concluded: ‘As the weakness late 1980s – after the SDP’s demise of a Whig than a radical’. The of Mr Blair’s attachment both to – and they were driven by Neil Economist simply called him a the European ideal and to liberal Kinnock and the erstwhile ‘soft ‘political reformist’.9 principles is increasingly exposed, left’. And Middle England did not But these descriptions do not the values Lord Jenkins espoused embrace Labour until the mid- quite paint the complete picture. will become more precious’. 1990s, after Tony Blair had forced Lord Healey’s comment that ‘Roy yet more change on a demoralised was always really a liberal, no mat- Neil Stockley is a member of the and desperate party. ter which party was in’, while Liberal Democrat History Group This leads into a second, more not meant as a compliment, may executive. significant point about Jenkins’ have been closer to the mark. For political legacy. After 1994, Blair Jenkins started out as a Labour pol- 1 ‘Death of a singularly civilised embraced Mrs Thatcher’s major itician but came to recognise the man’, Independent, 6 January 2003. economic changes and promised to limitations of a trade union-based 2 ‘The Lord Jenkins of Hillhead,’ keep to the Tories’ spending limits party; he saw that the dichotomy Obituary, Guardian, 6 January for two years and not to increase between the liberal and the illiberal 2003. income tax. This was a departure was, if anything, more important 3 ‘The great radical reformer,’ Ob- from Jenkins’ repeated declara- than the left-right divide. Vernon server, 12 January 2003. 4 ‘Roy’s lunches were better than his tions that he believed in the mixed Bogdanor hailed him as the pio- legacy, Sunday Times, 12 January economy but thought there was neer of ‘a liberalised social democ- 2003. much that should be done to make racy’ that was based on two tenets: 5 ‘Lord Jenkins of Hillhead,’ Obitu- it less unequal. The Dimbleby Lec- ‘an aspirational society (individuals ary, The Times 6 January 2003 ture was egalitarian and strongly must be allowed to regulate their and Lord Jenkins of Hillhead OM, Obituary, Daily Telegraph, 6 Janu- anti-Thatcherite. Indeed, many of personal lives without interference ary 2003. Jenkins’ speeches from the 1970s from the state); and [the belief] that 6 David Owen, ‘Roy’s hand in Brit- and 1980s now read like a left- a post-imperial country like Britain ain’s destiny,’ Evening Standard, wing critique of the Blair Govern- Jenkins’ big- could only be influential in the 6 January 2003. ment from the left. gest gamble? world as part of a wider group- 7 William Keegan, ‘Jenkins and the war for Blair’s ear,’ The Observer, The Times noted that Jenkins The launch ing (the EU)’. This surely made 12 January 2003. acted as Blair’s mentor, provid- of the Social Jenkins the grandfather not of Tony 8 Hugh Macpherson, ‘Jenkins: pomp ing much of the historical case Democratic Blair’s New Labour but of Charles and circumstance,’ Tribune, 10 for ‘the project’ that sought to Party, 26 March Kennedy’s Liberal Democrats. January 2003. reunite the Liberal and Labour 1981. Jenkins Roy Jenkins’ political creed 9 Obituary, ‘Roy Jenkins’ The Econo- mist, 11 January 2003. strands of Britain’s progressive is flanked by still has plenty of relevance for the 10 Joe Haines, ‘Resolved to be irreso- tradition. But it is well docu- David Owen and twenty-first century. Harold Wil- lute,’ New Statesman, 13 January mented that he died disappointed Bill Rodgers. son’s ex-spin doctor Joe Haines 2003. with both Blair’s reluctance to provide leadership over the Euro and his failure to pursue electoral reform for the Commons. And it is impossible to imagine a Jenkins Government indulging in the penal policies that we have seen since 1997 or being so eager to clamp down on civil liberties in the wake of al-Qaeda. Still, Jenkins’ political princi- ples were, in many ways, inchoate and this was the subject of much discussion. Dennis Kavanagh

20 Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 Were Liberals really the inventors of community politics? Tony Little takes a look at a practitioner from the eighteenth century.

PIONEERING SPIRIT

he Liberal Demo- tical man, one of the early with stone between the the benefit to the shops crats have built experimenters in electricity, market and the brick foot by more custom, as buy- much of their elec- and his political methods re- pavement that was on the ers could more easily get toral success on the flected this. In 1751 he lived side next the houses. This, at them; and by not hav- techniques devel- in Philadelphia and as he later for some time, gave an ing in windy weather the Toped under the heading of wrote in his autobiography: easy access to the market dust blown in upon their community politics. Initially, dry-shod; but the rest of goods, etc., etc. I sent one of campaigning is undertaken to Our city, though laid out the street not being paved, these papers to each house, solve small-scale local prob- with a beautiful regularity, whenever a carriage came and in a day or two went lems neglected by the other the streets large, straight, and out of the mud upon this round to see who would parties and the appropriate crossing each other at right pavement, it shook off and subscribe an agreement to government authorities. The angles, had the disgrace of left its dirt upon it, and it pay these sixpences; it was campaign and its success are suffering those streets to was soon covered with mire, unanimously signed, and publicised in Focus newsletters remain long unpaved, and which was not removed, for a time well executed. All delivered to every house in in wet weather the wheels the city as yet having no the inhabitants of the city the area. The credibility built of heavy carriages ploughed scavengers. were delighted with the by Focus forms the basis for them into a quagmire, so After some inquiry, I cleanliness of the pavement council and, sometimes, par- that it was difficult to cross found a poor industrious that surrounded the market, liamentary elections. Credit them; and in dry weather man, who was willing to it being a convenience to for pioneering this campaign- the dust was offensive. I had undertake keeping the all, and this raised a general ing system is often given to lived near what was called pavement clean, by sweep- desire to have all the streets Trevor Jones but I would like the Jersey Market, and saw ing it twice a week, carry- paved; and made the people to suggest that the method is with pain the inhabitants ing off the dirt from before more willing to submit to a considerably older. wading in mud, while pur- all the neighbours’ doors, tax for that purpose.1 Benjamin Franklin chasing their provisions. A for the sum of sixpence (1706–90) was one of the strip of ground down the per month, to be paid by Are there even earlier exam- founders of the United States middle of that market was at each house. I then wrote ples to be discovered? of America and one of the length paved with brick, so and printed a paper setting committee of five who draft- that, being once in the mar- forth the advantages to the Tony Little is Chair of the Lib- ed the Declaration of Inde- ket, they had firm footing; neighbourhood that might eral Democrat History Group. pendence. He started out as a but were often over shoes in be obtained from this small jobbing printer and his initial dirt to get there. By talking expense; the greater ease in 1 B. Franklin, The Autobiog- raphy of Benjamin Franklin, interest in politics developed and writing on the subject, keeping our houses clean, Hutchison & Co. (1903) pp. from the material he printed. I was at length instrumental so much dirt not being 147–49. Franklin was always a prac- in getting the street paved brought in by people’s feet;

Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 21 Robert Shiels examines the career of Tommy Shaw (1850–1937) one of Campbell-Bannerman’s law officers.

LAYWER, POLITICIAN AND JUDGE

n the scheme of things in charm in his most suasive voice the last of whom was Sir Arthur Britain, a political career always seemed to sway them Conan Doyle. 7 has never been regarded as to his client. And in the art of In politics Shaw was a strong wholly inconsistent with cross-examination no one at the Gladstonian: in particular he later judicial appointment. Scottish Bar has approached his supported home rule, he was an ILord Salisbury wrote, and warned, subtle, insidious way of extracting ardent land reformer and later he in 1897 that ‘the judicial salad re- the truth.’ 4 Shaw himself said that was marked out as being a vocifer- quires both legal oil and political in these matters he was a high- ous pro-Boer (anti-war) speaker. vinegar: but disastrous effects will strung actor. 5 His legal practice Shaw came closest to losing his follow if due proportion is not was, however, greater than merely Parliamentary seat at the election observed’.1 In the same year, he that of court work; for many of 1900, most probably on account also observed more prosaically: years, for example, he held a gen- of his anti-war stance. He spoke out ‘there is no clearer statute in the eral retainer to act as counsel to at several public meetings against unwritten law than the rule that Glasgow Corporation.6 the war amidst scenes of disorder, party claims should always weigh There was little in the way of and he and his house in Edinburgh very heavily in the disposal of the quick advancement in the legal were attacked; his views and the highest legal appointments’.2 profession for Shaw; in his time consequent reactions were not dis- The career of Tommy Shaw Crown Counsel (the supreme similar to those of Lloyd George at encompassed that of lawyer, court prosecutors) were entirely this period. He was also a founder politician and appeal judge in political appointments. Shaw, member of the Young Scots Soci- the course of a long life. He was having sided with the Liberal ety.8 One point, however, indicates born the son of a baker in 1850 in Party, was then linked with the how Shaw’s political career devel- Dunfermline in West Fife. Shaw political fortunes of the party. It oped: he had close political con- was five years old when his father was thus not until 1886 that Shaw nections, some thought too close, died, aged 53, and he was an only was appointed as Crown Counsel, to Sir Henry Campbell-Banner- child. He went to local primary but then only for the short period man (‘CB’).9 schools and Dunfermline High of Gladstone’s third administra- Shaw became a government School. He was brought up in tion. His next appointment was law officer, as Lord Advocate, what was then the United Pres- of a different magnitude, for in in the Liberal administration of byterian Church. He started 1894 he was made Solicitor- 1905–09. Few other Scots law- work at the age of 14 as a clerk in General for Scotland. yers had the legal knowledge and a solicitors’ office.3 He completed By that time he was a Member the necessary acceptable political an apprenticeship and qualified of Parliament; his Parliamentary ca- experience that Shaw had at that as a solicitor, but he had his eye reer extended from 1892 to 1909. point. Although he was not in the on the wider view. He attended He was returned on five occasions cabinet, it seems clear that Shaw the University of Edinburgh and for the constituency of the Hawick was close to the centre.10 Shaw graduated MA LLB; he was ad- District of Burghs, covering the was often a guest of CB at the mitted to the Scots Bar in 1875. towns of Hawick, Galashiels and latter’s home in Meigle in Perth- Shaw took to advocacy; a Selkirk. In each electoral contest shire and seems to have become a contemporary wrote, ‘with a jury Shaw had only one opponent, on friend as well.11 CB was consider- he was superb. Some indefinable each occasion a Liberal Unionist, ably older than Shaw and a not

22 Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 LAWYER, POLITICIAN AND JUDGE uncritical friend; CB is thought (1918) and the Court of Inquiry ‘With a Alexander Shaw (1883–1944) was to have told Asquith that Shaw into transport workers’ wages and Liberal Member of Parliament for was too often ‘maximus in min- conditions of employment of jury he was Kilmarnock from 1915 to 1923, imus, minimus in maximus’.12 dock labour (1920).16 later became a Director of the Shaw’s resignation as Lord Shaw maintained an interest in superb. Bank of England, and succeeded to Advocate brought with it a minor literature and history. As a student Some in- the viscountcy on the death of his incident that has generally over- he made various contributions to father on 28 June 1937. shadowed his judicial appointment. the Encyclopaedia Britannica. Soon definable An unexpected death of a Lord of after appointment as Lord of Ap- Robert Shiels attended Dunfermline Appeal in Ordinary left a vacancy peal he published a lecture that he charm in High School and then the Universities for an appeal judge in the House of had given at University College, of Dundee and Glasgow before becom- Lords. Two aspects might have been London: Legislature and Judiciary his most ing a solicitor in Scotland in 1979. thought of as preventing Shaw tak- (1911). In later life there were sev- suasive ing up the post: first, there was an- eral books: Letters to Isabel (1921) 1 Quoted in R. F. V. Heuston, Lives of other judge with a stronger claim, and The Other Bundle (1927) were the Lord Chancellors 1885–1940 voice (1964), p. 57. applying the ordinary rules of a series of letters to his daughter re- 2 ibid p.52. professional succession. Secondly, lating events in his life. The former always 3 He worked 55 hours a week and Shaw had never been a judge at volume has often been cited for his there was no pay: Letters to Isabel first instance (a trial judge). because narration of events surrounding seemed (1936 ed) p. 25. as Lord Advocate he had been the the formation of CB’s adminis- 4 See the article ‘The Apotheosis of to sway the Lord Advocate’ in The Outlook, senior public prosecutor for Scot- tration in December 1905. Shaw February 20, 1909, at p. 254. land. Even then it was thought visited the annual meetings of the them to his 5 Letters to Isabel (1936 ed) p. 46. preferable to have had some ex- American and Canadian Bar As- 6 (1909) 1 Scots Law Times 51. perience as a judge at first instance sociations and his addresses to their client. And 7 See F. W. S. Craig British Parlia- before becoming an appeal judge. members formed The Law of the mentary Election Results 1885– in the art 1918 (2nd ed 1989) p 511 Shaw left Edinburgh and went Kinsmen (1923). There was a play 8 See R. Ian Elder, ‘The Young Scots to see the Prime Minister, by then in verse, Darnley (1925), a study of cross- Society: A lost Liberal legion Asquith, and secured the appoint- of The Trial of Jesus Christ (1928), remembered’, Journal of Lib- ment as Lord of Appeal, which he Leicester (1931), and a biography of examina- eral Democrat History 36 (autumn took up in February 1909. Com- a Chief Justice of the United States 2002), for more information on the YSS. mentators at the time and over the Supreme Court: John Marshall in tion no 9 J. Wilson, A Life of Sir Henry years have sought to make much Diplomacy and in Law (1933). Campbell-Bannerman (1973) of this; there were suggestions of When Shaw retired as an ap- one at the p. 430. CB himself referred to clients having been left in the lurch, pellate judge in 1929 he was ad- Scottish ‘Tommy’ Shaw; in an age when but that is doubtful.13 In any event, vanced from a judicial life peerage Christian names seemed not to be used often, this probably indicated Shaw served for twenty years as a to the rank of viscount, becoming Bar has ap- a special relationship Lord of Appeal and his speeches known as Lord Craigmyle. It has 10 It has been said to be not easy to in appeal cases have been said to been said that Shaw’s contribu- proached determine which, if any, of CB’s demonstrate a Scottish tradition tion has been denigrated over the Cabinet colleagues were closest to within the judicial committee – a years.17 He seems to have been his subtle, the heart of power: J. F. Harris and C. Hazelhurst, ‘Campbell-Banner- tendency to avoid pure legal analy- rather outspoken and abrasive at insidious man as Prime Minister’ (1970) 55 sis in favour of a keen sense of the times, especially towards his po- History 360 at p. 379. political and social conditions bear- litical opponents, many of whom way of ex- 11 See R. Shiels, ‘CB and Tommy ing on the questions faced by the were his legal colleagues. Shaw Shaw: Prime Minister and Lord appeal judges.14 maintained a diplomatic silence tracting Advocate’ (1993) 61 Scottish Law Gazette 50. Shaw had political sense and on contemporary domestic po- the truth.’ 12 ‘Great in small things, small in great courage and his whole attitude litical issues during his time as a things’. Wilson supra p. 589. towards the law was said to be Lord of Appeal, although he was 13 See R. Shiels, ‘Tommy Shaw and more that of a politician than a an ardent supporter of the League the Gilded Chamber’ (1994) 62 lawyer.15 It was most probably his of Nations. It is remarkable, how- Scottish Law Gazette 48. 14 R. Stevens, Law and Politics: The political sensitivity and radical- ever, that he made his way from a House of Lords as a Judicial Body: ism that led to his appointment modest and probably impecuni- 1800–1976 (1979) at p. 130. to chair various inquiries: there ous background, via the advanced 15 Stevens supra at p. 248. was a Departmental Committee wing of the Liberal Party, to so 16 Details can be found in S. Richard, on the Truck Acts (1908), a Royal senior a legal position.18 British Government Publications: an index to chairmen and authors, Commission on the landing of In his personal life Shaw mar- 1900–1940 (1974) p. 135. arms at Howth in Ireland (1914), ried Elsie Stephen of Aberdeen 17 Stevens supra at p. 253. a Departmental Committee on and they had a long and seemingly 18 Generally see L. G. W. Legg (ed) the state purchase and control happy marriage. They had one DNB: 1931–1940 p. 807. of the liquor trade in Scotland son and three daughters. The son,

Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 23 THE RAINBOW CIRCLE

Mark Rathbone examines the role AND THE NEW LIBERALISM of a little-known radical group in the 1890s in the evolution of the Liberal and Labour parties.

The publication of the first volume of Paddy Ashdown’s Diaries in 2000 focused renewed attention on the relationship between the Liberal Democrats ‘The Triangular and the Labour Party. Test’, from From the first meeting ‘Punch’, 10 July between Ashdown and 1912 Tony Blair at the latter’s n the day of the the formation of the Labour house on 4 September general election in Party. As long ago as 1893, a 1994, less than seven 1997, Blair phoned small collection of young Liber- Ashdown to say, als, Fabians and socialists began weeks after his election ‘I do want you to meeting regularly to begin Oknow that I am absolutely de- piecing together a new forward- as Leader of the Labour termined to mend the schism looking political agenda. By the Party, both men were that occurred in the progres- autumn of 1894, the Rainbow committed to ‘The sive forces in British politics Tavern in Fleet Street had be- at the start of this century’.1 come the venue for its meetings Project’ to bring about a Blair’s determination may have and the group became known as looked a little less absolute by the ‘Rainbow Circle’. The name rapprochement between election day in 2001, but at the stuck, although by early 1896 the two parties. ‘It was a time, both leaders were aware of the meetings had moved to the the historical resonances of the home of Richard Stapley at 33 good evening,’ Ashdown process they were beginning. Bloomsbury Square, because, wrote, ‘Jane and I agreed according to the later recol- lection of one of the Circle’s in the taxi on the way RAINBOW CIRCLE members, of ‘shortcoming in its back that it could even Indeed attempts to resolve the consumption of the more prof- relationship between Liberalism itable forms of drink’.2 Mem- prove a historic one’. and Labour began even before bership was limited to twenty

24 Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 THE RAINBOW CIRCLE AND THE NEW LIBERALISM

and dinner (at half a crown) at 7 Fabian Society. Graham Wallas 3. The bases, ethical, economic p.m. was followed by discussion was another Fabian who was and political, of the newer at 8 p.m.. also a member of the Rainbow politics, together with the The group’s membership was Circle and a contributor to the practical applications and eclectic. There were Liberals of famous Fabian Essays on Social- inferences arising therefrom course: George Gooch was just ism, published in 1889. He was in the actual problems before twenty in 1893, but was later to involved in the establishment us at the present time. enjoy a successful career as a his- of the London School of Eco- torian and journalist, with a par- nomics in 1895, and was later This programme demonstrates ticular interest in British foreign to become Professor of Political a clear recognition that neither policy, as well as being Liberal MP Science there. Sydney Olivier Gladstonian Liberalism nor tradi- for Bath from 1906 to 1910. John was another contributor to Fa- tional radicalism were adequate to Hobson, in his mid-thirties and bian Essays on Socialism, as well deal with the problems of the day. already building a reputation as a as being Honorary Secretary of Two of the papers delivered to the radical journalist, was to emerge the Fabian Society from 1886 Circle in its first few months were as one of the leading thinkers of to 1889. J.A. Hobson on ‘The Economic the New Liberalism, writing Im- What were the objectives of Deficiency of the Manchester perialism: A Study (1902), a radical this varied collection of Liberals School’ (7 November 1894) critique of imperialism, and The and socialists? A statement of the and Murray MacDonald MP on Crisis of Liberalism (1909). Her- Rainbow Circle’s aims includes ‘The Ethical Deficiency of the bert Samuel and Charles Trevely- the following: ‘to provide a ra- Old Radicalism’. If this sample an were ambitious young Liberals tional and comprehensive view of the first season’s discussions with distinguished parliamentary of political and social progress, has a essentially negative flavour, and ministerial careers ahead of leading up to a consistent body of one attacking the inadequacies them. John Robertson, another political and economic doctrine of established political doctrines, future ministerial colleague of … a programme of action, and … the 1895–96 season was more Samuel and Trevelyan, was al- a rallying point for social reform- forward-looking, with Herbert ready well known as a radical and ers’. The same document includ- Samuel presenting a paper on humanist journalist. ed what amounts to an agenda for ‘The New Liberalism’ (6 No- But it was far from being the group’s discussions: vember 1895) and other mem- an exclusively Liberal group. bers leading discussions on ‘The Ramsay MacDonald, who was It is proposed to deal with: Socialist Societies’, ‘The Ethical a member, at various times dur- 1. The reasons why the old Societies’ and ‘The Religious So- ing the 1880s and 1890s, of the Philosophic Radicalism and cieties’ in succeeding months.3 Social Democratic Federation, the Manchester School of the Fabian Society and the ILP, Economics can no longer was later to become Secretary furnish a ground of action in COLLECTIVISM of the Labour Representation the political sphere; The members of the Rainbow Committee on its formation in 2. The transition from this Circle rose above the sectionalism 1900. William Clarke, a journal- school of thought to the so- of the time and attempted to steer ist on the Daily Chronicle, was a called ‘New Radicalism’ or the Liberal Party in a new direc- member of the Executive of the Collectivist politics of today; tion. The group realised that the

Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 25 THE RAINBOW CIRCLE AND THE NEW LIBERALISM

traditional individualism of the The editorial of which this pas- Liberal Party would have to be sage is a part was unsigned, so it is tempered by a move towards col- impossible to know whether the lectivism, and a major role of the original was written by Hobson Circle was to discuss the implica- himself, though it seems more tions of such a change, both on likely that it was the work of principles and practicalities. The William Clarke. Whether in 1909 group was a formative influence Hobson was, understandably, on the ‘New Liberalism’ which seeking further mileage from a blossomed under the Liberal euphonious phrase of his own Governments of 1905–15. The or borrowing it from someone term was certainly in regular use else is impossible to say, but either by members of the Circle, as the way it is a good example of the title of Samuel’s paper in Novem- influence of the Rainbow Circle ber 1895 demonstrates. on one who in the new century Three broad topics stand out was to become one of the leading among the Rainbow Circle’s philosophers of the New Liberal- concerns as being of especial ism. Freeden describes him as ‘by significance and it is in these areas far the most original and pene- that its influence was strongest trating of the new liberal theorists – the need for greater govern- at the turn of the century’.7 ment intervention to promote The Progressive Review did not social reform, relations between confine itself to discussing the the Liberal Party and Labour, policies and internal affairs of the and hostility towards imperial- Liberal Party and it is significant ism. These three concerns can be that neither its Editor nor its Sec- traced in the pages of the Progres- retary were Liberals. Liberals, such sive Review, a periodical founded as Samuel, Charles Trevelyan and in 1896 to give the Rainbow Richard Stapley were, of course, Circle a voice. ‘The idea,’ wrote involved,8 but the publication’s Ramsay MacDonald, ‘would be very title suggests an attitude to to afford the progressive move- politics which rose above party ment in all its aspects … a me- distinctions and its editorial line dium of expression such as the was critical of the Liberal Party, at Whig movement had in the Ed- least in its existing form. inburgh Review, and later Radical ‘We shall not expect to find and Positivist movements found ourselves in close or frequent in the original Fortnightly.’4 A sympathy with a party dominated company was formed to control by vested interests and inspired the new journal and MacDonald by a rooted and unconcealed was appointed Secretary, with distrust of popular government’, William Clarke as Editor. proclaimed the Progressive Re- view’s first, rather self-righteous, editorial. ‘Neither can we find in NEW LIBERALISM the existing Liberal party, as rep- Much space in the Progressive Re- resented either by its leaders or its view was devoted to the philoso- average members, such leading phy of Liberalism and the need to and such light as may adequately adapt it to new conditions. The serve our cause … We shall, how- principles of the New Liberalism ever, give glad recognition and were neatly summed up in the hearty support to the policy of first issue: ‘If Liberals still cleave to whatever party from time to time their honourable name they must contributes to the realisation of be willing and desirous to assign our principles, reserving to our- Leading lights a new meaning to liberty: it must selves at the same time an attitude of the Rainbow no longer signify the absence of frank independence.’9 Circle: Charles of restraint, but the presence of Trevelyan, opportunity’.5 This passage, inci- Herbert Samuel dentally, is closely echoed by J.A. LIBERAL–LABOUR and Ramsay Hobson in his book The Crisis RELATIONS MacDonald of Liberalism, published in 1909.6 Predictably, one topic which

26 Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 THE RAINBOW CIRCLE AND THE NEW LIBERALISM quickly made its appearance in ANTI-IMPERIALISM ‘If Liberals Trevelyan, ‘The Rainbow Circle the pages of the Progressive Review Another feature of the Progressive want to know whether you wish was the relationship of the Liberal Review was its strongly anti-im- still cleave to continue your membership. Party to the recently founded In- perialist line. The outstanding You didn’t attend once last ses- dependent Labour Party. Herbert imperial issue in the late 1890s to their sion. Shame!’17 Trevelyan resigned Samuel, for example, in a reply to was the situation in South Africa, from the Circle the following an article on the party by one of and the Progressive Review took an honour- month. Samuel’s membership its founders, James Keir Hardie, uncompromising line. In March able name continued until 1912, although argued that only the ILP’s ad- 1897, for example, the Jameson his attendance at meetings had herence to socialism separated it Raid was condemned as ‘not only they must become increasingly patchy for from the Liberal Party. He sug- … a grave breach of interna- several years before that. The Cir- gested indeed that able Labour tional law, but an act which was be willing cle survived until 1931, but clear- men would be of greater use incalculably mischievous in its ly its heyday was in the 1890s.18 to the Liberal Party than many results upon the peace, unity, and and desir- right-wing Liberals who ob- progress of the whole of South ous to as- structed the reforms demanded Africa’. Two months later, an edi- LONG-TERM IMPORTANCE by New Liberals. torial predicted (all too accurately, sign a new Influential in its day perhaps, but ‘A Labour organisation,’ he as it turned out) a war in South what was the long-term signifi- wrote, ‘… which should send Africa between the Boers and the meaning cance of the Rainbow Circle? capable men to fill the places British, a prospect which, it was First, as we have seen, it played in the House of Commons, in said, ‘history will rank as one of to liberty: a vital role in the development local governing bodies, and in the most discreditable incidents it must of the New Liberalism. Put into the party organisations of those in the expansion of England’.13 practice by the governments false Liberals whose presence is a In his study of the anti-impe- no longer of Campbell-Bannerman and barrier to the full activity of the rialist movement, Porter assigns to Asquith between 1905 and 1914, party … would be heartily wel- the Rainbow Circle a position of signify the this political philosophy laid the comed by all earnest Liberals.’10 great importance in the develop- foundations of the welfare state, It was clearly implied that the ment of a radical critique of im- absence of the rise and decline of which ILP, at least in its existing form, perialism: ‘The new “anti-impe- restraint, were such prominent features of could not fulfil this role, because rialist” ideology of the turn of the British history in the twentieth its commitment to socialism was century came chiefly not from but the century. New Liberalism remains unacceptable. Samuel himself was the Labour or Liberal parties, but a discernible influence on the heckled by ILP supporters at a from this intellectual “Lib-Lab” presence policies of the Liberal Democrats Liberal meeting in Paddington group in the middle’.14 a century later. the very month his article was Not all members of the Cir- of opportu- Secondly, the Rainbow Circle published.11 cle, however, supported this line. nity’. was important because of the The Labour Representation William Clarke wrote a furious subsequent careers of its mem- Committee, on the other hand, letter to Ramsay MacDonald on bers and the lasting contacts was exactly the sort of Labour 2 February 1896 complaining between them. It is remarkable organisation which Samuel had that the anti-imperialist inten- that such a small group should in mind. In the years following its tions of the Progressive Review have produced so many men formation in 1900, it was indeed were being undermined by a who went on to have illustrious welcomed by Liberals. Samuel ‘pestilential mischievous clique, careers in politics, journalism or described himself as ‘The Liberal led by Herbert Samuel’, who education. No less than ten of the and Labour Candidate’ in his suc- were, it seems, ‘out to promote Rainbow Circle’s members were cessful by-election campaign at a bastard Liberalism and a lot of elected to parliament in 1906 and Cleveland in 1902, and secured imperialist tosh in which I do not several were colleagues in the warm letters of support from believe’.15 Clarke was, however, Liberal governments of the years Labour men Sam Woods and Ben notoriously abrasive – the follow- between then and 1915. Tillett, as well as from the Liberal ing year MacDonald was himself It is also clear that the friend- leader Campbell-Bannerman.12 complaining of ‘Mr Clarke’s ill ships established in the Rain- Such examples of local co-opera- humours’, and saying that, ‘I have bow Circle in the 1890s had a tion were given national sanction some reasonable grounds for feel- long-term significance. Ramsay in the electoral pact negotiated ing insulted’.16 MacDonald as Prime Minister in between Ramsay MacDonald The Progressive Review folded 1924 and from 1929–1935 made and Herbert Gladstone in 1903, because of financial difficulties use of contacts originally formed in which the Liberals agreed not later in 1897, but the Rainbow in the Rainbow Circle in the to oppose LRC candidates in Circle continued to meet, though 1890s. Two of the ministers Mac- thirty seats to give them a clear there was some turnover of Donald appointed when he first run against the Conservatives. membership. On October 1901, became Prime Minister in 1924 Herbert Samuel wrote to Charles were former Rainbow Circle

Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 27 THE RAINBOW CIRCLE AND THE NEW LIBERALISM colleagues, Charles Trevelyan and been examples of constructive, Rathbone has taught history for over Sydney Olivier. Trevelyan, having if often uneasy, dialogue between twenty years and is currently Head joined the Labour Party in 1919 them. The electoral pact of 1903 of History at Canford School, Wim- after ministerial experience as a has already been mentioned and borne, Dorset. Recent articles include Liberal before the First World War, benefited both parties in the ‘Labour and the Liberal Democrats’ was President of the Board of Ed- 1906 election. Labour and Lib- (Talking Politics, April 2002), ‘The ucation in both of MacDonald’s eral ministers were colleagues in Liberal Party in the 1920s’ (History Labour ministries in 1924 and wartime coalitions between 1916 Review, March 2002), ‘The Free- 1929–31. MacDonald appointed and 1918, and between 1940 dom of Information Act’ (Talking Olivier Secretary of State for and 1945. The Lib-Lab Pact of Politics, April 2001), and ‘The India in 1924, elevating him to 1976–78, forced upon James Cal- Liberal Party 1894–1906’ (History the peerage as Baron Olivier. Al- laghan’s Labour government by Review, September 2000). though it was unconventional to electoral circumstances, was not bring a retired civil servant who an entirely happy experience for 1 Paddy Ashdown, The Ashdown had never sat in parliament into either party. Diaries, Volume One 1988–1997 (Penguin, London, 2000), pp. 278 the government, Olivier’s career ‘The Project’ to realign British and 555. in the Colonial Office, notably politics in the late 1990s is a more 2 J.A. Hobson, Confessions of an as Governor of Jamaica from recent example of the complex Economic Heretic (London, 1938), 1907–13, and in senior domestic relationship between the two p. 95. civil service posts at the Board of parties. On election day in 1997 3 Many of the agendas and other documents relating to the Rainbow Agriculture and Fisheries and the Tony Blair told Paddy Ashdown Circle’s early years are preserved Treasury between 1913 and 1920 of his determination to mend the in the Samuel Papers in the House was valuable to a party which schism in the progressive forces in of Lords Record Office, notably had no previous experience in British politics. Whether the Joint A/10 (1–4). government. Cabinet Committee on consti- 4 Samuel Papers A/10 (2). 5 Progressive Review Vol I, No. 1 In 1931, MacDonald was tutional reform on which Blair (October 1896), pp. 3–5. expelled from the Labour Party invited Ashdown to sit in 1997 6 Hobson wrote (p. 92) that Liber- after forming the National Gov- really amounted to something als ‘tended to lay an excessive ernment, a coalition with the quite so earth-shaking looked emphasis upon the aspect of Conservatives and Liberals. The doubtful four years on: Charles liberty which consists in absence of restraint, as compared with Acting Leader of the Liberal Par- Kennedy took the role of oppo- the other aspect which consists in ty, who became Home Secretary sition rather than that of ally in presence of opportunity’. in the National Government, was the Liberal Democrats’ successful 7 M. Freeden, The New Liberalism another former Rainbow Circle 2001 election campaign, and he (CUP, 1978), p. 253. colleague, Herbert Samuel. One and Tony Blair agreed in Sep- 8 Hobson, op. cit., p. 52. 9 Progressive Review, Vol I, No. 1 wonders if, when they were cabi- tember 2001 to suspend the Joint ‘The (October 1896) pp. 3–5. net colleagues in 1931, MacDon- Cabinet Committee. 10 ibid., Vol I, No. 3 (December ald and Samuel ever reminisced Project’ Nevertheless, the co-op- 1896), p. 259. about the evenings they had spent eration between the two parties 11 Samuel Papers A/155(II) (12). together thirty-five years before, between 1997 and 2001 has 12 Samuel Papers A/18 (1, 4, 10 and to realign 15). setting the world to rights over a yielded some results: devolu- 13 Progressive Review, Vol. I, No. 6 half-crown dinner in the Rain- British tion, the Human Rights Act, the (March 1897), p. 540; Vol. II, No. bow Tavern. What would the Freedom of Information Act 8 (May 1897), p. 176. fiery young socialist MacDonald politics in and the first stage in reform of 14 B. Porter, Critics of Empire, p. have said then had it been re- the House of Lords.19 By 2000 157. the late 15 Quoted in B. Porter, op. cit. vealed to him that he would one the two parties were also shar- 16 MacDonald to Samuel, 3 July day be expelled from the Labour 1990s is ing power in Edinburgh and in 1897; Samuel Papers A/10 (6). Party over his insistence on cut- Cardiff after the first elections 17 Samuel to Trevelyan, 24 October ting unemployment benefit and a more re- to the Scottish Parliament and 1901; Samuel Papers A/14(4). lead a Conservative-dominated the Welsh Assembly. No doubt 18 The Minutes of the Rainbow Circle cent exam- 1894–1924, edited by Michael coalition government? the members of the Rainbow Freeden, were published by the Finally, the Rainbow Circle ple of the Circle would have approved. Royal Historical Society in 1989 represented an early attempt by (Camden Fourth Series, Volume Liberals and Labour politicians complex re- This is a revised version of an ar- 38). (even before the formation of the ticle which first appeared in The 19 See Mark Rathbone, ‘Labour and lationship the Liberal Democrats’, Talking Labour Representation Com- Historian (no. 71, autumn 2001), Politics, April 2002, for a fuller mittee in 1900) to work out the the magazine of The Historical discussion of this issue. relationship between these two between Association. strands of progressive politics. the two Although the two parties have After taking a history degree at remained separate, there have parties. Worcester Col lege, Oxford, Mark

28 Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 Lawrence Iles examines the life of Sir John Harris (1874–1940), campaigner against slavery and colonial exploitation in Africa and Liberal MP for North West Hackney, 1923–24.

CAMPAIGNER AGAINST SLAVERY

ir John Harris was Alice Seely, of Frome, Somerset, native populations by their co- one of the last Lib- like Harris a firm Baptist. They lonial masters – Joseph Conrad eral politicians to were to have four children. Al- had done as much in his 1902 regard his political ice’s strong personality must novel Heart of Darkness – Har- career as an adjunct have influenced their decision ris provided details of more Sof his religious faith; and one to become missionaries for their outrages than could be safely of the first MPs to have made a church. By 1904 they had de- ignored by even the most ar- career (albeit modestly) from lob- parted for the Belgian Congo dent imperialist. Although not bying, in his case against slavery (now the Democratic Republic a writer of sparkling prose, he and colonial exploitation in a of Congo), a country apparently worked tirelessly to find new Britain uneasily coming to terms chosen by chance, on a trip which facts and to bring them before with the transition from Empire was to change their lives. the British population and to ‘Commonwealth trusteeship’ On returning to London Har- government. Inevitably, he was as he called it. His brand of non- ris wrote, lectured and displayed not popular with the Belgian conformist Liberalism was going photographs of the horrors he authorities and required protec- out of fashion by the 1920s and, and his wife had witnessed: can- tion by the British government as a result, his career in Parliament nibalism, the mutilation of chil- – including by Roger Case- was brief. But his work as Secre- dren’s genitals, murderous gang ment, later to achieve notoriety tary of the British International rapes, and the systematic exter- in Ireland – on later visits to the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Pro- mination of ‘unproductive’ elder- Congo. He cultivated good rela- tection Society for thirty years ly villagers. This was not, as might tions with the UK government, from 1910 was highly influential have been popularly imagined, which urged the Belgian King in terms of bringing race issues to due to the barbarity of a savage to be more open about the role the attention of the public. population, and tribal animosi- of his agents in the territory. By John Hobbis Harris was born ties, but was a deliberate policy 1914, Harris had secured Papal on 29 July 1874 at Brightwell, of the state’s government, with condemnation of the Congo- Berkshire, the son of John and which the Belgian King, Leopold lese atrocities and had done Elizabeth Harris. His family was II, was closely connected. Harris much to associate Leopold II relatively prosperous – his father linked the atrocities he saw to with colonial exploitation in was described on the 1881 census the flourishing trade in rubber, the public mind. as a master plumber and glazier which was a principal export of The situation in the Congo – and he was educated at the the Congo and a source of profit was not the only focus for Har- King Alfred School, Wantage, and to its ruler. Demand for rubber ris before 1914. He clashed with privately. was increasing rapidly because senior ministers, not least Lord Harris seems to have been of the development of the motor Morley, in attacking Portugal, something of a rebellious spirit car. The atrocities Harris chroni- a traditional ally of the UK, for at school, with no clear idea of cled were intended to intimidate the use of indentured labour on where his talents lay, never mind Congolese villagers into working plantations in the Cape Verde how to use them. He trained in in rubber plantations and to gen- Islands. He also exposed the accountancy in London but the erate higher production. expropriation of land by white turning point in his life came on While not being the first settlers in Rhodesia. Harris 6 May 1898 when he married to point to the exploitation of and his wife were the subject

Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 29 stood in 1922, perhaps moti- vated by distaste with the Lloyd George government and a desire to put an undiluted brand of Liberalism before the elector- ate. He contested North West Camberwell, which was held by a prominent Lloyd Georgite, T.J. Macnamara, but came a distant third. In 1923 he was elected for North Hackney, defeating the incumbent Tory with a 14.2 per cent swing. This was one of a number of inner London seats in which the Liberals polled well during the inter-war years. It was predominantly working class, but, owing to the preponderance of small employers, was not heav- ily unionised. This characteristic helped the Liberals withstand the onslaught of Labour throughout much of the inter-war period, and the Liberals retained some residual strength in such seats into the 1950s. For Harris, the House of of physical threats and vicious ideas were supported by many Commons provided an unri- assaults in print as a result of in the Liberal and Labour par- valled platform from which he such campaigns, but they were ties but were derided by the could air his views and press for undeterred. Labour left, particularly Fenner government action on a range of Harris was a Liberal through- Brockway and his younger sup- international issues, from the Ab- out his life, serving the Dulwich porters such as Barbara Castle, yssinian slave trade to the vegeta- Liberal Association and London and the evolving South African ble oil industry in West Africa and Liberal Federation for many National Congress and Kenyan from prostitution in Hong Kong years. His political and religious Kikuyu Native Rights Associa- to the Takoradi Harbour Works in faiths were intertwined and for tion, which called for full self- the Gold Coast. that reason, although we was on government. In the few months available the radical wing of the Liberal Harris’s vision did not be- to him before the Labour gov- Party, he was never tempted to come reality. Where autonomy ernment fell towards the end join Labour. was granted, it was to minority of 1924, he spoke over twenty As with many Liberals, the white populations which expro- times and asked over sixty ques- First World War made a deep priated land for themselves and tions. His focus was not solely on impact on Harris. Ever the opti- used all available means to keep foreign affairs; he questioned the mist, he saw opportunities for a the natives in their places. This government vigorously on issues new colonial system to emerge outcome did not affect Har- affecting military servicemen and from the fall of Germany’s Afri- ris’s religious faith: the white also on the working conditions can possessions. He advocated a establishment in countries such of civil servants. He presented a ‘new commonwealth’, presided as Kenya was firmly Church of bill to remove the disqualification over by the British, French, US, England and little better could of Church of England minis- Australian and New Zealand be expected of them. Harris’s ters from sitting in the House governments in Asia, Africa, and political beliefs were shaken, of Commons, a measure which the Pacific, in which traditional however. His advocacy of self- hinted at support for disestablish- patterns of land ownership government waned to the extent ment. The under-resourcing of would be combined with mod- that in 1933 he called (in the Lib- medical and sanitary inspectors ern scientific developments and eral Women’s News) for direct rule was another concern, of par- a benign capitalism to secure of the colonies from London in ticular importance in inner-city steady economic growth; and order to protect the welfare of the Hackney. in which majority populations indigenous populations. His views were the product of would be granted some meas- Harris’s parliamentary career an odd mixture of individualism ure of self-government. Harris’s was short but active. He first and collectivism; he was one of

30 Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 CAMPAIGNER AGAINST SLAVERY only three Liberals to vote for an paring unfavourably the attitude Parliamen- attacks. Forced into semi-retire- Independent Labour Party mo- of the US state authorities with ment, he remained reasonably tion calling for the nationalisa- the governments of Kenya and tarians active up until his death at the tion of natural monopolies such South Africa. He was not afraid to age of sixty-five on 30 April as water, but he also argued for speak out against slavery and bar- with back- 1940. strikes by key workers, such as baric practices in countries such Sir John Simon had described bus drivers, to be prohibited. Al- as Ethiopia and China, where grounds in him, at a dinner to celebrate his though a radical, he voted against there was no colonial power to be pressure knighthood, as possessing ‘bound- the Labour government in the blamed, earning the reprobation less enthusiasm and optimism, division on the Zinoviev allega- of fellow campaigners who felt groups are detailed knowledge and courage’. tions which precipitated the 1924 that this could undermine their Lord Noel-Buxton described election. efforts to put pressure on the now com- him on his death as a genial, Like most Liberals, he lost colonial powers. Harris, however, open-minded man, religious to heavily in 1924 and did not re- exposed and condemned oppres- mon, but his core but lacking in religious turn to Parliament, making fruit- sion wherever he found it. Harris was bigotry. As a campaigner and less attempts to do so for North Harris was knighted in 1933, politician he had the common Hackney in 1929, where he was possibly on the recommenda- one of the touch, the ability to convey a narrowly pushed into third place tion of his friend Sir John Simon. complicated message with power by Labour, and for Westbury in During the 1930s he seemed to first, and and simplicity in his speeches and 1931. This last campaign was have lost some of his former cut- writing. Parliamentarians with significant because Westbury was ting edge and in his writing often most effec- backgrounds in pressure groups one of the Liberal Party’s most supported rather than challenged tive, of the are now common, but Harris was winnable seats. Harcourt John- the status quo, for example in one of the first, and most effec- stone had lost in 1929 by only arguing against mixed-race mar- breed. tive, of the breed. sixty-seven votes, but Harris was riages. In many respects he was Among the most significant defeated by nearly 6,000 in a dis- now well behind the latest think- of Harris’s books catalogued by astrous election for his party. It is ing on race issues and his attitudes the British Library are Down in noticeable that his later election and the terminology he used Darkest Africa (1912), Portuguese addresses had lost the sanctimoni- were old-fashioned compared to Slavery: Britain’s Dilemma (1913), ous edge of their predecessors, in those of the new generation of Germany’s Lost Colonial Empire, which he had more or less urged activists on the left in the UK and and the Essentials of Reconstruc- electors to vote for Good (Har- Africa. Some African-Americans tion (1917), Africa: Slave or Free ris) against Evil (his opponents). were suspicious of his involve- (1919), The Chartered Millions: Harris appreciated that the days ment in their cause, considering Rhodesia and the Challenge to the when the Liberals could bank him an apologist for old-style British Commonwealth (1920), on the nonconformist vote had European colonialism, but he Slavery or ‘Sacred Trust’? (1926) gone, thanks to the challenge of had the strong support of activists and A Century of Emancipation a largely secular Labour Party, and such as Dr William du Bois and (1933). The records of the British its message that economics was Dr Carter Woodson who ensured International Anti-Slavery and the key issue of the age. his books and articles were pub- Aborigines Protection Society In or out of Parliament, Harris lished widely in the US. and Harris’s unpublished auto- was a prodigious writer of books, In 1938, Harris and his wife biography are held at Rhodes pamphlets, articles (especially for returned to Africa to visit the House, Oxford University. Anti- the Contemporary Review and the protectorates established in Slavery International in Lambeth Daily Herald, as its ‘native affairs modern-day Botswana and hold some of the photographs authority’) and letters (espe- Lesotho. They visited the Kala- taken by Alice Harris of the Con- cially to The Times). The Vauxhall hari Desert to interview a man golese atrocities. There is also a Bridge office of his anti-slavery who claimed to be the oldest in substantial collection of Harris’s league was always busy. He was the world and a former war- journalistic output at the McGill a member of the executive com- rior of the Zulu King Chaka. University Library, Montreal. mittee of the League of Nations More seriously, on the same and, in 1926, helped negotiate visit, Harris had an angry con- Lawrence Iles is on the staff of a formal protocol that was in- frontation with South African Truman University, Kirksville, tended to prohibit a person being premier General Hertzog about Missouri, US. defined as a ‘chattel’ and therefore the discrimination against the capable of being another’s prop- non-white majority practised The author expresses his appreciation erty. In 1933 he began to raise the by his government, which her- to Robert Ingham, Biographies Editor issue of the treatment of the black alded the apartheid regime of of the Journal of Liberal History, population in the southern states later years. Shortly afterwards, and to Elizabeth Gibson of McGill of the United States, exposing the Harris’s health began to fail and University Library. practice of lynching, and com- he suffered a number of heart

Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 31 REPORT

Remembering Jo – The Legacy of Jo Grimond Fringe meeting report, September 2002, with Michael McManus, William Wallace, Tony Greaves and Tom Dale Report by Graham Lippiatt

here is a mythology of WRITING GRIMOND’S rather well. He went to Ox- POLITICAL IMPACT Jo Grimond among LIFE ford, read for the bar, had a Turning to the substance of Tcontemporary Liberals.1 The first speaker was Michael reasonable war and then went Grimond’s political achieve- Good-looking, charismatic, McManus, the author of into politics. He spent time ments, McManus described aristocratic from an impec- the biography of Grimond, working for the United Na- how Grimond had taken over cably Liberal lineage, the man Towards the Sound of Gunfire. tions and the National Trust the leadership of a defunct who transformed the Liberal McManus is a Conserva- before winning Orkney & political party, reminding the Party from a marginalised, tive, a former private sec- Shetland at the 1950 general audience that at the general right-leaning grouplet into retary to Edward Heath, so election. elections of 1951 and 1955 a radicalising force, inspiring his confession to being on McManus found that Grimond was the only Lib- a new generation of Liber- the liberal wing of the Tory most people’s recollections of eral MP of the six returned als, showering ideas and new party was a clue to his inter- Grimond were of a charm- to be opposed by the Con- thinking on a moribund est in Grimond. At one point, ing and delightful man, with servatives – in McManus’ political scene – while at McManus alluded to the great manner and presence, view as a result of personal the same time providing the empathy he had built up with a fine and witty raconteur. arrangements between Gri- party with a real hope of his subject, finding himself Reminiscences of a more mond’s mother-in-law Lady electoral revival. quoting Grimond from Con- negative kind, the sort of Violet Bonham Carter and Despite the importance servative political platforms thing a biographer can seize her friend Winston Churchill. of Grimond to Liberals, no and hearing the audiences on to bring out the multi- The Liberal Party was des- major biography of him was approving his words. He be- coloured patterns of a life, perately close to annihilation published until 2001; perhaps gan his talk by exploring how were often hard to come by. at Parliamentary level when because he left no inviting it was strange that Grimond But there were some. Russell Grimond succeeded Clem- diary, or substantial collection was the only significant post- Johnston described Grimond ent Davies as leader in 1956. of papers to tempt a scholar, war political leader in Britain as ‘the dilettante revolution- His first achievement, then, perhaps because, ultimately, not to warrant a biography; ary’, and Tam Dalyell, whose was to move away from the Grimond failed. The revival this despite the very full- family had trouble with the position of closeness to the faltered, there was no realign- ness of Grimond’s life. But National Trust over their Conservatives, turn his back ment of the non-socialist the question of sources soon ancestral home, the Binns, on possible further deals on left under his leadership of raised itself as an explanation had a very low opinion of seats like those in Bolton and the Liberal Party. As Lord - no diary, no ordered cata- Grimond. McManus re- Huddersfield, start the party Rodgers recalled at a His- logue of papers, his wife also counted a story told to him thinking about its true loca- tory Group fringe meeting dead and the greatest omis- by Alan Watson about Gri- tion on the political spectrum in Brighton in 1998,2 after sion of them all, the absence mond’s deafness and the way and head in the direction of speaking, typically, to a largely of any ministerial papers. in which he would use this realignment of the left. empty Commons chamber, Nevertheless the opportuni- disability to protect himself Under Grimond the elec- Grimond would leave in a ties to gather information against bores and the prolix toral revival took shape, not lonely way with his head held did present themselves and by turning down his hearing just the great Parliamentary slightly to one side. In the McManus was soon run- aid at appropriate moments. by-election triumphs of Tor- end, what changes did he re- ning through the story of He also discovered that rington and Orpington, but ally make? Grimond’s life. He had a Grimond conformed to the getting candidates in the Would this meeting, at privileged childhood, born Scottish stereotype of being field after the humiliations Brighton in 2002, reinforce into a wealthy Dundee mer- careful with money, having of previous general elections or undermine the potent cantile family, and went to never found anyone who had and seeing the election of a Grimond mythology? Eton, where he played cricket been bought a drink by him. steady stream of local coun-

32 Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 MEETING REPORT cillors after years of decline. holding the balance of power. and principal contributor to tallness allowed him to sur- Grimond did this by force of Harold Wilson held out the some of the party’s election vey the mere mortals below personality, taking advantage prospect of influence but at manifestoes. During the 1966 and he seemed to find it of the beginnings of the age the 1966 general election, general election campaign he amusing that the people he of television, on which he although the Liberals gained had managed Jo Grimond’s was looking down at were came over well. He also used more seats their overall vote press publicity. On the train taking him seriously. Wal- the opportunity presented declined and Labour came to Brighton, Wallace had met lace agreed with McManus by the Suez crisis to make a back with a landslide major- the political correspondent that there was a whimsical real impact on the political ity. McManus felt Grimond Peter Riddell, who on find- side to Grimond and that he classes, including the defec- had by then done as much ing out that Wallace was go- often refused to take him- tion to the Liberals of some with the leadership of the ing to speak about Grimond self entirely seriously. What more liberal-minded Tories. party as he could. He had admitted he had just read he did greatly enjoy was to The process went wider than become bored and slightly Michael McManus’ book meet people who were in- that, though; Grimond was tired, perhaps even a bit hu- and whereas he had never terested in politics, perhaps a positioning the Liberal Party, miliated by the way in which previously appreciated why group of students, and chat- McManus argued, to take he thought Wilson had used people were so impressed by ting informally about the advantage of the postwar so- the situation. He could see Jo Grimond, he now began underlying ideas of politics. cial de-alignment of the late that the potential for realign- to understand. In this way he was able to at- 1950s and early 1960s. ment, with the Liberals still Wallace began by compar- tract and charm people to the In this analysis, McManus having only a handful of seats, ing the political scene of the Liberal cause and as a result was clearly taking his parti- was a long way off and he had Grimond era with that of made a huge difference to the san audience with him. But had enough. Once he had today. In those days, he ar- future of the party. By force he now began to dissent stood down from the leader- gued, it was possible to be ‘an of personality, he was able to from the Grimond mythol- ship however, backing Jeremy enlightened amateur’. Politics inspire new members, par- ogy with the opinion that Thorpe to succeed him in then was far less intrusive and ticularly young people, and Grimond’s ideas and intel- 1967, he regretted it and took much more respectful. Televi- was highly effective at getting lectual originality had been on a new role, becoming a sion interviewers were def- them working for the party overplayed as contributors complete nuisance to the erential, happy to give their in elections and recruitment to the Liberal revival. Gri- new leader. subjects a chance to answer campaigns. mond, McManus argued, did In general after retire- at length, not prone to sharp Behind Grimond’s easygo- not really take his ideas and ment as leader, McManus exchanges like today. Whereas ing façade, however, Wallace policy positions seriously thought, Grimond took the Grimond was very good with identified a man who himself and if there was merit in opportunity to question and the sweep of political ideas, worked quite hard, because Grimond’s ideas, though they dissent from party policy and he may have found it hard the party did not have the were planted in the period of thinking and relished the to cope with the contempo- resources to employ a large his leadership, they only re- furores he caused. First he rary approach to interview- staff. Mark Bonham Carter, ally came to bloom at a later flirted with the Scottish Na- ing. Wallace compared his Frank Byers and Arthur Holt time and on other parties’ tionalists (which so annoyed own experiences in being a were all stalwart supporters political agendas – home rule Russell Johnston) and then member of the Liberal Party but there was not much party for Scotland, the reduction in he adopted an out–of–char- Organisation in 1966 and his infrastructure behind them. the role of the state and the acter Euro-scepticism which later involvement in the 1997 Harry Cowie helped out deadening hand of bureauc- continued even through the campaign. He was the one- immensely writing policy racy, the case for cooperation 1975 referendum campaign, man ‘night team’ in the party but Grimond wrote his own with Europe, and the whole although both of these ap- press office in 1966, whereas books and pamphlets, and his question of realignment. proaches could be tracked to a large, professional party own speeches. The image of Despite McManus’ emphasis movements of opinion in his cadre ran the same shift thirty the professional gentleman on the failure of these ideas Orkney & Shetland constitu- years later. Wallace recalled and amateur politician that to resonate with what the ency. In rather capriciously Grimond coming into party Grimond promoted did actu- wider electorate then felt was enjoying this outspokenness headquarters, then on Smith ally disguise great activity in important, from our current and dissent, McManus ar- Square, the night after the making the party buzz with Liberal Democrat perspec- gued, Grimond denied him- election, being a bit disap- ideas. He pushed the party tives it just seems as if Gri- self full association with the pointed by the small number more towards an understand- mond was ahead of his time. success of the ideas he had of Liberal seats then declared ing of the relationship with Grimond resigned the floated throughout his career and then shuffling out into Europe, and the key position leadership of the Liberal Par- in politics. the night on his own. No of constitutional reform, but ty after the 1964–66 Parlia- party leader today could act more importantly in Wal- ment. The 1964 general elec- like that. lace’s analysis, he took back tion had failed to capitalise POLITICS THEN AND NOW In seeking an explana- the party from the economic on the promise of Orpington The next speaker was Wil- tion for Grimond’s success, liberals and the influence of or bring the party genuine liam Wallace, academic, Lib- Wallace began by alluding people like Oliver Smed- leverage as they just missed eral Democrat working peer, to his physical presence. His ley and Arthur Seldon. He

Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 33 had enough – a decision con- cup of tea with the caretak- firmed by the result of the er, having slipped in unob- 1966 election. trusively by the back door. Wallace concluded that Greaves had a particular what Grimond left behind memory of Jo, passing him was a very different party, and on the escalator at Euston an entirely new generation of Station, all alone without activists. He gave credibility fuss or ceremony, heading for to the idea that young people the night sleeper on his long who were radical should join journey back to his constitu- the Liberal Party rather than ency. Greaves thought this Labour, and in so doing he typified Grimond’s amateur regenerated the party in a approach to politics, which fundamental way. would be impossible for any modern party leader, who would be surrounded by an THE PERSONAL TOUCH entourage of aides and press Our next speaker was Tony corps. This approach did not Greaves, community politi- even survive the leadership cian, now a member of the of Jeremy Thorpe, who when House of Lords and in the he took over from Grimond Grimond era chair of the instituted a rule that the lead- Union of Liberal Students. er had to be met by large cars Greaves began his recol- – and it had to be a large car lections by reminding the – which in Greaves’ opinion, audience that Grimond started the rot. was always known in the Surveying some of Gri- party as ‘Jo’. This informal- mond’s successors as leader, backed party think-tanks like the party – that the Liberals ity and familiarity typified Greaves thought Thorpe the Radical Reform Group could be relevant again. Sadly, Grimond’s relationship with did not have Jo Grimond’s and turned the Liberals once in 1963–64, Labour began to the Liberal Party but at the charisma or his deep interest again into a social liberal reassert itself. And, according same time he was hero- in ideas. He was a very good party. The economic liberals to Wallace, Grimond trusted worshipped in a way in actor and political performer transferred their allegiance Harold Wilson more than he which no subsequent leader but had no strategy at all. to the Tories and eventu- should have. Wilson had a has been, or has indeed David Steel certainly had a ally captured it under the working majority of three at deserved to be. Greaves strategy but by the time of influence of people like Sir the 1964 general election but referred to the fact that David Steel, leaders had be- Keith Joseph and Margaret quickly lost a by-election and one of the speakers for the come ordinary folk. They had Thatcher. Transforming the was therefore down to a ma- meeting had been delayed reached the elevated position party as he did, and providing jority of only one. Grimond and turned up late, and an- of leader but people could re- it with a set of new ideas for gave Liberal support to the other one had got the date member when they had been a modern era, was Grimond’s government because he felt it wrong and did not turn up rank-and-file members. Jo abiding legacy. right to do so but he thought at all – saying, to affection- was never an ordinary person. Wallace identified the high he had an understanding with ate laughter, that this was a Paddy Ashdown again had a point of Grimond’s influence the Prime Minister which great tribute to Jo. strategy for the party but one and leadership as 1959–62. would help progressive gov- If William Wallace, who that caused internal disagree- The context was the failure ernment in Britain, and over was delayed, had been Jo ments and fierce battles, well of Labour to win the 1959 the crucial first six months of Grimond, he would not documented in the Ashdown general election, its third de- 1965 helped the Labour gov- have taken a taxi from the diaries. feat in a row; the publication ernment to survive. station but would still have Grimond’s great policy of the influential paperback As soon as the opinion been wandering through was of course realign- Must Labour Lose? and the poll ratings began to swing the streets of Brighton ment of the left, although creation of a situation in back in Labour’s favour, looking for the meeting he never really defined it which Grimond could cred- Wilson, the consummate if venue. Grimond was famous and deliberately kept the ibly argue for a realignment unprincipled politician, made for causing panic among idea vague. When he did of the left, as Labour could a speech to the Labour Party hosts of meetings or rallies expound the approach he not win alone. conference that ridiculed he was scheduled to attend, often found that people in This was the rationale the Liberal Party and Jo Gri- with perhaps hundreds of the party disagreed with Grimond provided to peo- mond. It was at that point people waiting to hear him him because the implication ple who were attracted to that Grimond decided he had speak, by turning up late or was always that the Liber- being discovered having a als would be forming some

34 Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 MEETING REPORT kind of alliance or arrange- home with the organisation THE ORATOR what the party should think, ment with a section of the and level of professionalism Greaves then referred to because he genuinely be- Labour Party and they were needed to run a modern Grimond’s oratory and the lieved in the diversity of ideas not willing to compromise political party. Grimond way in which his leader’s and the promotion of policy. their Liberalism. But despite was lucky in that the small speeches became great events In finishing, Greaves re- Grimond’s vagueness about number of political organis- in the life of the party – all ferred to a party magazine defining the outcome of ers on whom he could call to who heard them remem- called Gunfire, from 1967, realignment, he was clear help run the party between bered them as inspirational. which he used to edit. In this about two things in par- 1956 and 1967 were very In Greaves’ view no subse- he wrote an editorial entitled ticular. able and were also highly quent Liberal leader has been ‘The Grimond Generation’; First, that Liberals were talented thinkers. Grimond able to deliver speeches like it covered the great upsurge on the left in politics. He attracted these people to give Grimond. In fact he believed in Young Liberal member- established, at a time when of their talents for no real Grimond to have been the ship and activity in the mid- the Liberal Party had been monetary reward, as the paid most charismatic performer late 1960s which in many drifting in a backwater of political jobs that exist today and speaker in British politics ways was independent of the old-fashioned free trade in were not available then. Gri- since 1945, bearing compari- Liberal Party itself, a strange the early 1950s, that it was a mond drew in capable people son with the great orators of phenomenon in politics at party of the left, opposed to from the universities to write the 19th century, John Bright the time. In that editorial, the Conservatives and the a series of pamphlets and or Gladstone, who could clearly written on behalf of forces of the right. In do- papers which created a cor- speak for three hours and still the wider Young Liberal lead- ing so, he was reclaiming the pus of Liberal policy which keep people enthralled. This ership, Greaves wrote: historic position of the party, had not been seen for a long is now regarded as an ob- which had of course been time and which defined the solete skill, but Jo Grimond We are the Grimond gen- the progressive alternative to Liberal Party as a being on had that ability and it suited eration. Whether we like conservatism throughout the the centre-left of the British the politics of his time. It was it or not, most of us joined 19th century and up until the political spectrum. Looking one of the methods by which and became active in the First World War. at this work today, Greaves Grimond was able to hold Liberals and Young Liberals The second point on felt that a lot of it was really the party in the palm of his when Jo Grimond was not which Grimond was clear rather social democratic and hand, but he never used it to only the Liberal leader, to was the distinction between perhaps in commissioning it, keep a grip on what the party all intents and purposes he the Liberal left and the so- Grimond laid the foundations did or to impose a view of was the Liberal Party. With cialist left, something that for the movements which later Greaves felt the contem- brought the merging of social porary Liberal Democrats democratic and liberal ideas ought to revisit. The mes- and structures. sage today from the party However, Greaves believed leadership, according to that the fact that there were Greaves, is that the idea of disagreements in the party, the left-right political spec- or a lack of real understand- trum is something which ing about the realignment of has passed and is out of date the left, did not really matter. and so the party’s place on There was a consensus in that spectrum should not the party that the task was to be talked about – or, if it increase the number of seats, has not gone out of fashion, to create a body of policy, to talking about it could lose create a modern party under the party votes. the direction of a leader who Looking at some of the half the time gave superb issues about which Grimond inspiration and leadership spoke and wrote more than and the other half of the time forty years ago, they seemed allowed his mind to wander to Greaves today to be very across the range of political modern in terms of ideas. ideas and to promote his con- Greaves thought that Gri- cept of realignment. This was mond would be at home in how Grimond was and the politics today with his ideas party accepted it from him on the role of state, decen- in a way that it was not pre- tralisation, bureaucracy and pared to do later under Steel his Liberal left interpretation or Ashdown when they were of these themes. Grimond pushing their own realign- would not however be at ment strategies.

Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 35 MEETING REPORT

virtually no Parliamentary of radical thought within Intelligence duly arrived Liberal parties and then to party, Liberal policy was the party that survives very that Grimond would be in go to South America on a whatever Jo said it was at firmly in the Liberal Demo- the second carriage, so the tour. Colombia was a danger- the time. It must have been crats today. two candidates bought their ous place then, as now, but shockingly undemocratic platform tickets and went to Grimond insisted on walking but we were newcomers, meet the train with two local around the town – much to we did not really notice. We GRIMOND ON CAMPAIGN newspaper photographers. the terror of his hosts – such joined because the Liberals The final speaker was Tom The train came in and Gri- was his naïveté. (Jo Grimond) seemed to be Dale, who had gamely mond opened the carriage In coming to the end of bright and new and relevant agreed to stand in without door but was at first unwill- his talk, Dale referred to the and sensible. Things have warning at the very last ing to get off the train in case previous speakers’ recollec- changed a lot since then moment, when one of the it left without him. However tions of Grimond as a prolific …[but] when we joined the advertised speakers was un- he did get down and shook ideas man and writer of pam- Liberals it was still the party able to attend. Dale opened hands with both candidates phlets and policy papers. He of compromise and consen- with the recollection of for the benefit of the photog- said he once asked Grimond’s sus half-way between the the first time Grimond had raphers and made two very secretary, Catherine Fisher, others. The trouble was that made any impact on his short sentences of support. how Grimond ever found the much of what Jo Grimond consciousness. This was in But that two or three minutes time to write all these pam- said never tied up with this. 1955, when Dale was an on a railway platform earned phlets. She answered that they Tories flopped into the active member of the Young the two candidates front- used to spend awful lot of party and flopped out again Liberals. At that time the page coverage in all the local hours travelling to and from two or three years later. Liberal Assembly was always newspapers. This particularly Orkney & Shetland and Lon- All that really interested held in the spring and that enraged the Tories who had don by train or air – in fact them was electoral success. year, just as the conference been trying to get their leader it was quicker to get to Nor- Large numbers of young was opening in Llandudno, to Colchester to boost their way from London than get people also joined the party the government called the candidate, without success. to Shetland – and dictating but unlike our elders we general election. The then After that election, Dale papers was an efficient way of usually listened to what leader of the party, Clem- then worked for the next five filling the time. It is interest- Jo Grimond was saying. ent Davies, had been ill and years or so for the party at ing to speculate if Grimond We were stupid enough to was recuperating on a boat the House of Commons and would have left such a won- take him seriously. And as in the Canary Islands. Gri- used to sit in on the weekly derful legacy of ideas and Bernard Greaves wrote in mond was obliged to step meeting of MPs under Gri- policy if he had been MP for the previous magazine ‘Eve- in and deliver the leader’s mond’s chairmanship. While a London constituency. ryone is shocked because speech on the first day of Grimond could be persuaded we take some of the things the Assembly, after which to support different party Graham Lippiatt is Secretary of Jo Grimond says to their everyone departed for their events, and turn up at by- the Liberal Democrat History logical development.’ … Is constituencies to prepare for elections to campaign, he was Group. it not logical to expect Jo the election. very reluctant to go to in- Grimond’s broadly based, The first time Dale stood ternational Liberal meetings, 1 ‘Leaders Good and Bad’ left-wing party to have a for Parliament was for the as he never felt he properly (result of the Best and Worst Leaders poll), Journal of vigorous and principled Harwich constituency at the connected. Dale was working Liberal Democrat History 27: left wing able to express its general election of 1959. As with Liberal International Summer 2000. Of radicalism in modern terms leader Grimond travelled the and managed to get Grimond 2 ‘ Obituaries and Great Men’, at the very least? Nowadays country giving speeches at to take part briefly in meet- Journal of Liberal Democrat scarcely a month seems to public meetings and doing ings with leaders of overseas History 21: Winter 1998–99. pass without an article or radio and TV broadcasts. On speech from Jo Grimond one such trip Grimond had denouncing the ethics of been speaking in Norwich Young Liberal history capitalism, the uselessness of and then had to return by Liberal Democrat Youth and Students (LDYS) are aiming to produce Parliament, the breakdown train to London to get to a a book to celebrate A Century of Young Liberals / Ten Years of LDYS of democracy, the heavy television studio. Grimond’s (working title!). hand of bureaucracy. This train had to pass through If anyone has any anecdotes, information and/or literature relating to analysis is incredible close to Colchester, where it stopped the Young Liberals/LDYS or any of its predecessors, over the last 100 the Young Liberal analysis. for four minutes. Dale per- years (especially from the early part of the twentieth century), LDYS suaded party HQ that if would like to hear from you. In concluding, therefore, Grimond got off the train They would also like to hear from anyone who would like to get Greaves felt that Grimond and said something to him involved with a working group which will be putting together the book not only rescued the Liberal and Peter Watts, the Liberal and other events throughout 2003. Party from the prospect of candidate for Colchester, it Please contact the LDYS Office: tel: 020 7227 1387 / 7227 1388; oblivion but also laid the would be very good election email: [email protected]. foundations for a stream publicity.

36 Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 destroyed most of his pri- life: Gilbert Murray (1866– vate correspondence) but 1957), and H. A. L. Fisher ARCHIVES fortunately both the letters (1865–1940) whose tenure he wrote to Venetia Stanley as President of the Board of (later Mrs Montagu) from Education saw the introduc- Bodleian Library, University of 1910 to 1915 – key years in tion of the 1918 Education his premiership – and those Act. Murray’ s vast collection Oxford he wrote to her sister Sylvia, (microfilmed for preserva- the future Mrs Henley, from tion reasons) includes some by Helen Langley, Elizabeth Turner and 1915 to 1919, were kept by material on the Liberal Party Samuel Hyde their recipients and are now but much larger amounts de- also part of the Library’s scribe his involvement with collections. the League of Nations organ- he Bodleian Library’s on-Tyne (alongside Joseph The papers of Lady Violet isations and the United Na- Department of Special Cowen) and more crucially Bonham Carter, Baroness tions, especially UNESCO. TCollections and Western Morley’s time as Chief Sec- Asquith of Yarnbury (1887– His stand on the Suez issue is Manuscripts holds a large retary of State for Ireland 1969) provide an overview of well documented. Also active number of modern political (1886, 1892–95). Most notable a committed lifelong mem- in public life around this time collections dating from 1840 alongside his surviving general ber of the Liberal Party. As were Sir John (later Lord) to the present day, including correspondence, c.1865–1921, H.H. Asquith’s elder daugh- Simon (1873–1954) – his many generated by leading are correspondence and sub- ter, family life put her right papers were enhanced a few figures of the Liberal Party. ject files concerning Ireland at the very heart of politics years ago by a further dona- Principal among these are and his tenure as Secretary of during the first quarter of the tion of material which sheds th the private papers of the 4 State for India (1905–10). Also twentieth century, and she new light on his early years Earl of Clarendon (1800–70) of particular interest are papers continued to work for the .Unlike Simon, Sir Donald and his wife, Katherine, Lady relating to Morley’s resigna- party until her death in 1969. Maclean (1864–1932) left Clarendon (d. 1874), Lord tion (whilst Lord President of From an early age she spoke relatively few papers but this Kimberley (1826–1902), the Council) from the cabinet on the election platform for small collection, which dates Lord Bryce (1838–1922), of the last Liberal government her father, most notably at from 1906 to 1932, includes Sir William Harcourt under Asquith in August 1914, the Paisley by-election in material concerning not only (1827–1904) and his son over Britain’s entry into World 1920, and she herself stood the Liberal Party but also Lewis ( later Lord) Harcourt War One. as the unsuccessful candidate Ireland, Irish Home Rule and (1863–1922) and the papers Moving further into the for Wells in 1945 and Colne British foreign policy. of John ( later) Lord Morley twentieth century, there are Valley in 1951. Her elder son Several of the Bod- (1838–1923). This last col- the private papers of Au- Mark won the Torrington leian’s manuscript cata- lection is one of our recent gustine Birrell (1850–1933), by-election in 1958.The pa- logues now appear online. acquisitions. the Liberal Prime Minis- pers in the Bodleian Library Details may be found at st The papers of Liberal ter H. H. Asquith, later 1 reflect these events, together www.bodley.ox.ac.uk/elec- politician and man of letters, Earl of Oxford and Asquith with draft notes for most of res.html. Information relating st John Morley, 1 Viscount (1852–1928), his second wife the speeches and broadcasts specifically to the modern of Blackburn (1838–1923), Margot Asquith, Countess that she made. Lady Violet’s political collections is at provide valuable insight into of Oxford and Asquith (for general and family cor- www.bodley.ox.ac.uk.depts/ the career of arguably one of electronic catalogues see respondence sheds light on scwmss/modpol. the last great Liberals of the www.bodley.ox.ac.uk/elec- many topics of the day and Readers wishing to con- Gladstone era. Morley held res.html); Asquith’s elder includes, among others, let- sult the collections must have deep reservations about his daughter, Lady Violet Bon- ters from her son-in-law Jo a valid reader’s card entitling papers being used for future ham Carter, a leading Liberal Grimond, leader of the Lib- them to use manuscript academic purpose. Their figure in her own right, and eral Party 1956–67. There is material. Application forms preservation can largely be a fellow member of the Lib- also an interesting sequence for admission are available attributed to liberal scholar eral Party organisation, the of scrapbooks containing from the Admissions Office, and economist, F.W. Hirst, journalist Honor Balfour both political and personal The Bodleian Library, Broad whose papers are also held in (1912–2001) member of the ephemera. The collection Street, Oxford OX1 3BG. the Library. Liberal Party ginger group contains further papers of Further details are available at The collection focuses and opponent of the wartime H.H. Asquith with corre- www.bodley.ox.ac.uk/dept/ largely on Morley’s political truce who contested Darwen spondence and papers relat- scwmss/modpol/access.htm. career, as well as his later liter- in the 1943 by-election and ing to Liberal Party Central Readers are advised to ary work, such as his authorita- again in the 1945 general Office, 1917–26. contact the Modern Papers tive Life of Gladstone (1903). election. Among other holdings are Reading Room ahead of Morley’s diaries, 1882–96, Asquith’s large archive is the papers of two academic their visit (01865 277048 or throw light on his years as overwhelmingly concerned figures who were promi- email: modern.papers@bodle Liberal MP for Newcastle- with his political career (he nent in national political y.ox.ac.uk).

Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 37 colonies. Cannadine identi- class system. The nawabs were fies this concept of hierarchy given responsibility and were REVIEWS as the secret of the Empire rewarded by being integrated – the way Britain was able to into the English class system. exert effective control with Such collaborators were sub- The great chain which connects so few of its own manpower ject to the advice and direc- resources. tion of the representatives of David Cannadine: Ornamentalism: How the The hierarchical model the British government but itself developed in three within this constraint they British Saw Their Empire (Penguin 2002) stages. In the settlement colo- were encouraged to rule and nies of America, Australia and were rewarded under the Reviewed by Tony Little New Zealand, metropolitan same system of honours that social structures and attitudes the crown applied to its own ither the brute is a which followed the First were naturally transported to servants. king, or he is a com- World War. Since the Empire the new lands. Lessons were It was in this context that Emon-or-garden nigger; was never planned, it follows learnt from America and a Disraeli created the title ‘Em- ‘and if the latter, what’s he that there was never a com- system of social rewards and press of India’ for Queen Vic- doing here?’ plete blueprint for its control a vice-regal presence were toria, reinforcing her position British Liberals have and operation. The question established with aristocrats at the tip of the hierarchy. It always had trouble with asked by the Prince of Wales being found to take up the brought the Empire to the the Empire. Indeed the (later Edward VII) of the roles of leadership. Where attention of the metropolis Whig component of the Crown Prince of Germany, true British aristocrats were but also made Victoria much party was partly defined by quoted at the top of this unavailable, a local if some- more of a presence in India, the support it gave to the review, was posed to settle a times phoney equivalent a country she never visited. American colonists in their question of precedence at a was encouraged. It was in Ceremonies such as Durbars disputes with George III party for the King of Hawaii these colonies that the indig- were used not only to impress in the eighteenth century. given by Lady Spencer. It enous populations suffered, the Indian multitudes with Nineteenth-century radi- ripely, if repugnantly, repudi- sometimes grievously, but Britain’s power and riches but cals such as Bright helped ates the simplistic view that the indigenous people were also to show that the native to build their reputation by the British Empire was about relatively sparsely distributed rulers were an important ele- criticising the affairs of the white men exploiting black and insufficiently numerous ment of Britain’s ruling elite. East India Company while (of both sexes) or the rich (in to offer adequate resistance to The Indian model even apparently belligerent military technology) exploit- the new settlers. formed the rough blueprint Whigs like Palmerston were ing the poor. In India the story was for most other colonies. A unenthusiastic about the Cannadine suggests that very different. The East India suitable group of local rul- expansion of Empire. Glad- Britain’s unusual approach to Company conquered India ers were co-opted and given stone’s plan for home rule running the Empire was an but grew beyond its trad- the backing of British mili- in Ireland was seen as a first amalgam of three disparate ing ambitions and gradually tary power, subject to Brit- step in the dismantling of factors. Firstly, governments became more and more an ish advice – advice it was Empire, while Lloyd George of all parties determined not arm of government. The unwise if not impossible to was vilified as a traitor for to repeat the mistakes made metropolitan government ignore. Sometimes the lo- his campaign against the in America under George III. was more conscious of the cal tribal structure bore this Boer War. And yet it was Secondly, Britain sought to ‘otherness’ of India and for burden easily, but from time Liberals who were the most build on its own experience a time, under Whigs such as to time the British had to conscious of the respon- whereby regional and local Macaulay, it saw its mission to create an artificial aristo- sibilities of Empire when government was in the hands be one of modernising and leaders such as Thorpe and of ‘natural leaders’ drawn ‘civilising’ the country. Ashdown argued that the from the local aristocracy and The Indian Mutiny home country should hon- land-owning gentry. Thirdly, demonstrated the flaws of our its obligations to those the British had to overcome the hybrid government/ who lived and worked un- the wide range of differences entrepreneurial model and der its rule. between the colonial nations the East India Company van- Britain’s Empire should – otherness – by building on ished from the scene. The re- perhaps be seen as more the what they knew and under- placement model focused on consequence of European stood of their metropolitan ‘sameness’, seeing the nawabs power struggles than a con- area. The British governmen- and maharajahs as equivalent scious plan of acquisition, at tal elite saw its own com- to the British monarchy and least up to the point of the munity as a multi-faceted aristocracy, with the caste sys- final race for Africa and the and multi-layered hierarchy tem as approximately equiva- Middle Eastern mandates and projected this on to the lent to the complex English

38 Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 REVIEWS cratic tradition and impose highlights a fundamental dif- the story, a part that is in dan- a small offshore European it on the colony. By the ference between British par- ger of being lost but which is nation was able, for a while, time of the Middle-Eastern ties of the left and right on neither a complete explana- to maintain an Empire on mandates, which followed a subject which dominated tion of British success nor the which the sun never set. the 1914–18 war, the rou- government for roughly two inevitable flaw in its design. tine was so well established centuries. Rather, a co-optive hierarchy Tony Little is chair of the Liberal that the British government It will come as no surprise was one of the tools by which Democrat History Group. felt confident in creating to students of British history several new monarchies out that Ireland never fully ac- of the ruins of the Turkish cepted ornamentalism. The Empire. One, in Jordan, still full panoply of monarch’s survives. representatives, peerage, Contrary to the hesita- decoration and receptions ‘Parliament has never granted any tions of leaders so diverse as was employed but never important reform without being Palmerston and Gladstone, won the hearts of the major- Liberals of the next genera- ity. The dispersion of Irish bullied’ tion, whether as orthodox and other rebels that was as Rosebery or as radical as facilitated by the Empire’s Martin Pugh: The Pankhursts (Allen Lane, The Chamberlain, were enthusi- efficient communications Penguin Press, 2001; 537 pp) asts for Empire. The Empire had the effect of transferring did not lack for Liberal pro- their dissension into the set- Reviewed by Sam Crooks consuls or civilisers assuming tler colonies. Moreover, the the ‘white man’s burden’. success of the Irish rebellion But even by the time that of 1916–22 provided both a arly on in this sympa- in straitened circumstances, Lloyd George’s government model for budding nationalist thetic but dispassion- dependent on the largesse of inherited the legacy of the movements in the colonies Eate biography Martin others, and only Emmeline in Ottoman Empire, the sun had and a warning to their rulers. Pugh remarks that none of Britain. begun to set on the British The British like to think of the Pankhursts remained long Pugh covers the century Empire. As it did so, the flaws the period after the Second in an organisation that they from Emmeline’s birth in of the ornamental system be- World War as not so much did not themselves control. 1858 to Sylvia’s death in came clear and the difficulties the decline of Empire as the Emmeline was the daughter 1960. But the heart of his inherent in empire for Liber- growth of Commonwealth, of a well-known Manchester book is concerned with als become explicable. but Cannadine demonstrates Liberal family; her husband the thirteen years from the The weft and warp of that the Empire was not re- stood twice as a Liberal can- foundation of the Women’s ornamentalism were static linquished voluntarily and didate. She was herself an Social and Political Union and rural societies of an that the British regularly early member of the Women’s (WSPU) in 1903 to the re- essentially Conservative deserted their collaborators Liberal Federation, but joined port of Speaker Lowther’s mythology. Ornamentalism to leave the newly independ- the Independent Labour conference in 1916 that did not provide well for the ent states in the hands of the Party only to resign five years recommended the granting ambitions of modernising modernisers who had re- later; she died a Conservative of votes for women. Origi- urban middle classes, the sented ornamentalism and its candidate. nating in 1867 with the Na- constituencies from which beneficiaries. Her eldest, and favourite, tional Society for Women’s Liberalism drew its strength The case presented by daughter, Christabel, was also Suffrage, certain women had in the metropolitan home- Cannadine is a useful re- a member of the ILP before already been permitted to land. It was these same con- sponse to the views of those fighting the 1918 election as vote in local elections, and stituencies that Macaulay and who see the British Empire a Coupon candidate, adopt- by 1900 the House of Com- other civilisers had sought to entirely in terms of exploita- ing Adventism and becoming mons had voted in favour of create in the colonies. Orna- tion by an overbearing racist an apologist for Mussolini. national reform on a number mentalism aimed to recreate military caste. He reminds Banished to Australia follow- of occasions. But there were the idyllic paternalist rural us that the reality is more ing a family split, Christabel’s disputes over the exact nature community that was fast complex and that the British youngest sister Adela had of the female franchise to be decaying in England. As Can- co-opted as well as exploited, moved across the political granted, and in any case gov- nadine puts it, ‘Sir Edward and provided opportunities spectrum from the commu- ernment time was lacking. Lutyens noted with pleasure for some while repressing nist party to the fascist Aus- The WSPU was born of the and recognition, going out others. Empire brought ben- tralia First by the time of her Pankhursts’ belief that only into “India like Africa” made efits to the conquered as well death. Only Sylvia, a friend militancy would force the him feel “very Tory and pre- as the conquerors. The book and lover of Keir Hardie, government’s hand. Tory Feudal”.’ Cannadine is well written and a pleasure remained consistently on the The WSPU’s early life is not primarily concerned to read but, as the section on left, rejecting the ILP in fa- was inauspicious – by 1905 with arguing a party case the decline of Empire reveals, vour of a branch of the Com- it had only thirty members. but the evidence he presents ornamentalism is only part of munist Party. All four died What was to give it oxygen

Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 39 REVIEWS

Pugh describes Asquith’s announcing only that they announced that the govern- accession to the premiership in would grant facilities in the ment would present its own 1908 as ‘changing everything’. next Parliament. bill in 1912 for a much wid- He was to be the WSPU’s most Not to have made a er extension of the franchise stubborn opponent yet, for firmer promise than this than originally envisaged. a mixture of emotional and was undoubtedly a lost op- This would both be more practical reasons. In particular portunity. But Pugh does democratic and reduce he was uncertain that any ex- not blame Asquith alone for the impact of the property tension of the female franchise the decision. Lloyd Gorge qualification and plural vot- would work to the advantage and Churchill also voted ing. Given that eventual of the Liberal Party – a view against the Conciliation Bill. success in the Lords could shared by Lloyd George who, Although the January 1910 be guaranteed through the although sympathetic, believed election returned the Liberals operation of the new Par- that it could only be managed to office fairly comfortably in liament Act there was no was Christabel Pankhurst’s alongside an extension of the terms of seats it had left the reason to compromise on a realisation that for militancy male franchise. The WSPU Conservatives with over 46% system based on wealth and to succeed it had to be news- responded by stepping up their of the popular vote compared privilege. worthy. Thus the period from militancy to include damage with 51% for Liberals and Pugh is unstinting in his 1906 to 1908 saw a number to property such as window- Labour combined. The Con- praise for the breadth of this of WSPU-inspired incidents, breaking and the destruction ciliation Bill had proposed measure and does not hesitate including demonstrations, of mail in letterboxes, initiatives a vote for female heads of to blame personal pique for the storming of the House that attracted prison sentences household and occupiers of the Pankhursts’ rejection of of Commons, and disruption rather than fines. By 1909 the property worth £10 annu- it. He surmises that they had of political meetings. On the suffragettes were demanding ally. This would have helped invested too much in the one hand this worked – the the status of political prisoner the Conservatives who were Conciliation Bill. A wider WSPU’s income from fun- and, on it being refused, em- known to benefit from mid- measure involving men as draising increased ten-fold barking on hunger strikes. dle-class female financial well as women would deprive (by 1909 it was double that The consequent adop- and organisational support. them of the glory associated of the Labour Party) and the tion of forced feeding It would also have permitted with a women-only measure. number of its local branches resulted in a propaganda wealthy men to endow their In fairness, the Pankhursts overtook those of the older triumph for the WSPU, spouses with small gifts of were not alone. However ‘constitutional’ suffrage and a tactical retreat by the property to permit their vote unsure their political touch, movements. government. Days after the – so enhancing the incidence they had estimated correctly On the other it signifi- January 1910 general elec- of plural voting that the the sense of betrayal in the cantly alienated the Liberal tion Emmeline Pankhurst Liberals were committed to suffragette movement as a Party. The Pankhursts ignored announced that militancy eradicating. whole. When militancy was the very creditable role of would cease, to allow the In the event the Bill formally resumed a fortnight the Women’s Liberal Federa- government time to for- was re-presented to Par- after Asquith’s announcement tion which had, for example, mulate a new approach to liament in May 1911 and it was with the acclamation named, and refused to canvass women’s suffrage in the carried overwhelmingly. of the whole of the WSPU. for, anti-suffrage candidates. light of changed politi- Asquith promised a week From this point onwards, The WSPU under-estimated cal circumstances. Liberal of government time the Pugh links the violence of the energy and parliamentary support was given to an following year, sufficient the suffragettes with the wid- time required to carry other all-party private member’s to pass the Bill through all er problems of 1912 to 1914, of the new government’s re- initiative, the Concilia- its stages, and 40,000 suf- particularly with events in forms such as unemployment tion Committee, that was fragettes marched through Ireland, and with the advent benefit and pensions. They to draft a compromise bill. London in celebration. But of a new Home Secretary, concentrated on the need A couple of months later their joy was to be short- Reginald McKenna. Govern- for government legislation Churchill, the new Home lived. Still convinced that ment decisions had to have in the House of Commons, Secretary, announced that the Bill would aid only the regard to the views of Irish neglecting the requirement suffragettes would be ac- Conservative Party, Lloyd Nationalist MPs. The growth that it also be passed in the corded political prisoner George worked hard to of unionist and nationalist Lords, a much more dif- status, thus easing the severe persuade his colleagues private armies in Ulster had ficult challenge. In meetings conditions in which they that the franchise must be the potential to marginalise they targeted Liberal MPs had been held. But the truce extended to include work- the less violent WSPU mili- indiscriminately, regardless of was not to last. Although ing-class women without tancy. And – a telling point their views. And in by-elec- the Conciliation Bill passed property as well, and that – the government was tak- tions they were prepared to the Commons in July with it must enfranchise some ing no action to prosecute support anti-suffrage Tory a comfortable majority, four million men currently Conservative leaders such as candidates over pro-suffrage the government refused excluded from voting. Thus F. E. Smith and Bonar Law, Liberals. to allow it any more time, in November 1911 Asquith whose language and actions

40 Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 REVIEWS in the north of Ireland were out by the endless round although as individuals their would have been achieved considerably more seditious of arrest, prison, hunger actions were to command in any case through consti- than anything ever argued strike and forced feeding. headlines for years to come tutional means. The Liberal by the suffragettes. McKenna When McKenna offered they would never again aspire Party does not come out well astutely connived at Christa- the opportunity of absolute to their prewar effectiveness from his story. He under- bel’s self-enforced exile in release in exchange for a nor to so compelling a cause. stands the party political con- France (to avoid further promise of good behaviour The Pankhursts left few siderations that so influenced imprisonment) and acted to it was widely, if discreetly, records but Martin Pugh’s Lloyd George but criticises reduce the WSPU’s income accepted. By 1914 Asquith meticulous research has Asquith’s failure of leadership by threatening prosecution of was also sounding more painted a more rounded pic- when it was needed and his donors. conciliatory, aware of the ture of the family than have preparedness to connive at The stakes were stead- need to hold a general previous biographers, includ- measures that were basically ily raised on both sides. The election before the end of ing a greater awareness of illiberal. government’s new Bill had 1915 and anxious not to be Adela’s role prior to her de- Pugh has not been well- to be withdrawn for techni- outflanked by Labour and parture for Australia. He has served by his editors. There is cal reasons early in 1913. Conservative commitments addressed sensitively issues some repetition of events as WSPU militancy moved into to women’s suffrage. such as the relationship of he moves from sister to sister. full-scale arson (including This was the state of af- WSPU members to women’s Minor characters enter and an attack on Lloyd George’s fairs when war broke out. movements more generally, leave the narrative without house) and rudimentary The government offered an and the nature of the very explanation. And the index is bombs. The government in- immediate ‘truce’ which the close friendships, sometimes not worthy of a serious pub- troduced the ‘Cat and Mouse’ WSPU – by now aware of physical, between a number lisher. But this is not to de- Act which allowed prisoners its possible disintegration of the leading protagonists. tract from a fine biography of to be released under licence – were pleased to accept He portrays convincingly a dysfunctional family which, if hunger striking was en- without loss of face. Emme- the intensity with which the whatever its faults, succeeded dangering their health, and line and Christabel joined Pankhursts pursued their in keeping women’s suffrage then rearrested when they the war effort to promote various causes even to each on the agenda of a govern- had recovered. Emmeline industrial peace, and Sylvia other’s detriment. Disap- ment that had chosen to fol- Pankhurst was sentenced to to alleviate suffering in the pointingly, however, he does low other priorities. three years’ penal servitude, a East End of London. Mean- not attempt to analyse the significantly more severe sen- while the recommendations extent to which the suffra- Sam Crooks is Reviews Edi- tence than anything handed of a Speaker’s Conference gettes per se achieved the vote tor of the Journal of Liberal down before. Asquith, now at the end of 1916 enfran- for women, or whether this History. under regular police pro- chised all men over the tection, was taunted in the age of twenty-one and all House of Commons: ‘You women over thirty, subject will go down in history as the to conditions including resi- man who tortured innocent dence, possession of a local women. You should be driven government vote or mar- A writer and pragmatist at the from public life.’ riage to a local government Martin Pugh believes voter. At a stroke 8.4 million Liberal High Table that these levels of militancy women were enfranchised. eventually became self-de- In the Commons MPs John Powell (ed.): Liberal by Principle: The Politics feating. He demonstrates the voted through the changes of John Wodehouse, 1st Earl of Kimberley, 1843– fall in WSPU membership by a majority of 330. In the and income in the last years Lords Curzon recommend- 1902 (The Historians Press, 1996; 323 pp.) before the First World War. ed that the Conservative He also traces the mounting peers abstain, thus assuring Reviewed by David Cloke criticism of the Pankhursts the Bill’s passage before the from within the movement. election that would follow erhaps the first of the second half of the Christabel, in Paris, was the war. thought that springs nineteenth century. It is fair seen as too remote and un- By then however the Pto mind on read- to say, however, that Powell able to compromise. With WSPU had been dissolved. ing the title of this book is largely succeeds in tackling her mother she expelled Emmeline and Christabel ‘Who and why?’ Although these initially rather scepti- Sylvia and Adela, which was had formed a new Women’s an earlier book on Kim- cal thoughts. seen as indicative of their Party as a vehicle for the berley has been reviewed in Whilst it is unclear from autocratic methods. There latter’s Parliamentary ambi- these pages (Journal of Liberal the title, this is not a biogra- were concerns about the tions as a Coupon candidate Democrat History 23: Sum- phy of Kimberley. It is a col- use of WSPU funds for their in 1918. But the Pankhursts’ mer 1999) his is not a name lection of 274 documents personal needs. And many hour of glory was over. normally associated with including 251 letters (both members were simply worn Christabel was defeated and the great Liberal figures from and to Kimberley),

Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 41 REVIEWS fourteen political memo- possibly have followed the in 1850 and was appointed seeking his agreement to randa and three addresses. letters as it would have Under-Secretary for Foreign becoming a Liberal candi- Hence the rather confusing enabled us to draw our Affairs in December 1852. date in Norfolk at the next starting date of 1843, when own conclusions before As Powell says, ‘he was rou- general election. In his early in fact Kimberley was born reading Powell’s. Nonethe- tinely privy to confidential career he assiduously culti- in 1826. Powell’s purpose less, the introduction does information about the gravest vated men of influence. This is to provide a ‘study in the usefully place Kimberley’s matters from all parts of the was entirely necessary for political personality of an life in its historical and world’. Apart from two years one coming from outside individual and a party’. For political context, although as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, the normal political circles. this reason he has largely Powell sometimes requires he spent his career devoted The book is quite revealing, omitted papers dealing with quite a high level of prior to foreign and colonial affairs. therefore, about how poli- Kimberley’s family, religion knowledge. For example, His private thoughts on these tics was conducted in this (although an early letter from he mentions the Marriage issues are to be found in some period, particularly the im- Rome reveals him to be Law Amendment Bill and of the letters quoted and are portance of personal politi- strongly anti-Catholic), estate Kimberley’s reaction to its a valuable source of informa- cal relationships. For Powell, management and Norfolk opponents, without stating tion to those interested in Kimberley’s cultivation of society. Whilst these omis- what the bill proposed and or who are studying British these personal relationships sions may be no great loss to hence showing what Kim- foreign and colonial policy of makes him a valuable me- the readers of this journal, berley’s views were on the the time. diator in inter- and intra- Powell acknowledges their matter. The structure of Even before his appoint- party conflicts. His sheer importance to Kimberley the introduction, whereby ment in 1852, Kimberley longevity and experience and the need for a complete Powell looks at Kimber- found himself at the heart made him a cornerstone of biography of the man. ley’s life from various van- of foreign affairs during the Liberal Party in parlia- Powell has clearly mas- tage points, also means that his honeymoon in Italy in ment by the 1880s. Indeed, tered a vast amount of mate- there is a certain amount 1848. Just as he was travel- he was a member of every rial. Kimberley produced of duplication. He men- ling through northern Italy Liberal cabinet from 1868 thousands of letters, des- tions that Kimberley was the revolt against Austrian to 1895 and remained as patches and memoranda dur- fluent in French on at rule broke out. A lengthy Liberal Leader in the Lords ing his long life. What Powell least four occasions! Con- letter to his mother de- until his death. has sought to do is to arrange versely other important scribes his experiences. His presence at the Lib- the key texts to two ends events, such as his time in Whilst his rather formal eral high table for so long – firstly to outline the nature St Petersburg, are skated English is a little dry, some- should by itself make his of Kimberley’s liberalism, over, which can sometimes thing of the excitement letters and papers invalu- both in theory and practice, cause confusion. of the events is conveyed. able. It is clear that he was a and secondly to place him in Possibly the most signifi- Interestingly, shortly af- valued and trusted colleague his historical context. cant events of Kimberley’s life terwards Kimberley began of Gladstone and other key The book sensibly be- predate the first letter in the reading about the French Liberal figures, and not just gins with a portrait gal- collection. Between Decem- Revolution, and his more on foreign affairs: his experi- lery of the key figures in ber 1833 and February 1835 considered thoughts on ence in Ireland continued to Kimberley’s life; a useful his father, great-grandfather such events are also con- be drawn on. His conduct of reversal of normal practice. and two sisters died. A broth- tained in this collection. cabinet government would Powell follows these with er was born posthumously Indeed, a combination of seem to be a model – while a lengthy introduction and was, thereafter, doted on voracious reading, research he was a keen critic round outlining his case for the by their mother. Not surpris- and drawing from practical the cabinet table, he was an significance of Kimberley’s ingly, therefore, Kimberley experience seems to have effective defender of the gov- political life. This could grew up a rather serious been a feature of his charac- ernment’s position beyond young man, but also a hard- ter throughout his life. He it. His imperialism may seem working one. A complete took a rational approach to to make his brand of Liberal- biography might usefully the proposals before him, ism rather distant to us, while delve more deeply into these asking ‘Is it useful?’ and his support for colonial au- events. Another consequence ‘Will it work?’ tonomy may connect him to of his father’s early death was He comes across, there- more recent Liberal thinking. that Kimberley became the fore, as a serious but com- His ‘belief in the potential for heir to the Wodehouse peer- mitted man. He was clearly progress through administra- age, to which he duly suc- ambitious and, even in the tion’ is heart-warming for ceeded in May 1846 on the more fluid politics of the any civil servant. death of his grandfather. This 1850s, quite party political. thrust him into the heart of For example, towards the David Cloke is a member of the political life from a very early end of the Crimean War he Liberal Democrat History Group age. He made his maiden wrote to Major-General Executive and works for the speech in the House of Lords Windham in the Crimea, British Medical Association

42 Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 and began in the 1920s to already friends and politi- canvass his colleagues and the cal allies through a shared RESEARCH government for a full-scale interest in the Zionist cause. project to write memoirs of Wedgwood succeeded in all of the individuals who getting sufficient Parlia- had ever been Members of mentary interest in his Five Hundred Years of the House of Commons. proposal to set up a Com- Representative Politics His interests were explicitly mittee which reported on linked to a profoundly ro- the scale of and justification The History of Parliament Project mantic interest in parliament for the task, but became and parliamentary institu- bogged down in differences by Paul Seaward tions which he was coming between the professional to see as under threat across historians and the enthusi- Europe. ‘York or Lancaster, astic amateurs on the nature he History of Parlia- 1790–1820: in all, about 20 Protestant or Catholic, Court of the project. In the end ment is a research million words, 20,000 pages, or Country, Roundhead or Wedgwood began work on Tproject which is build- 17,000 biographies, cover- Cavalier, Whig or Tory, Lib- the project himself, with ing up a comprehensive ing 281 years of parliamen- eral or Conservative, Labour a band of fellow amateurs, account of the working of tary history. The History’s or Unionist, they all fit into and published two volumes parliamentary politics in staff of professional histori- that long pageant that no before the war. The project England, then Britain, from ans is currently researching other country in the world went into abeyance with their origins in the thir- the House of Commons can show. And they one and the war and with Wedg- teenth century up to – for in four more periods: all pass on the same inextin- wood’s death in 1940; but it the moment – the Reform 1422–1504, 1604–1629, guishable torch – burning was revived in 1951, finally Act of 1832. Unparalleled in 1640–1660 and 1820–1832. brightly or flickering – to achieving the public fund- the comprehensiveness of its When these are complete, the next man in the race, ing for which Wedgwood treatment, the History has the History will provide a while freedom and experi- had argued so strongly. been generally regarded as continuous and authorita- ence ever grow. These men Since 1995 the History has one of the most ambitious, tive account of the House who have gone by, who have been principally funded by authoritative and well-re- of Commons and electoral had the glimmer of the torch the two Houses of Parlia- searched projects in British politics over four hundred on them for a little time, are ment. It is governed by a history: reviews of our most and fifty years, from 1386 those whose memories I body of Trustees who are recent publications have to the Reform Act of 1832. want to rescue’.1 mainly drawn from Mem- stressed the scale and enter- The History has recently At the same time Namier bers of the House of Com- prise of the project – on a also begun to research the was developing a historiog- mons and House of Lords, scale and in a level of detail House of Lords in the pe- raphy of eighteenth-century and has an editorial board of none other has been able to riod from 1660–1832, and is British politics based on an academic historians who are match – and the depth and developing a new approach analysis of the family alli- responsible for the scholarly quality of its scholarship. for the different type of in- ances and personal interests quality of the enterprise. It Each of the History’s pub- stitution this represents. of individual politicians, is based close to the Insti- lications so far consists of de- The History owes its ex- stressing the significance tute of Historical Research tailed studies of elections and istence to the concerted en- not just of the major figures, at the University of London, electoral politics in each con- thusiasms of two figures of but also of the countless on whose collections it stituency, and of closely-re- exceptional energy: Colo- backbenchers. Namier’s be- heavily relies. searched accounts of the lives nel, later Lord, Wedgwood, lief was that the work as a Some have argued that of everyone who was elected originally a Liberal, but later whole would become a sort the History’s prosopo- to Parliament within the pe- a Labour Member of Parlia- of gigantic social history of graphical approach fails to riod, together with surveys ment, Minister in the Ram- England: ‘From the analysis capture completely the life drawing out the themes and say Macdonald government of the House through the and work of the institution discoveries of the research of 1924, and local historian; ages will emerge a social of Parliament. Certainly, and adding information on and Sir Lewis Namier, an and economic history of the the History has not been a the operation of Parliament adoptive Briton of Russian nation such as has never yet conventional account of the as an institution. parentage, and the most been attempted … The in- body; yet Parliament is far Twenty-eight volumes prominent historian of his dividual biographies when from an ordinary institu- covering eight periods have generation. strung together will supply tion. Unlike a government already been published. Wedgwood became pas- a pattern of the history of department, a university They deal with 1386–1421, sionately interested in his families and classes; of their or a company, there is no 1509–1558, 1558–1603, forebears as Members of rise and decline’.2 clear single purpose which 1660–1690, 1690–1715, Parliament in Staffordshire, Namier and Wedgwood Parliament is intended to 1715–1754, 1754–1790, and wrote a book on the subject, joined forces – they were achieve; its functions might

Journal of Liberal History 38 Spring 2003 43 A Liberal Democrat History Group Fringe Meeting LIBERAL HEROINES Some of the Liberal Democrat History Group’s earliest conference fringe meetings explored the theme of ‘Old Heroes for a New Party’. Leading party figures nominated their favourite hero (Liberal or non-Liberal) and discussed what they found inspirational about the heroes’ actions and thoughts.

Now we repeat the idea, with a difference. Sandra Gidley MP, Baroness Emma Nicholson MEP and Baroness Liz Barker nominate the women from history who have inspired them most, and explain why.

8.00 p.m., Friday 14 March Cavendish Room, Grand Hotel, Torquay

Five hundred years of representative politics / concluded Liberal Democrat History Group on the web be summarised as to provide certainly does plan to move www.liberalhistory.org.uk a forum in which individu- on to the period beyond als advance the arguments 1832 when resources per- The History Group’s website is steadily being and defend the interests of mit, although this is unlikely developed as a resource for subscribers to those who put them there, to be in the short term. the Journal of Liberal History and to students and try to persuade others Further information about to share their own moral or the History of Parliament is of Liberal history everywhere. Complete intellectual convictions. Its available from our website listings of back numbers and past meetings history includes many dif- at www.histparl.ac.uk/hop are already available, and in the next few ferent histories: of commu- or the Director, Paul Sea- months the first twenty issues of the Journal nities, economic and social ward, at The History of interests, ideologies and the Parliament, 15 Woburn will become available for free download (as body itself. The History of Square, London WC1H pdf files). Parliament’s biographies 0NS, Tel: 020 7862 8800; form the best way of linking Fax: 020 7862 1442; email: The site’s ‘resources’ section currently all of these various histories [email protected]. contains listings of party leaders, chief whips, to one another, of showing The History’s publi- cabinet ministers, and so on. We aim to how national, local, political cations are available to expand this section extensively in the coming and personal histories are so readers of the Journal of closely intertwined. Liberal History at specially months and years. Ending with 1832, the discounted rates: please History does not, at present, contact Paul Seaward for The site also gives you access to a new email deal with the days of the details at the above address. mailing list, which we will use to send out Liberal Party, although its details of forthcoming meetings and new work on the early nine- 1 J.C. Wedgwood History of publications to anyone who wishes to sign teenth century is already Parliament: Biographies of the Members of the Com- up (whether or not they are a member of the unearthing much about the mons House 1439–1509, prehistory of the party and London 1936, p. lii. Group). This will be your fastest way of finding of many of its Members: the 2 Julia Namier, Lewis Namier: out about meeting dates and details. 1820–32 section is deal- a Biography, London 1971, ing with the early days of p. 290, quoted in Linda If you would like to join the list, log on to the Colley, Namier, London reformed Irish politics, for 1989, p. 83. site and click on ‘want to join our mailing example, with its impact list?’ in the navigation bar. on the Whigs. The History