Aeneas or Numa? Rethinking the Meaning of the Ara Pacis Augustae

Paul Rehak

The Art Bulletin, Vol. 83, No. 2. (Jun., 2001), pp. 190-208.

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http://www.jstor.org Mon Nov 19 21:06:19 2007 Aeneas or Numa? Rethinking the Meaning of the Ara Pacis Augustae Paul Rehak

For the modern world, the Ara Pacis Augustae (Altar of The Composition and Iconography of the Panel Augustan Peace) has come to symbolize the artistic, political, In general, the composition on the Ara Pacis relief conforms and social achievements of the early Roman Empire, just as to an established Roman type, derived from Hellenistic rep- the Parthenon at Athens has for Classical ~reece.'Con- resentations, with a central altar flanked by one or more structed between 13 and 9 B.C.E. in the northern Campus sacrificants along with the animal victim and attendants, who Martius in Rome, the altar was closely associated with a giant enter from one side.8 The altar may be cylindrical or cubical sundial, the Horologium-Solarium (Fig. 1).Architecturally, or stand on tripod legs; the officiating individuals usually the Ara Pacis conflates two types of structure: a Greek form of have their heads veiled (capite velato) and hold a shallow altar raised on a high podium, and an enclosing rectangular offering bowl (patera)for pouring libations; at least one assis- screen wall that resembles a Roman janus with doorways in its tant leads or urges on the animal victim while others carry east and west facades.' Beginning in the sixteenth century, trays of offerings or hold ritual equipment. The presence and the remains of the monument were excavated in several number of spectators vary. Architectural elements, vegeta- campaigns; since the 1930s the reconstituted structure has tion, or other landscape features are sometimes added in the been on public display in its own protective shell, now being background to suggest generic settings or specific locations. replaced by a new one, designed by Richard Meier, which So standard is this iconography that it can be considered an should be completed late in 2002.3 Because of its relatively artistic topos, whose specific meaning depends on the iden- complete state of preservation and the high quality of its tity of the "cast of characters" and other details." extensive sculptural decoration, the Ara Pacis has overshad- Since much recent discussion of the Ara Pacis panel has proceeded from the premise that its subject has already been owed other monuments, like the Forum of Augustus, that determined, it seems worthwhile to begin instead with a perhaps have an equal or better claim to represent Augus- closer examination of the relief itself before moving on to tus's pin~i~ate.~Nevertheless, we use the Ara Pacis confi- wider interpretations (Fig. 3). The visual focus of the relief is dently as one of the primary structures for viewing Augustan the central rustic altar in the foreground, carved to represent Rome, even though our understanding of the monument is rough, unworked stones that have been piled up and draped far from secure. with a garland of laurel leaves. The trunk of an oak tree with In 1907, Johannes Sieveking proposed that the southern foliage rises behind the altar, dividing the scene into two panel relief on the west end of the screen surrounding the unequal parts. Within each part, the compositional elements Ara Pacis represented the sacrifice of a brood sow by the differ: the two foreground figures to the right of the altar are Trojan hero and Roman ancestor Aeneas, following his ar- nearly as tall as the relief is high, they do not overlap one rival in Latium (Fig. 2) .5 Three ancient authors, Virgil, Di- another, and together they occupy more than half the width onysios of Halikarnassos, and Varro, provide versions of this of the panel. To the left of the altar the elements are com- story that seem to correspond with details presented on the pressed and set in at least three overlapping planes of relief: relief. For nearly a century, archaeologists and historians of in the foreground a sow, in the middle distance the two ancient art have accepted this identification almost without attendants, and in the background a low hill surmounted by question and have used the scene as a keystone in attempts to a temple. discover the meaning of the mon~ment.~The composition, Of the four human figures on the relief, the sacrificant to carved over two joining blocks, focuses on a rustic garlanded the right of the altar is the most prominent because of his altar in front of a tree. At the right are two adult men, both position near the center and the frontal pose of his body. He holding staffs;' at the left are two younger individuals, one of is a mature, barefoot, and bearded man in archaic costume, whom leads a sow toward the altar. In the background at the toga sine tunica, which leaves most of his chest and right upper left we can see a small temple whose open end frames shoulder and arm bare. Pliny tells us that the statues of the two seated male divinities within. The adult nearest the altar early kings of Rome erected on the Capitoline were similarly is usually identified as the sacrificant, Aeneas, preparing to garbed.10 The sacrificant wears the toga capite uelato over a offer the animal to the Penates, accompanied by the second laurel wreath, traits shared on the other remains of the adult figure, either his son Iulus/Ascanius or his companion monument only by Augustus in the south frieze. Although he Achates. possesses a muscular, classicizing body, his torso has begun to The purpose of this article is to question the traditional thicken, indicating that he is middle-aged." His deep-set eye identification of the scene. I will then propose a new and and pronounced naso-labial fold agree with this assessment. different interpretation of the way this one relief relates to Stylistically, the loose, shaggy locks of the sacrificant's hair, the sculptural program of the Ara Pacis as a whole, to Augus- including the beard, and slightly parted lips are features that tus's use of art and history, and to modern art historical seem characteristic of Hellenistic sculpture; like much Au- theory and methodology. gustan art, this figure draws from several sources. Similar 1 Ara Pacis and Horologium- Solarium, northern Campus Martius, Rome, reconstruction drawing (author, after Edmund Buchner)

features characterize the relief head of Aion (Eternity) on the young, armored, and often beardless.'' The characteristic slightly earlier Zoilos Monument from Aphrodisias in Asia depiction of Aeneas shows the pious warrior who carries his Minor (Fig. 4).12 Since representations of middle age are aged father and leads his young son out of Troy on the night uncommon on the Ara Pacis, where youthful and idealized it fell.'' This iconography, already well established through- faces are the rule, the maturity of our figure seems a distinct out central Italy by the fourth century B.C.E. in a variety of characteristic of his identity.'' media, continued well into the Roman Imperial period. He In the crook of his left arm he cradles a long staff, probably was represented in this guise, for example, in one of the a scepter, since a spear would be inappropriate for a togatus sculptural assemblages in the hemicycles of the Forum of (figure draped in a toga) at a sacrifice,14and he extends his Augustus; this statue has not survived, but a wall painting right hand (now missing) over the altar. Originally, he may from Pompeii and several sculptural copies or adaptations have been pouring a libation from a patera, as is common in allow us to imagine how it may have looked.lg A similar similar sacrifice scenes belonging to this iconographic topos. sculptural group served as an acrota'um atop the major tem- A number of other paterae appear elsewhere in the decoration ple of Augustus's cult in Rome, the templum novum divi Au- of the Ara pacis.15 gusti, begun .by Tiberius after his predecessor's death in 14 Although Virgil's Aeneas was once instructed to veil his C.E. and dedicated by Caligula in 37 c.E., at which time the head for a sacrifice,16 the rest of the sacrificant's representa- building was also depicted on coins.20 tion on the relief is inconsistent with the usual iconography To explain the differences between the standard iconog- of Aeneas in the late Republic and early Imperial period as raphy of Aeneas and the individual on the Ara Pacis relief, 4 Zoilos Monument, head of Aion, Aphrodisias (photo: New branches have been trimmed away.*' The long sleeve in- York University Excavations at Aphrodisias) dicates that he is not a Roman, and the position of his shoulder-almost level with that of the sacrificant-shows that he must be an adult. Moreover, the staff is too long to be the pedum of Iulus/Ascanius; instead, it complements the long staff or scepter that the sacrificant holds. The two Stefan Weinstock suggested that the Ara Pacis depicts not the figures are adults, therefore, and equals rather than father hero's sacrifice on his arrival in Italy but a later one, when and son. Aeneas is a venerable king and his son Iulus/Ascanius is On the left side of the panel, two barefoot attendants grown.21This interpretation, however, ignores the traditional approach the altar, clad in short tunics and wearing laurel RETHINKING THE MEANING OF THE ARA PACIS AUGUSTAE 193 wreaths. The figure on the far left bends forward slightly and urges on a sow, the sacrificial victim.28Closer to the center, slightly overlapped by the altar, stands a second attendant with a fringed napkin, or mantele, draped over the left shoul- der. His left hand supports a fluted tray (lanx)with offerings of fruit and cakes near shoulder level, and his right hand holds a pitcher (guttus) carved with crisp flutes that suggest metalware. All three ritual appurtenances have parallels else- where on the Ara ~acis,~'thus indicating that this ceremony is specifically Roman. Because of their costume and attributes, the two attendants have been identified respectively as a victimanus (male sacri- ficial attendant who leads the animal victim) and a camillus (youthful male assistant at a sacrifice who holds the ritual equipment).'' The sculptors have indicated that the two youths are not identical: the individual on the left has a noticeably square, blocky head on a thick neck with a pro- nounced Adam's apple and wears a tunic unfastened in the exomis fashion, leaving the right shoulder bare and exposing part of the chest, now mostly sheared away. The attendant on the right has a more rectangular head with a higher forehead and delicate features, lacks an Adam's apple, and wears a short-sleeved tunic that covers the entire chest area. Over the top of the head, long locks of hair are plaited together in a braid that falls in a loop behind the occiput, with its end secured to the rest of the braid by a small band or fillet. If untied, the long tress of hair at the back would fall well below the shoulders. This braid, seen sometimes in Hellenistic sculpture, is also characteristic of Roman ~amilli.'~Such locks presumably would be cut late in adolescence as a rite of passage.32 The camillus in the relief has sometimes been identified as Aeneas's son, Iulus/Ascanius, assisting his father.33 But Ro- man religious law of Augustus's time required that a camillus 5 Belvedere Altar. Museo Gregoriano Profano, the Vatican (photo: courtesy Deutsches Archtiologisches Institut, Rome) have two parents living, which would exclude Ascanius, whose mother died in the sack of Troy. Such rules were often projected anachronistically into the mythological past. Be- cause the garlanded and veiled figures of the sacrificing male on the panel and Augustus in the south frieze share certain similarities, it has also been suggested that the camillus also Vatican (Fig. 5), include litters of piglets and demonstrate could allude to Gaius Caesar, Augustus's adopted son and that sculptors were capable of depicting them.39 Moreover, presumed heir, who was born in 20 B.C.E. The heights and we should distinguish between the sacrifice scene in litera- facial features of both youths in the sacrifice scene, however, ture, where the recumbent sow and her piglets are the focus, suggest that they are adolescent; therefore, it is unlikely that and this sacrificial scene, in which an animal is accessory, either serves as a reference to Gaius, who was only seven when advancing toward a central altar that is the main focus. the altar was founded and eleven when it was completed.54 We know of relatively few sacrifices of single pigs or sows In the foreground, the sow moves toward the altar from the that would be appropriate for depiction on a state monu- left, as is standard in sacrificial scenes.35 Despite damage to ment;40the suovetaunlia sacrifice combines the offering of a the surface of the relief at this point, the outline of her teats boar, a ram, and a bull. During the celebration of the Secular shows clearly against the backgr~und,~~and surviving traces of the trotters show that the animal is on her feet, being Games in 17 B.c.E., Augustus sacrificed a pregnant sow to the urged forward, as in depictions of sacrifice like the suovetau- earth goddess, Terra Mater, as part of his ceremonial inau- nlia (triple sacrifice of a boar, ram, and bull) on the late guration of a new cycle (saeculum)in Rome's e~istence,~~and Republican Domitius Ahenobarbus Monument (perhaps a a coin of 16 B.C.E. depicts two men wearing togas capite velato statue base)" and the Julio-Claudian suovetaun'lia relief in the holding- a small sow over an altar, as a reference to the archaic Musee du Louvre, paris." Like all creatures on the Ara Pacis, peace treaty between Rome and the town of Gabii during the the animal is relatively small in relation to the people, but as time of the Etruscan kings (Fig. 6).42We will come back to she lacks her thirty piglets, this cannot be the immense sow this last occasion. (even if scaled down) that was prophesied to Aeneas. Several In the background on the Ara Pacis relief above the animal early Imperial reliefs, including the Belvedere Altar in the victim and attendants is a small temple on a hill, containing 194 ART BULLETIN JUNE 2001 VOLUME LXXXIII NUMBER 2

bare, muscular chests; the preserved head of the figure on the left turns slightly toward the center, 3 if the pair are conversing. Although the head is worn, a detail (Fig. 8) shows that the lower part of the face extends down to the trachea at the base of the neck; this roughened area, too massive to be simply a prognathous jaw, must instead represent a full beard. These traits indicate conclusively that these individuals cannot represent the divinities mentioned in our three main 6 Coin of 16 B.C.E. with literary sources. According to Virgil, Aeneas's sacrifice is to sacrifice of sow. London, the British the goddess Juno; in Varro it is to the household gods; and Museum (photo: in Dionysios it is to the Penates, in a shrine erected afterthe courtesy the British sacrifice took place. In any case, the Penates typically are Museum) represented as two youths, like the Dioscuri, in military garb, holding spears.46 These mature seated figures with bare upper bodies more likely represent major male deities the seated divinities that we assume are to be recipients of the such as Jupiter and Dis/Pluto, who are often depicted in sacrifice (Fig. 7). Two sides of the shrine are visible, rendered this manner. Even though the details described here may in perspective as if the building were set in the distance.43 have been too small for most Augustan viewers to appre- Considerable attention was devoted to its architectural de- ciate from ground level in front of the Ara Pacis, it is tails: one long side wall of ashlar blocks, three visible corner obvious from the careful work that the sculptors knew what pilasters with Corinthian capitals (like those that actually they intended to represent, and in antiquity the addition frame the corners and doorways of the Ara Pacis enclosure), of paint might have enhanced the contrast between ex- the tiled roof, front pediment (decorated with a patera and a posed flesh and drapery. pair of litui, the short staffs with curved ends held by augural Scholars have usually argued that the occupants of the priests), and floral a~roteria.~~The highly detailed and se temple are observing the sacrifice at the altar, a simile for the phisticated architecture of the building stands in marked gods observing sacrifices at the inner altar of the Ara Pacis. contrast to the rustic altar in the foreground of the panel. Recently, Jh Elsner has devoted two long discussions to this Nevertheless, there is a garland draped across the open fa- cade of the shrine in the same manner as the garland draped issue, and he has stated that the sacrifice on the panel is the across the altar, creating a thematic and visual link between same as the one that actually took place on the inner altar of the two constructions. the Ara pack4' This is certainly incorrect, for Augustus spec- The opening at one end of the shrine is closed not by the ifies in the Res gestae that the magistrates, priests, and Vestals paneled doors characteristic of temples but by a pair of low were to participate in an annual sacrifice (anniversarium sac- gates carved to represent wickerwork and surmounted by a rijicium) at the Ara ~acis;~and the frieze of the inner altar, row of inverted dentil~.~~Behind these gates we can see two even in its present fragmentary state, depicts the Vestals and seated figures holding long staffs. Despite their small scale it some male figures along with two bovids and a sheep; no pig is clear that ;he figures have drapery around their thighs but is preserved.49

7 "Aeneas" panel, detail (photo: John G. Younger) RETHINKING THE MEANING OF THE ARA PACIS AUGUSTAE 195

8 "Aeneas" panel, detail of seated figures (courtesy L. Richardson Jr.; photo: Johannes Felbermeyer)

The Textual Evidence On their subsequent arrival in the peninsula, Aeneas sends Although several literary sources for the sacrifice of Aeneas peaceful envoys to all the Latins, but Juno stirs up hostilities belong to the Augustan period, the story was well known at that ultimately lead to war. Tiberinus, the god of the river least from the late ~e~ublic.~'It is worth examining these Tiber, appears in a dream to the restless and troubled Aeneas texts in detail. and repeats verbatim Helenus's earlier omen concerning the Virgil refers to the sacrifice of the sow three times in sow and her brood (Aen. 8.36-48). The next day the hero the Aeneid. As noted earlier, this epic was nearly complete finally discovers the animal with her litter and offers all of at the time of the poet's death in 19 B.c.E.; thus, his version of them to Juno (Aen. 8.81-85):52 "But behold the marvelous the story was presumably well known when the Ara Pacis was portent that suddenly appears before your eyes, shining white conceived and constructed between 13 and 9 B.C.E. Before through the woods with her brood the same white color, reaching Italy, the Trojans landed in Illyria, where a colony of stretched out on the green bank. Pious Aeneas offers them to fellow refugees had already settled. There, the seer Helenus you, great Juno, placing her and the young on your altar." warns Aeneas that in the future he will discover an animal The narrative of Dionysios of Halikarnassos is somewhat that is to be a portent for the foundation of the town of different, perhaps following an annalistic tradition and not Lavinium (Aeneid 3.388 -93) :51 Virgil's source.53In this account, Aeneas is ordered by a sibyl I will give you signs: keep them firmly in mind. When you on Mt. Ida to sail west; on landing in Italy he is to follow an are in distress, by the water of a secluded stream, you will animal until it wearies and there found a Aeneas and find a huge sow recumbent on the shore under the oaks, his forces land at Laurentum on the Italian coast and offer a just delivered of thirty piglets. She is white and white the sacrifice to Helios (Sol) for the fresh water they find there. newborn piglets-there will be your city, and a secure rest After a meal, Aeneas sets up the images of the Trojan gods from your labors. and prepares to sacrifice a gravid white sow to them. She 196 ART BCLLETIN JLTNE 2001 VOLUXIE LXXXIII NL-\lBER 2 escapes, however, and flees inland; Aeneas, recognizing the What else could this panel relief represent? Here I think we omen, follows her for twenty-four stades with a few of his need to consider the details the panel actually presents: two men. Eventually she lies down and the next day gives birth to sceptered kings, one an archaic Roman by costume and the thirty piglets. Aeneas then sacrifices them all (Dion. Hal. other non-Roman, offering a sow in the presence of a pair of 1.57.1):~'"And Aeneas sacrificed the sow, together with her mature male divinities, assisted by a z~ictimamusand a camzllus, brood, to his paternal gods in the very spot where a shrine and thus a Roman ritual. All the human figures are barefoot, now stands. The Lavinians consider this shrine sacred, and suggesting a simpler, less sophisticated era than the Augustan prevent all from entering it except themselves." age. A scene involving Numa Pompillus, the second king of Finally comes Varro's account (De lingua latina 5.144):~~ Rome, fits all of these requirements.61 According to tradition, Numa (r. 715-673 B.c.E.)was the Lavinium is the first fortified settlement of the Roman race great civil and sacred lawgiver of regnal Rome. His promi- which was founded in Latium: for there are our Penates. nent role as the founder of the original temple of Janus to This town was named after Lavinia, the daughter of Lati- serve as an "indicator of war and peace" (index belb pacisque) nus, who married Aeneas. From here another fortified immediately suggests an obvious link with the janiform shape settlement was founded thirty years later: it takes its name of the Ara Pacis en~losure.~'In addition, tu70 of Numa's from the white [alba] sow. She had escaped to the site of important religious acts can be located in the Campus Mar- Lavinium from Aeneas's ship and there bore her piglets; tius, not far from where the Ara Pacis stood: a sacrifice to from this portent a second city was created thirty years Mars to confirm the concordia between the Romans and Sab- after Lavinium and called Alba Longa, because of the ine~,~~and his establishment of the Fetial Law, which pro- sow's color and the [elongated] shape of the site. vided specific rules for waging a just war (bellu~niustum) against foreign enemies and for framing terms for the estab- Clearly, the literary accounts do not match what we see on lishment of peace.64 Dionysios of Halikarnassos even cites a the Ara Pacis relief. All three versions include the sow with specific occasion: when Numa was about to go to war with the thirty piglets, and the latter are important because they fore- nearby town of Fidenae he averted the hostilities and thus was shadow the founding of Alba Longa after ~avinium.'~It can able to preserve an unblemished record of peace during his hardly be argued that the piglets have been omitted for lack reign.65 of space on our since other smaller early Imperial Under the Republic, the Fetiales constituted a priestly reliefs include at least some of them, like one face of the college charged with overseeing declarations of war and es- Belvedere Altar, mentioned above, which may illustrate Hele- tablishments of peace. Before Rome declared war against an nus's prophecy to Aeneas (Fig. 5).59 enemy, restitution (rerum repetitio) was demanded in a formal Furthermore, Aeneas's sacrifice has no clear association procedure, which allowed the opponent thirty (or thirty- with peace, and no direct connection even with Rome. In the three) days to respond.66If no satisfactory answer was forth- literary versions of the story, the landing of Aeneas was con- coming, the Fetiales convened and one member acting for nected with the foundation of Lavinium, where the portent the rest threw a spear into or toward the hostile territory, and of the sow and her young foretells the creation of Alba Longa war was declared. This ceremony, which originally took place thirty years afterward. Rhea Silvia, the mother of Romulus at the border, later was located at a freestanding war column, and Remus, came from Alba many generations after its es- the columna bellica, in the precinct of Bellona outside the tablishment, but her relation to Aeneas's sacrifice is remote pomerium (sacred boundary of the city) in the southern Cam- at best. Finally, Aeneas's arrival signaled the beginning of pus Martius, where a small plot of land had been designated long battles between the newcomers and the native popula- as "foreign territory" in perpetuity.67 If reparations were tions of Italy. His advent brought war, not peace. So strong is made in time, war was averted, and peace could be estab- Aeneas's connection with war, in fact, that Weinstock once lished. To seal a treaty of peace, the Romans sacrificed a sow, used the traditional identification of our relief to suggest that as is depicted on the coin of 16 B.C.E.mentioned above, which the monument to which it belongs could not be the Ara commemorated the archaic treat)' between Gabii and Rome ~acis.~' (Fig. 6).@' Although the Fetial Law was invoked a number of times A New Interpretation during the Republic, the practice seems to have fallen into The iconography of the sacrificant is not consistent with that desuetude before Octavian revived (and perhaps reshaped) of the early Imperial Aeneas. His non-Roman adult associate the tradition in 32 B.C.E.before the Battle of Actium. To is represented as an equal, not a subordinate or even a youth, establish the justness of his war against Antony, Octavian let alone a child. The sow lacks her thirty piglets. The deities staged the fetial ceremony in the Campus Martius; since he observing the sacrifice are not the gods mentioned in the mentions in the Res gestae that he was a fetial priest, perhaps literary accounts of Aeneas's sacrifice. The sacrificial atten- he himself threw the traditional spear over the columna bellica dants, a uzctimarius and a camillus, indicate that this is a on behalf of the c~nfraternit)..~~An important aspect of typically Roman sacrifice, but neither individual makes a Octavian's propaganda at the time was the representation of convincing Iulus/Ascanius. And, finally, Aeneas's sacrifice Antony as "foreign" and "non-Roman," even though Cleo- has nothing to do with peace and everything to do with the patra was the official enemy." There is, however, no evidence founding of cities other than Rome. Thus, on the grounds of that the college was actually sent to Alexandria to demand both iconography and text, an identification of the scene as rerum repetitio, as tradition demanded; Octavian's ceremony the sacrifice of Aeneas seems untenable. was a symbolic gesture to impress the people of ~ome." With the final defeat and deaths of Antony and Cleopatra scendants of Iulus who are destined to come beneath the in 30 B.c.E.,Octavian gained control of the Roman world and great dome of heaven. Here, here is the man whom you closed the doors of Janus as a sign that peace had been have heard promised so often, Augustus Caesar, the son of restored. Since Numa was the original founder of the temple a god Uulius Caesar], who will establish the golden age of Janus and because he had set out the rules for establishing again among the fields where Saturn reigned once, and peace, his was a model to follow and emulate. extend his empire [imperium]beyond the Garamants and I propose that the Ara Pacis panel shows King Numa, Indians, a land that lies beyond the stars, beyond the paths originator of the Fetial Law, sacrificing a sow with a foreign of the year and the sun, where sky-bearing Atlas turns the king to guarantee peace. Since the emphasis is on Numa's vault of heaven, burning with stars, upon his shoulders. role as peacekeeper, the other king is relegated to a position Even now the kingdoms beyond the Caspian Sea and the behind him, rather than facing him on the opposite side of Maeotian land shudder in response to these heavenly the altar. To seal the pact an oath is sworn to the celestial and oracles: the sevenfold mouths of the Nile roil in terror. infernal gods as witnesses, a pantheon here represented by (description of Augustus, 6.788 -800) just a pair of divinities, Jupiter and Dis, the two mature male But who is he, standing apart, bearing the sacrifice with his figures in the small temple on the relief. The gods are guar- head wreathed in olive twigs! I recognize the long locks antors of the oath, not the recipients of the sacrifice. Most and gray chin of that Roman king, who built our city on important, the rustic altar that serves as the compositional laws, when he was sent from the poor land of insignificant focus at the center of the scene would be the first Roman Cures to take control of a great power [impwiummagnum]. "altar of peacen-that is, a forerunner to the Augustan mon- (description of Numa, 6.808-10)'" ument. If this interpretation is correct, then the two young sacrificial attendants could even be the children of the two kings, though this interpretation does not depend on it.'2 The Image of Nurna This identification of Numa and the sacrifice of peace is Because we have accepted a blanket view from Roman au- congruent with the rest of the sculptural program of the Ara thors that monarchy is "bad," almost no attention has been Pacis. At the west end of the monument two panel reliefs paid to the possible appearance of a king of Rome on the Ara flank the central entrance (Fig. 2); the south panel depicts Pacis apart from Romulus, who is shown as a child. Numa has Numa, while the north panel apparently showed the infants also been neglected as a candidate because his image seems Romulus and Remus being discovered by their adoptive fa- relatively unknown to modern s~holarship,~~in contrast to ther, Faustulus, in the presence of their real father, Mars, the Romulus and Aeneas, both of whom have strongly developed eponymous god of the Campus ~artius.~'It is clear that the iconographies-and, in the case of Aeneas, the authority of two panels on the west end of the monument are meant to be the Aeneid to bolster him. understood as a pair, not only because of their structural Romulus and Aeneas were also considered ancestors of the symmetry flanking the doorway but also because of their gens Julia to which Augustus belonged. Nevertheless, the thematic symmetry: Romulus the warrior was the first king of pm'nceps could claim descent from Numa as well as through Rome, and Numa the peacemaker the second. Although the Julius Caesar: on his mother's side, Caesar was descended Romans abominated the memory of the later Etruscan kings from King Ancus Marcius, the grandson of Numa by his of Rome, a long tradition approved of both Romulus, who daughter.'G In addition, a well-defined tradition about Numa was renowned for the arts of war, and Numa, renowned for goes back at least to the epic poet Ennius in the third century the arts of peace. Together they offered a model for effective B.c.E.,as well as to an iconographic type represented by the governance.- statue of the king on the Capitoline Hill, thought to have Thus, in a sense the west front of the Ara Pacis becomes the been erected during the regal period (before 509 B.c.E.)." AS visual expression of Virgil's description in book 6 of the a counterpart to Romulus, Numa features prominently in the Aeneid, where Augustus appears framed between Romulus writings of Cicero, including his works De republica, De oratore, and Numa as part of the poetic vision of Rome's future and De natura deorum, all of which were composed near the empire (impmiurn) granted to Aeneas when he visits the un- middle of the first century B.c.E.,well before Augustus's rise derworld. First comes the description of Romulus as son of to power." About the time that Octavian assumed the title Mars, followed by Augustus himself, with Virgil's famous de- "Augustus" (January 17, 27 B.c.E.),Livy had recently pub- scription of his world rule, and then Numa: lished the first book of his history of Rome, in which the portrait of Numa as peaceful king and "culture hero" is very clearly defined as a foil to the warlike ~omulus.~" A son of Mars will join his grandfather's line-Romulus, In addition, Numa acquired an iconography that consis- whom his mother bore to the family of Trojan Assaracus. tently presents him as a mature bearded man. While we do Do you see how double plumes rise upon his helmet, and not know in detail what his statue on the Capitoline Hill how his father himself designates him for life on earth? My looked like, he appears on a number of coins of the first child, under his auspices renowned Rome will enclose her century B.C.E.~'A denarius minted by L. Pomponius Molo empire [imperium]on earth and her pride by heaven, and (ca. 97 B.c.E.?)depicts a laureate head of Apollo on the one city wall will enclose the seven hills, fortunate in her obverse and on the reverse a sacrificial scene carrying the family of men. (description of Romulus, 6.777-83) legend mwm POMPIL (Fig. 9).81The composition includes a Now cast your eyes over here; behold this people, your togate Numa holding an augural Lituus to the left of a flaming own Romans. Here is [Augustus] Caesar, and all the de- altar while a uictzmam'us introduces a goat from the right. The 198 ART BULLETIN JUNE 2001 VOLUME LXXXIII NUMBER 2

Senate and people to become king of Rome, he accepted only when the gods confirmed his right to rule. Appropri- ately, with his head veiled he had the omens taken on the Capitoline Hill, accompanied by augurs and priests, and received the requested signs.86 Octavian also made a show of his reluctance to rule on a number of occasions,87and in 27 B.C.E.when he adopted the title Augustus in January he was careful to emphasize that he was doing so with human and divine approval.88 As a number of studies have pointed out, his title is connected with the terms augur and auguly, and also with the verb augeo (to increase, enrich, bless). This occasion also illustrates Augustus's antiquarian interests and his careful attempts to legitimize himself by appealing to tradition, for a famous quote by the poet Ennius describes how Romulus had founded Rome by "august augury."sg Fur- 9 Coin of L. Pomponius Molo, ca. 97 thermore, Augustus and Numa, as well as Romulus, came to B.c.E.? London, the British Museum (photo: courtesy the British Museum) be considered city founder^.^' As mentioned earlier, Numa founded the temple of Janus in the Roman Forum, whose doors were closed during peace and open in times of war.g1 Significantly, Janus remained closed throughout the king's reign. Augustus emphasizes in the Res gestae that the Senate voted to close the temple of Janus three times during his principate, the first time after the Battle of Actium, when he also took the most important Roman augury, the augurium sa~utis;~~this is also the only place in the document where he mentions his own birth, a point that will become meaningful when we turn below to the 10 Coin of broader meaning of the Ara ~acis.'~ Pompey the Great, Ancient sources also credit Numa with establishing all the 49 B.C.E. London, the British major priesthoods of the Roman state religi~n.'~Some of the Museum (photo: earliest coins of Octavian label him pontifex and augur;95 as courtesy the British pn'nceps, he went on to accumulate more priesthoods than Museum) any other Roman up to his day:6 culminating in his assump tion of the role of pontifx maximus in March of 12 B.c.E.,while the Ara Pacis was under constru~tion.~~Eventually, Augustus asses and denarii minted by C. Marcius Censorinus (ca. 87 linked himself with many aspects of the state religion; within B.c.E.)show him in profile as a bearded and diademed man." the grounds of his house on the Palatine Hill he set aside On a coin of Pompey the Great (49 B.c.E.) the bearded head plots of land for the temple of Apollo Palatinus and a shrine of Numa appears in profile, wearing a diadem inscribed NVMA of Vesta, and his name was included in the Hymn of the Salii, (Fig. 10).83 In the Augustan period, the tresviri monetales (the the dancing priests of Mars. He created a new priest, the board of men responsible for minting coins) issued an un- Jlamen Iulialis, to supervise the cult of the deified Julius usual as in 23 B.C.E.that showed the head of Augustus on one Caesar,just as Numa had created theJlamen Quirinalis for the side and the bearded head of Numa on the other, stressing worship of Romulus as a god after his death. As if to under- the connection between the two individ~als.~~These last two score the importance of Augustus's religious and political coins are important because they were struck under the affiliations, the south frieze of the Ara Pacis places him after authority of Cnaeus Calpurnius Piso and his son, respectively; the lictares, among men who may represent the pontijices, and like Augustus, the Calpurnii could claim descent from Numa, at the head of the Jlamines, not among the members of his and Andrew Wallace-Hadrill has tentatively hypothesized that family." the introduction of the "new" Augustan coinage was meant to Under the direction of the pontfex maximus, the pontijices recall Numa's putative creation of the first Roman money.85 were also responsible for the maintenance of the calendar, While it is easy for us to neglect the value of ancient currency and Augustus played an active role in instituting the calen- as a means of disseminating official images, these minted drical reforms that Julius Caesar had proposed before his pieces of metal passed repeatedly through the hands and assassination. Similarly, Numa was said to have reformed the under the gaze of the public. calendar established by Romulus; he made January the be- ginning of the year and inserted the intercalary month to Numa and Augustus: Parallel Lives create a cycle that repeated itself every twenty years.99 Thus, Numa served as a plausible and acceptable model for Numa created and reformed civic institutions, divided the Augustus to follow. Here we can concentrate on a few of the country into districts, and established overseers and pa- more important points of contact between the two rulers. trols,loO foreshadowing Augustus's division of Rome into Numa was reluctant to rule, and when he was invited by the fourteen districts (regiones), supervised by the vicomagisCri who RETEIISKISG THE hlE.4SING OF THE AR.4 PACIS .4LTGCST.IE 199 maintained city senices and attended to the new cult of the NORTH PROCESSION Lares and Genius Augusti, created in the years immediately after the construction of the Ara ~acis."' Numa embellished the city with major buildings, including the Regia and the ROMULUS ROMA temple of Quirinus; Augustus restored the latter, and after becoming pontqex ~naxi~nusin 12 B.C.E. he had the right to reside at the Regia, even though he chose not to.lo2Even the anachronistic Pythagoreanism of Numa has some interesting points of contact with Augustus's circle of intimates, includ- ing the poet virgil.lo" Following the lengthy wars of Romulus, which increased the territory of Rome, Numa instituted peace and promoted agriculture, the rearing of children, and the proper worship of the gods.'04 These ideal goals are very similar to the NUMA PAX objectives of Augustus's social and moral legislation, which stressed the importance of farming and increasing the size of Roman families.lo5These are always considered the tangible benefits of peace. AUGUSTUS LIVIA SOUTH PROCESSION The Ara Pacis as a Representation of Augustan Rule With these links between Augustus- and Numa in mind, the 11 Diagram of the haPacis (author, after Simon, Augustus, decorative program of the Ara Pacis can be better under- 1986, 32, fig. 28) stood. As the panels of the west end flank the central doorway and form a pair depicting Romulus and Numa, so the panels on the east end form another pair, with the well-known aspect are the togate depictions of Augustus and many seated figures conventionally called Tellus (probably Pax other figures on the north and south friezes, including hersel0 on the south sidelO%nd Roma on the north sidelo7 several children; only one individual on the monument facing one another across the back entrance (Fig. 11).Pax appears in military garb, the figure identified as Livia's son and Roma function as allegories- of Peace and War.lo8Thus, Drusus (S-39) in the south frieze.ll"he extensive floral on the southern half of the monument, the peaceful king panels under the figural friezes and end panels on the Numa at the west end corresponds with Pax at the east end, exterior of the precinct wall reinforce the theme of peace and on the northern half the warlike Romulus at the west end of the monument,'15 while on the interior the frieze of corresponds with Roma on the east end.log garlands suspended between the skulls of sacrificed bulls The peaceful panels with Numa and Pax thus frame the (bucrania) highlights the importance of the proper obser- south processional frieze, which includes Augustus with vance of religion in the new order of Augustus. The frag- priests and lictors, followed by members of the imperial mentary female figures from the base of the inner altar family. To strengthen this connection, Numa and Augustus may represent pacified provinces.116 are the only male figures on the altar who are garlanded and Therefore, this reidentification of the "Aeneas" panel as veiled, and Livia in the south frieze and Pax on the east end Numa permits a much simpler, but potentially more nuanced panel are the only women who are garlanded and veiled.11o and unified, interpretation of the figural friezes and panels A similar arrangement obtains on the north half of the around the exterior wall of the Ara Pacis. If this interpreta- enclosure wall. The end panels with Romulus and Roma tion is acceptable, then many earlier proposals become un- frame the north processional frieze, in which the figures tenable. The panel reliefs cannot reflect foundation myths move parallel to those in the south frieze, perhaps represent- linking the origin of Rome (Romulus) with the origin of the ing the same procession as if seen from the opposite side."' Julian gens (~eneas),"'a reading that is prompted largely by The procession of the north frieze is often said to include statues of these individuals displayed in the "portrait galler- senators, but very few of the togate individuals wear the ies" of the hemicycles of the Forum of L4ugustus.The Forum distinctive senatorial shoes (calcei senatovii), and at least two Augusti and the Ara Pacis, however, are different monuments camilli are present, carrying acmae, or boxes for incense."' with different purposes; it would be simplistic to expect that Thus, the north frieze likely depicts more priests, followed by all Augustan buildings repeat the same message.l18 Nor can additional members of the family of Augustus. Richard Bil- the Ara Pacis panels illustrate beginnings of Roman institu- lows has argued in detail that the long processions constitute tions, in the sense that Peter Holliday has suggested, with the a supplicatio, or solemn religious celebration, offered on July city represented by the wolf in the Romulus panel and the 4, 13 B.c.E., the date of Augustus's return to Rome from the sacrificial sow standing for the Julian family in the "Aeneas" western provinces and the occasion for consecrating the Ara panel.ll%d although Mars may be represented as pater in ~acis."' the Romulus relief, there is no corresponding figure of pater While Augustus embodies aspects of both Romulus and Aeneas, if our bearded male represents the paternalistic Numa, his location in the south frieze rather than the Numa instead."' Without the presence of Aeneas, the iden- north makes it quite clear that the balance on the monu- tification of the peaceful goddess on one end panel as his ment tips in the direction of peace. Underscoring this mother Venus, rather than Pax, becomes unlikely; further- 200 ART 13~I.LETINJCNE 2001 VOI.ChIE LSSSIII \UhLBER 2 more, there is no need to connect the Ara Pacis with the unique position of Augustus with respect to contemporary theme of Trojan origins or the descent of Augustus from Romans and to cosmic tirne.lz8 Aeneas.'" The pairing of Romulus and Numa, however, The altar was built in a section of the Campus Martius would illustrate Rome's original founding kings whose lives that Augustus had developed privately, probably beginning served as paradigms for Augustus's own career-a career that as early as 30 B.C.E.(Fig. 1).lZ9In the distance, viewers included an earlier warlike phase followed by a more peace- could also see the mausoleum of Augustus, the largest ful mature phase. Roman tomb built at that time and a clear dynastic state- This simpler, more balanced message is appropriate to ment, with two granite obelisks from Egypt flanking its the intimacy of the Ara Pacis. But art historians and ar- doorway; later, after the death of Augustus in 14 c.E., they chaeologists have generated complicated and obscure mes- could read the Res gestae, inscribed at his request on bronze sages for this building demanding exegesis on the highest columns or tablets and set up there as well, perhaps and most abstruse intellectual level, as if it were a compli- attached to the bases of the obelisks.1g0 Next to the cated literary text writ in marble and not a monument to Ara Pacis, and constructed at the same time, stood the be understood with the eye. Surely the opposite is true: in Horologium-Solarium, a giant sundial.'" The sundial con- order to communicate with the public, public monuments tained a political dimension, since the granite obelisk that (especially in a capital city) have to convey their messages sewed as its gnomon (pointer) was a royal monument of as directly as possible so that common people and foreign pharaonic Egypt, here the private possession of the prin- visitors can understand them. This is especially true of a ceps.'" To reinforce this point, the obelisk was dedicated relatively small and accessible structure like the Ara Pacis, in 10 B.C.E.to Sol as part of the spoils of ~gy~t.'"Sol was embellished with architectural sculpture set so close to eye equated with Helios/Apollo; as Augustus's patron divinity, level that spectators are encouraged to approach, to walk Apollo had helped him to victory at Actium, and Sol/ around it, and to consider and reflect on the printeps and Apollo was also the god of the new sa~culum.~~~hese his accomplishments in a way that they could not with a elements carry perhaps a veiled claim to divine status as larger building. The message of the Ara Pacis is about the well, for Apollo was considered the father of Augustus, a exercise of power and the creation of a valid status quo. It tradition that has roots in Hellenistic ruler cult.1" concerns not only the balance of war and peace as person- In addition, Sol had a specifically Italic connection, since the ified by Romulus and Numa but also the continuity of that god was considered the ancestor of the Latin race, following a balance as personified by Augustus. Moreover, unlike an tradition as old as the seventh century B.C.E.According to Hes- imperial forum, which creates a closed environment within iod (Theogonj 1011-16), Circe, the daughter of Helios (Sol) its surrounding walls and colonnades,12' the physical set- bore two sons to Odysseus, Agrius and Latinus; the latter be- ting of the Ara Pacis encouraged the viewer to look out- came the eponymous ancestor of the tribes of Latium. At Lau- ward and consider the other Augustan buildings in the rentum the Trojans established two altars to Helios when they northern Campus Martius. landed in Italy (Dio 1.55.2).In addition, LTarroconsidered Sol a This is not to say that the Ara Pacis had only a single Sabine god originally and equated him with Apollo (5.68). message to convey. Recent scholarly theory has focused on Augustus's dedication, therefore, accommodated the traditions the various ways in which visual narratives in sculpture of several Mediterranean cultures. serve programmatic purposes, and often these images sug- While it might seem strange to us that the west facade of gest multiple levels of interpretation.12%lthough the end the Altar of Augustan Peace faced the obelisk that commem- panels of the Ara Pacis are often compared to Hellenistic orated Augustus's greatest military accomplishment, Stefan reliefs, their form and subject matter also bring to mind Weinstock and Erich Gruen (among others) have shown that the famous mythological panel paintings, executed by for the Romans, "peace" really meant pacification: the suc- noted Greek artists, that decorated many buildings of Au- cessful outcome of war against one's enemies.'" Thus, peace gustan ~0me.l~'LTirgil describes similar large pictures dec- and war are complementary, not diametrically opposed, con- orating the temple of Juno in Carthage in book 1 of the cepts, and as a result, it was entirely appropriate in Roman Aeneid that move Aeneas to tears when he views them.125 terms that the Ara Pacis and Horologium-Solarium were The Ara Pacis reliefs play off the traditions of ekphrasis in linked. part by introducing change; its panels, after all, are not The sundial marked the winter solstice under Capricorn, paintings but sculpture, they are Roman creations rather the sign under which Augustus had been conceived (64 than Greek imports, their mythological or allegorical B.c.E.)and had assumed the title of Augustus (January 17, 27 themes are Roman, not Hellenic, and they decorate the B.c.E.).Edmund Buchner has also argued that on September exterior walls of an altar precinct honoring Augustus's 23, the birthday of Augustus and the approximate date of the peace, not the interior of a building.12" autumn equinox, the shadow of the gnomon would trace a line across the pavement of the sundial from west to east, pointing The Ara Pacis as a Monarchical Statement at sunset toward the open doorway framing the inner altar of Modern scholarship has also accepted at face value Augus- the Ara Pacis, an opening flanked by the reliefs depicting the tus's public characterization of himself as nonmonarchi- infant Romulus and the mature Numa. Augustus's birthday cal."' But surely such a view is naive: the Ara Pacis, with its had already become a public festival and the occasion for a themes of peace and war, refers to King Numa and Romulus supplicatio after the conquest of Egypt, so the creation nvenq and is part of a larger building program in the northern years later of a cosmic clock that marked this date was both a Campus Martius whose major components emphasize the scientific and a religious triumph celebrating a day that was

Bild-P~ogrammdes .4pollo-Tempels azcf dem Pnlatin, Xenia, 24 (Konstanz: Univer- composition is similar, the figures differ from those on our relief: the sacri- sitatsverlag Konstanz, 1989); and Manuel Royo, Domzcs Impvntoriae: Topop- ficing Aeneas is armored and wears a military cloak, while his young son thie, funnation et imnginain cles palais imphiazcx dzc Palntzn, Bibliotheque des behind him is a diminutive figure. The figures stand in front of a large Ecoles Fran~aisesd'AthPnes et de Rome, 303 (Paris: Bibliothtlque des Ecoles tetrastyle temple. In any case, the medallion cannot be used as proof that the Fran~aisesd'Athenes et de Rome, 1999), passim. ,*a Pacis relief represented Aeneas 150 years earlier: Enrico Paribeni, "Aska- 5. The original dimensions of the relief were 61 inches (l..55 meters) in nios," in LI.tI(:, vol. 2, pt. 1 (1984), 860-63, esp. 861, no. 15 (=.%neias 152), height and 96 inches (2.44 meters) in width. Its left half was discovered in vol. 2, pt. 2 (plates), 630, no. 15; Francesco Gnecchi, IJledaglzonz Romanz, vol. 1859, the right in 1903. Unlike some haPacis reliefs recovered earlier, these 2 (Milan: \'. Hoepli, 1912), 35, no. 84, pl. 66.6; Ferdinand0 Castagnoli, fragments were not subjected to excessive restoration. E. Petersen had called I,auinzum, vol. 1, Topografin genmk, fonti e storia delln ncrrche (Rome: De Luca, the figure subsequently thought of as Aeneas the Genius Senatus, with the 1972), 81, no. 182, fig. 88; and JVeinstock, 58 and n. 135, pl. 5.9. Genius Populi Romani behind him: "Funde," Romzsrhe ,!litteilzcngen 18 (1903): 10.Pliny, Historin natzcralis (?iH) 34.23. Zanker, 203-4, makes the same 332-33. For the earliest interpretation of the two halves of the relief as the comparison but characterizes this costume as one that gives "Aeneas" a sacrifice of Aeneas, see Johannes Sieveking, "Zur ,&-a Pacis Augustae," Jnh- "special dignity." See discussion by Emeline Hill Richardson, "The Types of ~eshftedes &tmeichischen a~chiologsrhenInstituts in Ilien 10 (1907): 175-99, fig. Hellenistic Votive Bronzes from Central Italy," in Eius Vidutzs Studiosi: Classical 58. esp. 185. and Postclassicnl Studies in ,ltmory of Frank Edwa~dBrown 11908-1988), ed. 6. Discussions of the relief include Franz Studniczka, "Zur ,&-a Pacis," Russell T. Scott and Ann R. Scott, Studies in the History of Art, vol. 23 Abhandlungen der Siichstsrhen Akademie dm Missmschaften zu Leipzzg 27 (1909); (JVashington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, 1993), 281-301. In pose the Ara Lily Ross Taylor, The Dzuinity of the Roman Empvor (Middletown, Conn.: Pacis figure also recalls that of Nestor from the paintings in the Fran~ois American Philological Association, 1931); Domenico Mustilli, "L'arte .h- Tomb atITulci(third quarter of the 4th century R.c.L.), notable in his dark red gustea," in Azcpstzcs: Stzcdt in occnsione del Bzmilknario .4zcpsteo (Rome: Acca- mantle over a white tunic; see Francesco Buranelli, La Tomba fiancois di 'I'zclci demia Nazionale dei Lincei, 1938), 320-21, pl. between 322 and 323; Giu- (Rome: Quasar, 1987); Mario Cristofani et al., Die Etrusker (Stuttgart: Belser, seppe Moretti, Am Paczs A~~gzistne(Rome: Libreria dello Stato, 1948), 153-57, 1995), 66, color fig. C; PeterJ. Holliday, "Narrative Structures in the Fran~ois 21, pl. B (left half of scene), 35, pl. C (right half), pls. xv (above), XXXIX Tomb," in Holliday, 175-97. (detail of body of "Aeneas"), x~x(detail of head), xx (detail of head of 11. Cf. the seated Zeus (figure 30) on the east frieze of the Parthenon: "Achates"); Inez Scott Ryberg, "The Procession of the ,&-a Pacis," ,!lemoz~sof the Martin Robertson and Alison Frantz, The Padhenon Fneze (Oxford: Phaidon Amu~iranAcadem? in Rome 19 (1949): 80-81, fig. 1;Jocelyn Toynbee, "The ,&-a Press, 1975); Ian Jenkins, The Parthenon Frieze (Austin: University of Texas Pacis Reconsidered and Historical Art in Roman Italy," Proceedings of the British Press, 1994), ill., 78-79. Aradem? 39 (1953): 57-58, pl. XV; Ryberg, The Rites of the State Rrligion in Roman 12. LIAfC, vol. 1, 401, no. 7, pl. 312 (=Aion 5); Andreas iUfoldi, Aion in Ad, Slemoirs of the .hlerican Academy in Rome, vol. 22 (Rome: American Jlhida and Aphrodisins, Madrider Beitrage, vol. 6 (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, Academy in Rome, 19.55), 40-41, pl. X,fig. 21; JVeinstock, esp. 56-58, pl. 111.1; 1959), 14-15, pls. 28, 29; R.R.R. Smith, Aphrodisins, vol. 1, The,\.Ionument of C. Ernst Nash, A Pictorial Dictiona~of Ancient Rome, vol. 1 (New York: Praeger, Julius Zoilos (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1993), 45-48, figs. 8,9,pls. 20, 21,32. 1961-62), 69, fig. 66; Erika Simon, in Wolfgang Helbig, Fiih~rrdurrh die 13. Older indixlduals include, in the south frieze, $23 (a Jamen), $28 ~~ntlichenSammlungen Klassischrr .4ltofiimv in Rom, 4th ed. (Tiibingen: G. (Agrippa), and S-44 (an older man with an extremely large head). Many of JVasmuth, 1963-52), vol. 2, 685-89, no. 1937; idem, AY~Paris .4upcstae the heads in the north frieze are restored, but N-39 represents a veiled old (Greenwich, Conn.: New l'ork Graphic Society, 1968), 23-24, pl. 2.5; Karl woman in low relief. She turns her head over her right shoulder, and two Galinsky, Aeneas, Szcilj, and Rome (Princeton: Princeton University Press, deeply cut naso-labial folds are visible even though the upper part of her face 1969), 199-200, fig. 8; John Pollini, "Studies in Augustan 'Historical' Reliefs," has sheared away. Ph.D. diss., Universih of California, Berkeley, 1978, 128-29; Fulvio Canciani, 14.\Veinstock, 57, though Zanker, 204, identifies it as a spear in token of his "hineias," in LI,lIC, vol. 1, pt. 1 (1981), 391, no. 165, vol. 1, pt. 2 (1993) rule. (plates), pl. 307 (=Aneias 165); Torelli (as in n. 2), 37-38; Eugenio La Rocca, 15. Kleiner, 93, states, "Aeneas has a patvn in his right hand and, with his AYU Pncis Augcistne (Rome: L'Erma di Bretschneider, 1983), 40-43; Erika left, he pours a libation on the altar." The first observation may be correct, Simon, .iugustus: Kunst zcnd I-eben In Rorri um die Ze~tenzuende(Munich: Hirmer, though the wrist and hand are missing. The left hand, however, supports the 1986), 42, fig. 40; Gunar Friebergs, C. Scott Littleton, and Udo Struhnski, staff and is nowhere near the altar. A patrra is carved on the tympanum of the "Indo-European Tripartition and the Ara Pacis Augustae," Sumen 33, no. 1 small shrine on the relief. One ramzll~rsin the north frieze, N-7, also carries (1986): 3-32, esp. 9 and pl. 5; Koeppel, 110-11, no. 2 (Aeneas in Lavinium), another (Koeppel, 128-29, no. 7, fig. 18), and paterueof nvo types are carved 11 1, fig. 2; Zanker, 203-5, fig. 157; Salvatore Settis, "Die Ara Pacis," in Kaiser on the inner face of the precinct wall. Overall, patvaeare the most frequently riupstus, 412-13, fig. 189; PeterJ. Holliday, "Time, History and Ritual on the represented sacrificial vessels on the Ara Pacis. .Ira Pacis Augustae," Att Bulletin 72 (1990): -542-57, esp. 549-50, fig. 9; C. 16.The seer Helenus tells him to cover his head with his purple robe Brian Rose, "Princes and Barbarians on the Ara Pacis," Amm'ran Journal of (amictus),not a toga, when he comes to establish altars (note the plural) on .irchaeologj 94 (1990): 453-65, reprinted in Eve D'.hlbra, ed., Roman Ad in the shores of Italy (Ameid [hen.] 3.403-5): "quin ubi tranmissae steterint O'ontext: An int tho log^ (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1993), 53-74; trans aequora classes / et positis aris iam vota in litore solves, / purpureo Richard Gordon, "The Veil of Power: Emperors, Sacrifices, and Benefactors," velare comas adopertus amictu. . . ." in Pagan Pnests: Relzgcon and Powv In the Ancient Ilbrld, ed. Mary Beard and 15. On the iconography of Aeneas, see Galinsky, 1969 (as in n. 6), passim; John North (Ithaca, N.T.: Cornell University Press, 1990), 201-37, esp. 209- Canciani (as in n. 6); Zanker, 201-10; KaiserAugistus, 411, fig. 190. A marble 11, fig. 23; J6s Elsner, "Cult and Sculpture: Sacrifice in the .Ira Pacis Augus- relief in London telescopes the events connected with Aeneas's arrival: sow, tae,"Journal of Roman Studies 81 (1991): 50-61; Kleiner, 93, 96, fig. 78; David city, hero, and one of his ships are all present in the same scene: Settis (as in Castriota, ThrAra Pacis Augcistae and the Imagq ofAbundance in Latv Gj-eek and n. 6), 411, fig. 190; I>Il\/I(:,vol. 1, pt. 1 (1981), 391, no. 168, pl. 307. Ear/+ Roman Impen1 Ad (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), 1.54, 18. As described in, for example, Aen. 2.705-29. See Canciani (as in n. 6); 162, pl. 4.5; Ann Kuttner, Dynasty and Empzn zn the Age of Augustus: The Case of Peter Aichholzer, Darstellungen romisrhrr Sagen, University of I'ienna, 1983, the Buscoreale Cups (Berkeley: University of California Press, 199.5), fig. 99; 160; JV. Fuchs, "Die Bildgeschichte der Flucht des Aeneas," in A,VRII; vol. 1, Elsner, Art and the Roman 1'inuer (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, fasc. 4 (1973), 615-32; Jacques Poucet, "La diffusion de la legende d'~neeen 199.5), 195-99, fig. 32; Galinsky, 107, 109, fig. 43; Rose, D~nasticO'ommemoratzon Italie centrale et ses rapports avec celle de Romulus," Les Etudes Classzques 57 und Imprnal Po~tmitunzn the Julzo-(:laudian Pniod (Cambridge: Cambridge (1989):227-54; and Tim J. Cornell, The Begcnn~ngsofRome: Italy and Rome from University Press, 1995), 16, pl. 110; and Torelli (as in n. 1). For color the Bronze Age to the Pun~cIli~rs ir. 1000-264 n.(:.)(London: Routledge, 1995), illustration of the central section of the relief, see Robert Turcan, Lh1t ronzain 63-68. For examples on coins, see a denarius of Caesar of 46 R.(:.F. with a dans l'histo~re:Six sii.rles d+xpress~onsde la romanite (Paris: Flammarion, 1993), clean-shaven, nude young Aeneas carrying the palladium in his right hand and 99, fig. 114. supporting a bearded rZtlchises with veiled head on his shoulders (Galinsky, 7. The head of one figure, formerly assigned to the far right corner of the 1969 [as in n. 61, fig. 2; Zanker, 3.5, fig. 27) and the altar to the gens riupsta panel, is now thought to belong to the northern relief that depicts Roma on at Carthage (Louis Poinssot, L'autel de la Gens auguta iL Carthap, Notes et the east end of the monument and may represent the head of Honos or the documents. 10 [Paris: Vuibert. 19291, 5-38. pls. 1-16; Ryberg, 1955 [as in n. Genius Populi Romani: Simon, 1968 (as in n. 6), pl. 29: Settis (as in n. 6), 412; 61, 89-90; Galinsky, 1969 [as in n. 6],9, fig. 5).The mythological panels from Koeppel, 110, 115, no. 3, fig. 7; and Kuttner (as in n. 6), 20. the imperial cult complex at Xphrodisias also include this scene: R.R.R. 8. Ryberg, 1955 (as in n. 6), remains the basic study of Roman sacrificial Smith, "Mvth and -4llegor-y in the Sebasteion," in .4phrodisins Papers, ed. iconography. For altars to the Lares Augusti, the decoration of which often Charlotte Roueche and Kenan T. Erim, Journal of Roman Archaeolog?., includes sacrificial scenes, see Michael Hano, "A l'origine du culte imperial: suppl. ser., no. 1 (Ann Arbor: [Editorial Committee of the Journal of Roman Les autels des Lares Auglrsti; Recherches sur les themes iconographiques et Archaeolog?], 1990), 98, fig. 9 (center). Smith notes that the woman in the leur signification," in A.VR11: vol. 2 (1986), fasc. 16, sec. 3, 2333-81. See also background is Aphrodite escorting Aeneas, not his wife Creusa. Xeneas's ,hne \'. Siebert, Instruments Sarm: Cntersurhungen zu romzsrhen Opfer-, Kult, rescue of his father and son are usually understood as an exemplum pi~tatzs,a und Pn'estngn-iitm, Religionsgeschichtliche Yersuche und Yorarbeiten, vol. 44 theme that has no obvious connection with the Ara Pacis. Recently, Belinda (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1999);Friederike Fless, Opfn-(limrrund Kl~ltmusiker 0. .Aicher has suggested that the bearded figure traditionally identified as auf stadtromisrhen histonsrhen Reltefs: Chtersurhungen Lur fkonogrr~phie,Funktion Mars on the Sorrento base is actually Aeneas in armor: "The Sorrento Base icnd Uenennicng (hiainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1995). and the Figure of Mars," A~chaeologcal,Vms 15 (1990): 11-16. A late Repub- 9. Thus, an Antonine medallion depicting Aeneas, for example, has some- lican cylindrical base at Citlti Castellana is carved ~ltha bearded sacrificing times been adduced as a direct adaptation of the Ara Pacis panel. \$l~ilethe male in armor who is sometimes identified as Aeneas, though other identifi- cations are possible: Reinhard Herbig, "Romische Basis in CivitP Castellana," trants in tunics." In a recent investigation of the homoerotic scenes on the Romische Mitteilungen 42 (1927): 129-47, suppl. pls. 15-19; Henner von Hes- Warren Cup, a silver vessel he dates to the Augustan or early Julio-Claudian berg, "Archiologische Denkmaler zu den rdmischen Gottergestalten," in period, John Pollini has identified another youth with long hair at the back of AXRW vol. 2, fasc. 17 (1981), sec. 2, 1048-51; Kleiner, 51, 32, fig. 32. the head (from a loosened braid?) as a male sex slave-hardly a likely 19.Via dell'Abondanza painting at Pompeii: Zanker, 202, fig. 156a; Jean identification for the figure on the Ara Pacis relief: "The Warren Cup: Gage, "Romulus-Augustus," 1Milangrs de IEcole Ei-nncaisr dp Rome 47 (1930): Homoerotic Love and Symposia1 Rhetoric in Silver," Art Bulletin 81 (1999): 141-42, fig. 3. A painted parody of the group exisrs; for recent discussion, see 21-52, esp. 27, fig. 9. Dyfri FVilliams, however, dates the vessel to the late Mariette De Vos, "La fuga di Enea in pitture del I secolo d.C.," KolnerJahrbuch Julio-Claudian period and identifies irs probable place of manufacture as the fur Vor- und Friihgrschichtr 24 (1991): 113-23. Here, a distinctly youthful eastern Mediterranean: "The Warren Cup," ,Vinma 10, no. 4 (1999): 33-33, Aeneas in armor and (anachronistic) patrician Roman shoes carries his old esp. fig. 5. T'arro, De lingua latina 7.34, also mentions the existence of female father and leads his small son, the latter dressed as a Phrygian shepherd and camillar. holding the prdum (shepherd's staff). The base of a (missing) statue of 32. A. Herrmann, "The Boy v\lth the Jumping Weights," Bulktin of the Aeneas, one of a pair of pendant works discovered at the Eumachia Building Cheland Museum of Art 80, no. 7 (1993): 299-323, esp. 304-7. I am grateful in Pompeii, probably also showed the same composition as the one in the to Brunilde S. Ridgway for calling this article to my attention. Forum of Augustus because the base reproduces the elogium from the Forum 33. See n. 25 above. ofAugustus in Rome: Johannes A. Overbeck, Pompeji (Leipzig: W. Engelmann, 34. Suggested by C. Brian Rose. Since Rose proposes that "Aeneas" and 1866),vol. 1, 132. This group was duplicated in the Julio-Claudian period for "Achates" represent Augustus and Agrippa (1990 [as in n. 61, 462 and n. 55), a sculptural ensemble in the forum at MCrida, Spain, the decoration of which he wants "Julus" as a reference to Gaius Caesar, whom he identifies as a youth is based on that of the Forum of Augustus in Rome: Jose Luis de la Barrera in the north frieze, N-38, though as he himself notes, the figures are of Anton and Walter Trillmich, "Eine Wiederholung der Aeneas-Gruppe vom different heights, and therefore not the same age (ibid., 466, figs. 11, 12 for Forum Augustum samt ihrer Inschrift in Merida (Spanien)," Romischr Mittri- good detail, and 1997 [as in n. 61, 16).Barbara Kellum goes even further; she lungen 103 (1996): 119-38. claims that there is a "remarkable resemblance between the emperor's young 20. Harold Mattingly, The Roman Impha1 Coinage, vol. 1 (London: Spink son and the figure of Iulus, who serves his father Aeneas": "\$%at We See and and Son, 1923, rev. ed. 1984),pl. \~.116;idem, Coins ofthr Roman Empirr in thr What We Don't See: Narrative Structure and the Ara Pacis Augustae," Art British museum (London: Longmans, 1923). 133, nos. 41-43, 137, no. 69, pls. Histoq 17 (1994): 38. It is important to note that the mantrkused by camilli has 28.6, 28.9, 29.14. The temple has not been excavated: Duncan Fishwick, "On a flocked surface as well as fringe, and thus is a different garment from the the Temple of Divus Augustus," Phoenix 46 (1992): 235-55; Mario Torelli, plain cloth with a fringed border that N-38 wears over one shoulder. "Gaius" "Augustus, Divus, Templum (novum), Aedes," in LTLrE, vol. 1 (1993), 145- also lacks a garland, and the gtrttus in his right hand is a hypothetical 46; Richardson (as in n. 1). s.v. "Augustus, Divus, Templum," 45-46. reconstruction. In short, there is no reason to connect N-38 vv~ththe child on 21. M'einstock, 57-58. the end panel. On the iconography of Gaius, see John Pollini, The Portraiture 22. The Ara Pacis Augustae and the Ara Fortunae Reducis before it both of Gaius and Lucius Caesar (New York: Fordham University Press, 1987). commemorated returns of Augustus to Rome after extended absences in the 35. Ryberg, 1949 (as in n. 6),80, is confident that this is a pregnant sow ifeta provinces. These returns are not really parallel to Aeneas's initial arrival in susj, but the missing portion of the relief makes it impossible to be sure. Italy. 36. See Moretti (as in n. 6), pl. sv, where two of the tears are outlined 23. Simon, 1968 (as in n. 6), 23; Zanker, 204, concurs. against the leg of the attendant in the background. I thank Gerhard Koeppel 24. Augustus, Res gestar6.33: "While I was in the process of administering my and Melanie Grunow for emphasizing this point. thirteenth consulship, the senate and the equestrian order and all the Roman 37. Kleiner, 48-51, fig. 31; Ann Kuttner, "Some New Grounds for Narrative: people gave me the title 'father of the country' and decreed that it be Marcus Antonius' Base (The Ara Domitti [sic] Ahenobarbi) and Republican inscribed on the vestibule of my residence and in the Senate House and in the Biographies," in Holliday, 198-229. Forum of Augustus on the base of the four-horse chariot that had been set up 38. Kleiner 142, fig. 117. there for me by senatorial decree [tertium drcimum consulalum cum gerebam, 39. Belvedere Altar, Museo Gregoriano Profano, Vatican, no. 1115: Giulio srnatus rt equrster ordo populusqur Romanus uniuersus appellauit me patrrm patnae E. Rizzo, "Leggende latine antichissime," Rb'mi~che~Mitteilungen21 (1906):300 idque in vestibulo ardium mearum inscnbendum esse atque in curia rt inforo Aug. sub (Virgil and Aeneas); L. R. Taylor, "The Mother of the Lares," American Journal quadrigis, quae mihi ex s.c. positae sunt, decrruit]." of Archaeolog3. 29 (1925): 308-9; Jean Gage, "Un thPme de l'art imperial 25. Achates: Studniczka (as in n. 6),923; Moretti (as in n. 6), 153; Toynbee romain: La TTictoired'Auguste," ,Vilanges dr l~colr~ran~aisede Rome49 (1932): (as in n. 6), 78; Koeppel, 111, no. 4; and Richard Billows, "The Religious 63; Ryberg, 1953 (as in n. 6), 58-59; Werner Hermann, Romische Gd;tlmltare Procession of the Ara Pacis Augustae: Augustus' Supplicatio in 13 ~.c.,"Journal (KallmC~nz:M. Lassleben, 1961), 154, no. lA, Paul Zanker, "Die Larenaltar im of Roman Archarolog3. 6 (1993): 80-92, esp. 87 n. 23. Belvedere des TTatikans,"Romische ,\;littrilungm 76 (1969): 205-18; Galinsky, Iulus/.Ascanius: M'einstock, 57; Simon, 1968 (as in n. 6), 23; Torelli (as in 1969 (as in n. 6). 24-25, fig. 18 (Galinsky interprets the prophet as the one n. 2), 37; La Rocca (as in n. 6). 40; and Kleiner, 93, notes that he is an adult, reading to T'enus from the scroll of fate in Aen. 1.261-96, unnecessarily but refers to him as Iulus/Ascanius. Torelli (as inn. I),71: "Aeneas sacrificing conflating two stories); E. L. Harrison, "The Seated Figure on the Belvedere to the Penates at La~lniumassisted by Iulus-Ascanius." In an attempt to resolve Altar," hueArchPologiqur, 1971: 71-73 (Helenus and Aeneas); Andreas A- the problem, Zanker, 204, calls the figure Ascanius who is "now grown into a foldi, Die Zwei Lorbeerbiume drs Au,pistus (Bonn: R. Habelt, 1973), 30 n. 19; youth." He identifies the figure's stick as a "shepherd's staff," but it lacks the Augusto Fraschetti, "La mort d'Agrippa et I'autel du BelvedGre: Un certain curve at the top and is too long. Rose instead identifies the figure on the far type d'hommage," Milunges de lgcok Fran~aisede Rome92 (1980): 957-76, esp. right as Achates and the camillus next to the altar as Aeneas's son, despite the 964-67, fig. 3 (detail of scene); Pollini (as in n. 6), 299-304; Mark Fullerton, presence of an equally youthful uiclimarius in the scene: Rose, 1990 (as in n. "The Domus Augusti in Imperial Iconography of 13-12 B.c.," in American 6), 462, 465-66; idem, 1997 (as in n. 6), 16. Journal ofArchaeolog3.89 (1985): 473-83, esp. 182, pl. 57, fig. 1; Hano (as in n. 26. Iulus/hscanius: G. Bermond Montanari, "hscanio," in Enciclopedia 8), esp. 2344-45, no. 10, pl. x11.26;KaiserAugustus, 394-96, no. 223, ills., 395; drll'artr antica, classica e orientale, vol. 1 (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia Kleiner, 102-3; Galinsky, 319, 321, fig. 150, compares the figure to that of the Italians, 1958),704-5; and Paribeni (as in n. 9),vol. 2, pt. 2 (plates), 629-32. sacrificant in the "Aeneas" panel, but it is actually much closer to that of 27. For the position of the staff, cf. the figure of a hero on a relief panel of Faustulus in the Romulus panel; Mary Beard, John North, and Simon Price, the Memmius Monument at Ephesos: Mario Torelli, "I1 monument0 efesino eds., Religions ofRomr (New York: Cambridge Universih- Press, 1998), 187, di Memmius: Un capolavoro dell'ideologia nobilare della fine della repub- fig. 4.3. blica," in I1 rango, il rito r l'immaginr: Allr origini drlla rapprrsmtazione stmica 40. Pigs, however, were offered in private cult to the household gods. Romana (Milan: Electa, 1997), 152-74, esp. 157, fig. 137. 41. On the Secular Games, see esp. Zanker, 167-72; Galinsky, 100-106; 28. No pig has sunived among the animals depicted on the inner altar John F. Hall, "The saeculum nouumofAugustus and Its Etruscan Antecedents," frieze; how~ever,see Koeppel, 138-41. in A.VRRII.: vol. 2, fasc. 16, sec. 3, 2564-89. 29, Another garlanded attendant in a tunic in the north frieze, N-24, holds 42. Mattingly, 1923/1984 (as inn. 20), 19, nos. 96,97, pls. 3.16, 3.17; C.H.TT. a similar guttus and has a mantek draped over the left arm: Koeppel, 131-32, Sutherland, The Roman Imperial Coinage, vol. 1, rev. ed. (London: Spinks and no. 24, 133, fig. 26; Koeppel (as in n. 3) suggests that this foreground youth Son, 1984), 68, no. 363, pl. 7. The coin carries the head of Augustus on the with frontal body may be a member of the imperial family. On the inner altar obverse; the reverse sholc~sthe sacrificial scene with the legend FOEDUS ~(opu- frieze one camillus holds a guttus (Koeppel, 138, no. 1, fig. 27), while his li) ~(omani)Q\?I [GABISIS]:IV. H. Gross, "Ways and Roundabout Ways in the companion, a victiman'us, holds a lanx at shoulder level (Koeppel, 138, no. 2, Propaganda of an Unpopular Ideolo~),"in Thp Agp of Augustus, ed. Rolf fig. 27). Another attendant from this frieze holds a guttus and carries an acerra Winkes (Louvrfin-la-Neuve:Institut Superieur d'.hcheologie de 1'Histoire de (Koeppel, 141, no. 15, 142, fig. 31). Cf. the youth with a tray of offerings on I'Art, CollPge Erasme, 1985), 29-50, esp. 41 and n. 69; Zanker, 169, fig. 134. the Telephos frieze of the Pergamon Altar: Evamaria Schmidt, The Great Altar The moneyers responsible for the coin, C. Antistius T'etus and C. Antistius of Pergamon (Leipzig: TTB, 1962), pl. 67. Reginus, traced their ancestry back to Gabii. Gross considers this an example 30. Five other figures on the .ha Pacis have been identified as possible of the way Imperial and Republican themes were sometimes combined even camilli, one in the south frieze (SlO), three in the north frieze (N-7, N-24, in official coinage. N-38), and one on the frieze of the inner altar. On camilli, see esp. Fless (as 43. The depiction of the shrine is similar to representations on other in n. 8). Augustan reliefs and paintings. Cf. the small background structures on a 31. La Rocca (as in n. 6),42; Koeppel, 100, mentions the braid (Zopf). For decorative relief with a pastoral scene (Munich, Glyptothek, no. 455), a comprehensive discussion, see Fless (as in n. a), 38-43: "Long-haired minis- "Grimani" relief from Palestrina (T'ienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum, no. .AS 204 ART BL'LLETIN JUNE 2001 VOLL'hlE LXXXIII NL'MBER 2

1.604), and a painting from Alexandria: Wiktor A. Daszewski and Ahmed parit porcos; ex hoc prodigio post Lavinium conditum annis triginta haec Abd-el-Fattah, "A Hellenistic Painting from Alexandria with Landscape Ele- urhs facta, propter colorem suis et loci naturam Alba Longa dicta." ments," in Akten des XIII Internationalpn Kongresses fur klassische Archiiologie 57. Servius, ad Aen. 3.391, says that the number thirty s)mbolizes the num- Bwlin 1988 (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1990), 441-42. ber of years that Ascanius would rule. 44. Zanker, 205, sees this as a reference to the aurea templa in Rome built or 58. La Rocca (as in n. 6), 40, tries, however: "Also lacking fiom the panel restored by Augustus. Cf. Pierre Gros, Aurea Trmpla: Rechwches sur 13architrcturr are the thirty piglets, surely to avoid an excessive crowding of the composi- religieuse de Rome a l'ipoque d'Auguste, Biblioth&que des Ecoles Fran~aises ton." He sidesteps the issue of the missing piglets: "The depiction on the relief d'AthPnes et de Rome, 231 (Rome: Ecole Fran~aisede Rome, 1976). does not follo\c~the T'irgilian source precisely, but rather a variant handed 45. The caning of the wickenvork pattern occurs only in the center, not at down by Dionysios of Halikarnassos." Cf. Kleiner, 93: l'ergil's poem is not the sides, indicating areas where the relief probably remains unfinished. This fully reproduced in this panel. Instead the scene seems to be closer to a cannot simply be a barrier that closes off the central opening, since there is version of the story handed down by Dionysios of Halikarnassos." See also a vertical groove in the middle that creates the impressioll of two gates. The Dominique Briquel, "L'oiseau ominal, la louve de Mars, la truie feconde," closest parallel for the rvicken\.ork pattern occurs on the relief over the Porta .tJilanges de 17kole Fran~aisede Rome 88 (1976): 31-50. Marzia at Perugia (2nd centur). B.c.L.). Over the arched gateway appear five 59. See above at n. 39. The white sow and her piglets are still a feature of figures in niches framed by pilasters, set behind a balustrade carved like ~lsualrenderings of the stoiv as late as the 5th centur). c.~,.,as the illustration wickenvork with a surmounting horizontal rail: Cristofani et al. (as in n. lo), in the Vatican Virgil shows: Johannes De Wit, Die ~!finiaturendes Vwgilius 35, color fig. bbticanus (Amsterdam: Swets en Zeitlinger, 1959), pl. 25.3. 46. Dionysios of Halikarnassos 1.68.2 says the figures in the temple of the 60. Weinstock, 56-58. This novel argument has never been widely ac- Penates on the Velia are seated, holding spears, but he specifically states that cepted, but it deserves to be read. they are youths (neaniaij, which our bearded figures are not. He adds, "And 61. Our major sources on Numa are Li\y and Dionysios of Halikamassos, we have seen many other statues of these divinities in ancient temples and in writing in the Augustan period, and Plutarch and Dio Cassius, in the mid-2nd all of them they appear as two young men in military outfits." On the Penates, and early 3rd centur). c.L.,respectivelv. For discussion, see esp. Konrad Glaser, see Gerhard Radke, "Die driprnates und Vesta in Rom," in A,VRT.I; vol. 2, fasc. "Numa Pompilius," in Paulys Real-Enc~clopiidie dw classischen AltertumswO,un- 17, sec. 1, 343-73. The temple on the haPacis relief has been discussed schaft (RE),vol. 17, pt. 1 (Stuttgart:J. B. Metzler, 1936), 1242-52; hnaLongo. recently by Maria A. Tomei, who identifies the shrine as the one to the "Numa Pompilius," in Enczclopedia dpll'arfe antica, vol. 5 (Rome: Istituto Poli- Penates on the T'elia: "A proposito della Velia," RomOchr .2lzttezlungen 101 grafico dello Stato, 1963), 581-82. (1994): 309-38, esp. 327-29, pls. 111.1 (Aeneas panel), 111.2 (detail of the 62. Louise A. Holland, ,Janu, and the Bndge (Rome: American Academy in shrine with the figures inside). Rome, 1961). 47. On the inner altar frieze, see Koeppel, 138-46; and Emin Bielefeld, 63. Festus 372M (5lOL): "tunc [in the spring] rem di~lnaminstituerit Marti "Bemerkungen zu den kleinen Friesen am Altar der Ara Pacis Augustae," Numa Pompilius pacis concordia obtinendae gratia inter Sabinos Romanos- Romische dlztteilungen 73-74 (1966-67): 259-65. Elsner, 1995 (as in n. 6), 195, que." Cf. Stefan Weinstock, Dzuus ,Julius (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), claims: "It [the relief] decorates the walls of the precinct within w~hichthe ver). 261 n. 5. On the haMartis, see Richardson (as in n, 1),s.v. "Mars, Xra," 245; ritual it portrays was enacted." Since this is incorrect, his entire theory of Filippo Coarelli, "Mars, Ara," in I.TLrE, vol. 3 (1996), 223-26. "deferral"-the lag between the killing of the animal and the offering of its 64. Fetial Law of Numa: Dion. Hal. 2.72.1-9. Cf. Cicero, Dr oflcizs 1.36, entrails on the altar-is irrelevant. It also is not true that Roman altars were 3.108; idem, Dr lrgibus 3.9; Yarro, De hng~alatina 5.86; Plutarch (Plut.),Sumri always associated with temples, as Elsner claims: the haMartis in the Campus 12.3-7; idem, Camillus 18. Li\y 1.20.4 alludes to them but does not name them Martius and the haPacis itself are cases in point. until 1.24.7-9 and 1.32.9, when he describes their role before the battle 48. Res ge,tae 13: "aram pacis augustae Senatus pro reditu meo consacrari between the Horatii and Curiatii during the reign of Tullius Hostilius. See censuit ad Campurn Martium, in qua magistratus et sacerdotes et virgines also Robert M. Ogilxie, Commmtaq on Liu~(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1965), vestales anniversarium sacrificiurn facere iussit." Oxid, Fasti 1.709-10, men- 131. Cicero also cites avariant tradition that the Fetial Law was established by tions only a single victim, but does not say what it was. Another priesthood, the King Tullius Hostilius during the Etruscan period: Ile republica (Ilr rep.) 2.17 fratrrs amale,, also sacrificed at the Xra Pacis during the Julio-Claudian period. [31]. See also Ernst Samter, "Fetiales," in RE, vol. 6 (1909), 2259-63; Georg On the fratre, amale,, see T'arro 5.85. M'issowa, Religion und Kultus dw Romw, Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft, There has been little discussion about how an animal sacrifice could have 2d. ed. (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1912; reprint, 1971),550-54; Jean Bayet, "Le rite taken place at the haPacis, and it is difficult to envision. It would be virtually fkcial et la cornouiller rnagique," Milange, de 1Ecole Fran~ai,e de Romp 52 impossible to bring living victims up the steep steps to the small inner altar, (1935): 29-76, reprinted in Cro~anceset rites dons la Rome Antique (Paris: Payot, where there is little space for the human participants and observers to stand; 1971),9-43; Kurt Latte, Romische Religionsgeschichte, Handbuch der Altertums- any victims killed must have been put to death outside the precinct wall. wissenschaft, vol. 4 (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1960), 121-24; Jorg Riipke, Iloncz These issues merit further study. Elsner, 1991 (as in n.6), 54, argues that the milztiae: Die religio5e Konstruktion de, Kneges in Ronc (Stuttgart: F. Steiner, 1990), recipient of the sacrifice is ambiguous, because there is no temple near the 97-117; Andre Magdelain, "Quirinus et le droit (spolia opima, ius futiale, zu, altar. The sacrifice, however, is on behalf of Xugustus, in honor of his return qu~ritzuncj," .tJilangrs de lgcole Francai,e dr Romr 96 (1984): 195-237; Mauro ("pro reditu meo") from the western provinces in 13 B.C.L. Mantovani, Brllum ~ustunc:Dir Idre des gerechten K~iegrsin der ronlischpn Kriisnzeit 49. Ryberg, 1955 (as in n. 6), 42, points out that "the association of a ram, (Bern: Peter Lang, 1990). steer and heifer as a triple offering is unparalleled in Roman religion"; as 65. Dion. Hal. 2.72.3: "~areurfiuaro6' awe Ilbfias OTE @L~~V~T~LSzfi~hhc M'einstock, 54 and n. 118, has noted, however, the sex of the animals is not rroAcfi~Lv h~)ureiffsKCY~ KCYTCY~PO~~&ST~SXU~CYS CY~O~TOL~U~~~€~OLS, EL clear. In 38 c.~.,the fratre, amales sacrificed a cow at the Xra Pacis on its poWotv~o oufipiva~ Gixa rrohipou vphs abbv, omp eis &v&y~qv foundation date, July 4, but we do not know how early this practice began: ~araur&v~csivoiquav" (Nurna established it [the Fetial La\\.] when he \\.as John Scheid and Henri Broise, "Deux nouveaux fragments des actes des fieres about to wage war against the inhabitants of Fidenae, who had made attempts arvales de 1'anni.e 38 ap. J.-C.," AVklanges de 1EcoleFran~aisrde Romr 92 (1980): by thefts and incursions, to see if they would come to an agreement with him 215-48. 7vithout \va~-.And constrained by necessity, they did so) 50. Ferdinand0 Castagnoli, "La leggenda di Enea nel Lazio," Studi Romani 66. G. Burck, "Altrom im Ksiege," Dir Antike 16 (1940): 216-26; TVilliam \'. 30 (1982): 1-15; and Tim Cornell, "Aeneas' A~I-ivalin Italy," I.iowpoo1 Classical Harris, T.li~rand Imperiali,m in Republican Romr, 327-70 s.c. (Oxford: Claren- ,!fonthly 2 (1977): 77-83. Versions of these stories also sunive in fragments of don Press, 1979), 166-75, 269-79; Thornas Lfiedernann argues that the Dio Cassius preserved by Tzetzes in Lycophron, Alexandra, v. 1232. The ceremony was an innovation by Octavian, which seems unlikely: "The Fetiales: ancient sources are collected by Castagnoli (as in n. 9), 59-64. X Reconsideration," Classical Quarter4 36 (1986): 478-90. 51. "signa tibi dicam, tu condita mente teneto. / cum tibi sollicito secreti ad 67. On the colunlna brllica, see Richardson (as in n. l), s.v. "columna fluminis undam / littoreis ingens inventa sub ilicibus sus / triginta capitum bellica," 94; Eugenio La Rocca, "Columna Bellica," in 1-TC'K, vol. 1 (1993), fetus enixa iacebit, / alba, solo recubans, albi circum ubera nati, / is locus 300-301; idem, "Due mollurnellti a pianta circolare in cireo Flamznio: I1 urbis erit, requies ea certa laborum." ppndanturion e la columna R~llica,"in Scott and Scott, eds. (as in 11. lo), 17-29. 52. "Ecce autern subitum atque oculis mirabile rnonstrurn, candida per 68. See above at 11. 42. The emperor Claudius, who was scrupulous about silvarn curn fetu concolor albo / procubit xiridique in litore conspicitur sus. / observing Roman religious traditions, sacrificed a so\\. in the Roman Forum quam pius Xeneas tibi enim, tibi, maxima Iuno, / mactat sacra ferens et cum whenever he made a peace treaty with a foreign power: Suetonius (Suet.), grege sistit ad aram." Claudzus 25.12: "cum regibus foedus in for0 icit, porca caesa, ac vetere 53. Gabriella Vanotti, L'altro Enpa: 1.a trstzmonzanza di Dionigi di Alicarnas,o fetialium praefatione adhibita." (Rome: Problemi e Ricerche di Storia A~tica,1995), 66-68. 69. Dio Cassius 50.4.4: "~airrpbs rb 'Evueiov ih0bvres .ir&v~a T& 54. Dion. Hal. 1.55.4. There is a textual problem at this point, as no sibyl of vpo.iroh€pta K~T&TO ~optlopevov,6~tY roil Kaiuapos &S ~ai@qrtahiou, Enthrae on Mt. Ida is mentioned by other ancient sources. irroiqoav." Cf. Liy 1.32.5-14; Ovid, fistz 6.205-7; Xugustus, Re, gpstav 4.7. 55. "Aivcias 6k T~Spkv %s 7i)v TOKOV &paT? yetvapivg Tois rrarp&ots This scene \\.as actually reproduced (though not velv preciselv) in the Twen- ivyije~Beois iu T@ ~~piqT@6', oi, viw ~UTLVfi ~aAt&s,KCY~abiv oi tieth Centurv-Fox production of Clpopatra in 1963, with Octavian thro\ving the .\C~OUL~L&T~LTO~Sbihhot~ bipaT0V @U~&TTOVTESiEphV VO~~~~OWTL." spear fiorn the steps of the Senate House and killing the Egvptian ambassa- 36. "oppidum quod primum conditum in Latio stirpis Romanae, Lavinium: dor. nam ibi dii Penates nostri. Hoc a Latini filia, quae coniuncta Aeneae, Lavinia, 70. Dio Cassius 50.4.5. See K. Scott, "The Political Propaganda of 44-30 appellatu(rn). Hinc post triginta annos oppidum alterum conditur, Aha; id H.c..," ,MPncoirs of th~llmmcan Acariunc~zn Ronlr 11 (1933): 5-49; Fritz IVurzel, ah sue alba nominatum. Haec e navi Aeneae cum fu(g)isset Lavinium, triginta nvRripgp gqyn Anloniu, und Klropntm ~n drr narslpllrc7zg dcr augn,trischrn Dichl~r

206 ART BULLETIN JUNE 2001 VOLUME LXXXIII NUMBER 2

13.1-7. The name of Augustus is included in the Salian Hymn, and the Salii Galinsky, "Aiugustus'Legislation on Morals and Marriage," Phzlologus 125 celebrated their rites in the Forum Augusti: Dion. Hal. 51.22.1; Res gestar 10. (1981): 126-44. The cnmillz:Plut., ,Vunin 7.5. Numa obedient to dixlne will: Dion. Hal. 2.64.4; 106. Koeppel, 111-13, fig. 3. The specific identity of the central goddess on Florus, 1.2.2. Both Numa and Romulus were credited with the creation of the relief has occasioned much debate, and many other identifications have Vestal Virgins and the establishment of a temple in the Forum Romanum to been proposed for her, including Pax, l'enus, Italia, Ceres, or a conflation of the goddess: Dion. Hal. 2.64.5-2.65.1; Florus 1.2.3; Liy 1.20.3; Plut., .Vuma several dixlnities. See recently Nancy De Grummond, "Pax Augusta and the 9.5, 11.1. Flnmen Quzrinnlis for Romulus: Dion. Hal. 2.63.3. Caesar's priest, the Horae on the Ara Pacis ,iugustae," American Journal ofArchneolog, 94 (1990): pamen IztZinlis: Meinstock (as in n. 63), 305-8. l'esta: Lily 1.20.3. The goddess 663-67; Karl Galinsky, "Venus, Polysemy, and the Ara Pacis Augustae," Amer- and her temple appear in a Palatine setting, for example, on the Sorrento icanJournnlofArchnmlogy96 (1992): 457-55; Barbette S. Spaeth, "The Goddess base: Giulio E. Rizzo, "La base di Augusto," Bollrttino drlla Commissione Archeo- Ceres in the Ara Pacis Augustae and the Carthage Relief," American Journal of logica Comztnnk di Ronia 60 (1932): 5-109; Ryberg, 1955 (as in n. 6), 49-51; Archarology 98 (1994): 65-100; and idem, The Roninn Cdddrss Cues (Austin: Nevio Degrassi, "La dimora di Augusto sul Palatino e la base di Sorrento," Atti University of Texas Press, 1996), 125-51. The relief figure lacks the cornuco- della Pontzficia Accademia romana di nrchrologin: Rendiconti 39 (1966-67): 77- pia and caduceus that are the typical attributes of Pax, but this is surely 116; Simon, 1986 (as in n. 6), 24-25; Tonio Holscher, "Historischer Reliefs," because she is balancing the two babies. Contra Spaeth, the vegetation in her in Kaiser Augustus, 375-78; kcher (as in n. 18); and Kleiner, 88, fig. 68. A garland is not exclusive to Ceres. procession of l'estal l'irgins decorates the inner altar of the Ara Pacis. 105. Roma panel: Koeppel, 113-15, figs. 4-7. 95. l'elleius Paterculus 2.59.4. See Gross (as in n. 42), 31. His earliest 108. Roma is based on an Amazon type with some additions from the priesthood was given him by his adoptive father, Julius Caesar, before his iconography of Minen.a/hthena, while Tellus belongs to a long line of assassination: \'ell. Pat. 2.59.4. When Augustus introduced his grandsons and mother goddesses in Greek and Italian art. .ks allegories, Peace and War form heirs into public life, their first priesthoods were the augurate and pontificate. an obvious pair that any Roman audience could understand. On Roma, see The coins abbreviate augur as .WG, an abbreviation subsequently used for the Ronald Mellor, "The Goddess Roma," in ASRI;I: vol. 2 (1981), fasc. 15, sec. 2, title Augustus as well. 950-1030. A relief from the Zoilos Monument at Aphrodisias shows a seated 96. During the Republic even important individuals tended to holdjust one Roma in this Amazonian aspect: Alfoldi (as in n. 12), 14, pl. 26; Smith (as in priesthood. Res gestae 7 lists Augustus's priesthoods: pontyex maximus, augur, n. 12). See also Ronald Mellor, Thea Rhome: The Il'orship ofthe Goddess Ronin in quindecimui,; septemuir epulonum, frater an~alis,sodalis Titius, and fetialis. Jean the Greek Il'orld, Hpomnemata, 42 (Gottingen: Vandenhoek und Ruprecht, Gag&, "Les sacerdoces d'huguste et ses reformes religieuses," ,\.lilanges 1975). d Xrch:ologir et d'Histoirr 48 (1931) : 55-108; Galinsky, 313. 109.Torelli (as inn. l),72, presents a somewhat similar interpretation, with 95. Glen Bowersock argues that Augustus actually appears as pontzfex maxi- the north side of the monument representing the pars milztaris and the mzts on the Ara Pacis: "The Pontificate of Aiugustus,"in Betwren Repztblic and southern side the pnrs civilis. He claims (as in n. 2), 29, that the Ara Pacis was Enipire: Interpretntions ofAugustus and His P~zncipate,ed. Kurt A. Raaflaub and constructed one mile north of the pommum, at the point where an imperator Mark Toher (Berkeley: L1niversih of California Press, 1990), 380-94. John normally laid down his inipwiuni; in fact, the altar is located substantially less Carter favors this interpretation in his review of the book, Journal of Roman than a mile away. In any case, Augustus was exempted from this requirement Studies 81 (1991): 201-2, but see Billo~~s(as in n. 25), 84-87, for objections. by the powers that had already been voted him. 110. Livia, however, wears a laurel wreath, while Tellus wears a wreath of At the time the altar was founded in 13 B.c.E., Augustus presumably cannot have known that he would become pontyex maximus a year later, since at the fruit and flowers. See Elizabeth Bartman, Poltraits ofLiuia: Imaging the Imperial time Lepidus, his predecessor in office, was still alive, although in exile. Il'oman in Augustan Rome (Cambridge: Cambridge Universiq Press, 1999), 98. See Burkhard Gladigow, "Die sakralen Funktionen der Liktoren: Zum 86-92; Rolf M'inkes, Liuin, Octnuin, lulzn: Portriits und Dnrstrllungm, Archaeo- Problem yon institutioneller Macht und sakraler Prasentation," in A,\'RII: vol. logia Transatlantica, vol. 13 (Louvain-la-Neuve: Universiti. de Louvain-la- Neuve; Providence, R.I.: Brown University, 1995). Cf. hfarleen B. Flory, "The 1, fasc. 2 (1981), 295-314. Symbolism of Laurel in Cameo Portraits of Lida," ,\femoirs of the Amwicnn 99. Lily 1.19.6-7; Plut., Sztmn 18-19; Florus 1.2.3. Numa's nventy-year cycle Acndrniy in Rome 40 (1995): 43-68. is reminiscent of the Metonic cycle established in the 5th century B.C.E., which 111. Pollini (as in n. 6), 78-80; Billo~~s(as in n. 25), 88. was based on an ideal number of solar and lunar months. Holliday (as in n. 112. North frieze figures wearing senatorial shoes include N-6, N-18, N-20, 6) has argued that the Ara Pacis reflects philosophical concerns with a "Great N-21. The cnmilli are N-7 and N-24. Year." On Augustus's reform of Caesar's calendar, see Suet., Aug. 31.2. In 8 113.Billows (as in n. 25); cf. the discussion by Gerhard Koeppel, "Die B.C.E. (if not earlier), the name of the month Sextilis was changed to August historischen Reliefs der romischen Kaiserzeit V, Ara Pacis," pt. 2, Ronner to honor the emperor because his greatest victories had been won in that Jahrbucher 188 (1988): 97-106. Dio 54.25.3-4, however, records that on this month, including the conquest of Egypt: Suet., Aug. 1.2; Dio 55.6.6. The Ara occasion the princeps avoided all public ceremony and entered the city at Pacis was dedicated approximately nvenq years after the conquest and tri- night. If this is correct, then the reliefs are not truly "historical." umph over Egypt. 114. Cicero uses the toga as a metonym for peace, in Dr ornt. 3.165: "sed 100. Dion. Hal. 2.75.1-2; Plut., AV~tmn16.4. ornandi causa proprium proprio commutatum. . . 'togam' pro pace, 'arma' 101.Georg Niebling, "Laribus Augustis Magistri Primi," Historin 5 (1956): ac 'tela' pro bello." l'irgil, Aen. 1.282, identifies the togawearing Romans as 303-31. masters of the world ("Romanos, rerum dominos gentemque togatam"), a 102. Numa built the temple of Quirinus on the Quirinal Hill, though the line that Augustus is said to have quoted when restricting entrance into the earliest edifice attested there dates to 293: Dion. Hal. 2.63.3. Augustus re- forum to those who wore the garment: Suet., Aug. 40.5. Drusus wears a stored the temple of Quirinus (16 B.c.E.) and built a temple to diuusJulius in military costume that includes boots, a short tunic, and milita~ycloak fpnlu- the Forum Romanum. Numa built the Regia and lived there, although he also damentuni). He appears to have remained in Germany in 13 B.c.E., when maintained a house on the Quirinal Hill, just as Augustus maintained his Augustus returned to Rome. For togate depictions of Roman children, see home on the Palatine even after he became pontfex maximus: Plut., ,\'uma esp. Hans Gabelmann, "Romische Kinder in Toga Praetexta," Jahrbuch des 14.1-2. In the Regia, Numa preserved the bucklers inncilin) fallen from Deutschen Archiiologischen Instztuts 100 (1985): 497-541. heaven for the presemation of the city, which were guarded by the Salii: Liy 115. Castriota (as in n. 6). See also Christoph Borker, "Neuattisches und 1.20.4; Dion. Hal. 2.71.1-2; Plut., Xuma 13.1-4; Florus 1.2.3. Pergamenisches an der Ara Pacis-Ranken," Jahrbuch dm Deutschen Archiologi- 103. Numa was identified as a philosopher-king and was often considered a schrn Instituts88 (1953): 283-95; and Hermann H. Biising, "Ranke und Figure pupil of Pythagoras, even though authors in antiquity recognized that they an der Ara Pacis ,iugustae," Archiolog~scherAnrrigy, 1977: 245-55. lived at different times: 1,iy 1.18.1-3; Plut., ~\'uma 1.2-3, 8.4-10; Dion. Hal. 116. Koeppel, 146-51; these have not been incorporated in the current 2.59.1-4. For context, see Elizabeth Rawson, Intrlkctual Lzfe zn thr Late Roman reconstruction of the monument. Cf. Paolo Liverani, "'Nationes' e 'civitates' Republzc (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Universiq Press, 1985). A prominent nella propaganda imperiale," Rlimische AWittezlungm 102 (1995): 219-49; and Neopythagorean of the last century of the Republic, Publius Nigidius Figulus, Kuttner (as in n. 6), 69-93. forecast a wonderful future for Octavian when he was born (Suet., Aug. 94). 117. For example, Toybee (as in n. G), 77; Holliday (asin n. G), 549, sees them Another Neopythagorean, Areius, was the companion of Octavian and influ- as an allusion "to the migo urbis of Rome and the migo gents of the Julian line." enced him heavily (Dio 51.16.4), and Pythagorean elements have been de- Galinsky, 1969 (as in n. 6), 219-26, and Kleiner, 96, espouse a similar view. tected in Virgil's Aeneid and in the ~Mrtaniorphosesof Ovid: Jerome Carcopino, 118. See above at n. 4. Virgilv et lv niystke de la Ne iglogue (Paris: L'Artisan du Livre, 1943);and Pierre 119. Holliday (as in n. 61, 549-350: "The discovery of an animal dominates BoyancC, La religion de Virgik (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1963). the center [of each panel] and indicates the primal znitia of uniquely Roman 104.Numa tamed the Romans and made them peaceful: Plut., Xuma 7. institutions: the she wolf of the urbs itself, and the sow of the gens Iulia." As Under his guidance, the Romans valued "good government, peace, agricul- noted earlier, the altar, not the animal, is the main focus of the relief. ture, rearing of children, and worship of the gods" (Plut., Xuma 19.31, which 120. Ibid., 550: "Mars pater and Aeneas pnter officiate at a loczts mrer analo- recalls the goals of Augustan social legislation. The subjects of Numa imitated gous to the sacred precinct of the Ara Pacis-indicated by the fig tree iJirzts his character spontaneously, and other nations thought it was sacrilegious to Ruminnlis) and the temple of the Penates." The temple in the background is injure the Romans: Livy 1.21.2. In an interesting turn of phrase, Plutarch far distant from the figures involved in the sacrifice, and as noted earlier, describes Numa's policies as a magical "peace potion [rznnes phzltron]" that Augustus did not accept the title pnterpntrine until some years after the Ara encouraged agriculture and promoted peace: Plut., .Vztmn 16. Pacis was completed. 103. I.. Raditsa, "Augustus' Leg~slationconcerning Marriage, Procreat~on, 121. Galinskv (as in n. 106) has argued that the figure of "Tellus" is Love Affa~rs,and Adultery," in A,VRRU: vol. 2, fasc. 13 (1980), 278-339; Jbrl polysemantic, incorporating features of several goddesses. Galinsky, 1969 (as in n. 6), 219, 226, also identifies "Trojan" and "Roman" halves of the Ara tations of the publication of the Res gestae at the mausoleum, see Jis Elsner, Pacis. Spaeth, 1994 (as in n. 106), 83, argues that the "Aeneas" and Romulus "Inventing Itnperium: Texts and the Propaganda of Monuments in Augustan panels reflect "the dual origin of Rome: her foreign origins from the Trojan Rome," in Elsner (as in n. 123), 32-53; and Brian Bosworth, "Aiugustus,the heneas, and her native origins from the twins Romulus and Remus." Res Gestae and Hellenistic Theories of Apotheosis," Journal ofRoman Studies 89 122.Paul Zanker, "In Search of the Roman Viewer," in The Interpretation of (1999): 1-18. On the importance of such inscriptions, see Callie Williamson, Architectural Scuyture in Greece and Rome, ed. Diana Buitron, Studies in the "Monuments of Bronze: Roman Legal Documents on Bronze Tablets," Clas- Histosy of Art, vol. 49 (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 1 sical Antiquity 6 (1987): 160-83; and Geza Alfoldi, "August und die In- 997), 179-91. schriften: Tradition und Innovation; Die Geburt der imperialen Epigraphik," 123. See, for example, the papers in Jis Elsner, ed., Art and Text in Romnn Gjmnasiuni 98 (1991): 289-324. Culturr (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996). 131. Edmund Buchner, "Solarium Augusti und Ara Pacis," Rimtsche Mittei- 124. Zanker, 203-6, notes that the scene on the panel is iconic rather than lungen 83 (1956): 319-63; idem, "Horologium Solarium Augusti: i'orbericht purely narrative. Richard M'estall has recently analyzed hvo paintings dedi- uber die Ausgrabungen 1979/80," Romischr ,Wttrilungen 87 (1981): 355-73; cated in the temple of Venus Genetrix: "The Forum Julium as Representation idem, Die Sonnenuhr des Augustus: Snchrlruck aus RM 1976 und 1980 ztnd of Imperator Caesar," Rimische ,Vitteilungen 103 (1996): 83-118. Cf. Dietrich Sachtrng ubpl dzr Ausgrnbung 1980/1981 (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1982); Boschung, ",%bilin opera: Zur M'irkungsgeschichte griechische Meisteswerke idem, "Horologium Solarium ,iugusti," in Kaiser Augustus, 240-44; and idem, im kaiserzeitlichen Rom," Antike Kunst 32 (1989): 8-16; Bettina Bergmann, "Horologiun~Augusti," in LTL'R vol. 3 (1996), 35-35. Cf. comments by "Greek Masterpieces and Roman Recreative Fictions," Harvard Studirs in Andrew Wallace-Hadrill, "Rome's Cultural Revolution," Journal ofRoman Stud- Classical Philolog3' 97 (1993): 79-120; Renaud Robert, "Immensa Potentia Artis: zes 79 (1989): 157-64. Prestige et statut des oeuvres d'art Rome a la fin de la republique et au debut 132. Senators were forbidden to go there without the express permission of de 13Empire,"Revue Archiologique, 1995: 291-305; and Peter J. Holliday, "Ro- the prince+. man Triumphal Painting: Its Function, Development, and Reception," Art 133.Pliny, NH 36.14.71; Richardson (as in n. I), s.v. "obeliscus Augusti," Bulletin 79 (1997): 130-47. A non-Greek source for the composition on the 272-73; Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum JCIL), vol. 6, 702. The obelisk was Ara Pacis relief may be sought as well in Etsuscan mold-made votive terra-cotta quarried by Psammeticus I1 (r. 594-589 B.c.E.),not Ramses 11, as Pliny states. plaques. A 4th centuv B.C.E,plaque in Boston, for example, is framed by The dedicator?. inscription and the way the obelisk functioned have been architectural elements and shows a central altar, and behind it a tree. To the seriously misunderstood in hvo recent studies by Diane Favso: "Reading the left of the altar is a small female flute player with her pipes, while Artemis Augustan City," in Holliday, 230-57; idem, The CTrOan Image ofAugustan Rome stands to the right in three-quarter view, extending her right hand with patera (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 130, 148. Inter alia, the over the altar. Behind her we see a quadsuped that represents the intended inscription does not mention Cleopatra, and at Rome's latitude, the obelisk victim: Helen Nagy, "Divinities in the Context of Sacrifice and Cult on cast a shadow only northward. Davies (as in n. 130) incorrectly states that the Caeretan Votive Terracottas," in Murlo and the Etruscans: Art and Society in shadow described a circle around the obelisk, another impossibility. Ancient Etruria, ed. Richard De Puma and J. Penny Small (hladison: University 134. Often cited in this connection is Virgil, Eclogue 4.4-10: "Now the final of Wisconsin Press, 1992), 211-23, esp. 211-13, fig. 19.1. age of the Cumaean song is come; the grand order of the centuries is born 125.Virgil, Aen. 1.433-93. See recently Michael Putnam, "Dido's Murals again. Now the Krgin Uustice] has returned, along with the reign of Saturn. and Virgilian Ekphrasis," Harvard Studies in Classical Philolo@ 98 (1998): Now a new race descends from high heaven. Look kindly, Lucina, on the birth 243-75 (with earlier bibliography); and Gerhard Koeppel, "The Role of of this child, with which the iron race of men will cease, and a new golden one Pictorial hlodels in the Creation of the Historical Relief during the Age of will rise up throughout the world. Your own Apollo now re~gns![ultima Augustus," in Winkes (as in n. 4), 89-106. Cumaei uenit iam carminis aetas; / magnus a6 integro saeculorum nascitur ordo. / iam 126. In the Ara Pacis panels, the landscape and even the animals are redit et Virgo, redeunt Saturnia regna; / iam nova progenies caelo demittitur alto. / tu subordinated to the human figures. Compare the Odyssey panels from the modo nascenti puero, quo ferrea @'mum / desinet ac toto surget gens aurea mundo, / Esquiline House, where the human figures, labeled in Greek, are subordi- castafave Luczna: tuus iam regnat Apollo] ." nated to the landscape. Of the extensive bibliography on these paintings, see In a neglected article, D. A. Slater suggested convincingly that the poem was recently Ralf Biering, Die Odysserfresken von Esquilin, Studien zur antiken written not for Augustus but for the marriage of Antony and Octa~ia(Augus- Malerei und Farbgebung, vol. 2 (Munich: Biering und Brinkmann, 1993); tus's sister) in 40 B.c.E.:"Was the Fourth Eclogue Written to Celebrate the Kaiser Augustus, 282-83, nos. 131, 132 (with bibliography), ills., 284-85; and hlarriage of Octa~iato hlark Antony?" Classical Quarterly 26 (1912): 114-19. Filippo Coarelli, "The Odyssey Frescoes of the \'ia Graziosa: A Proposed Augustus simply attempted to situate himself within a tradition that was Context," Papers of the Bn'tish School in Rome 66 (1998): 21-37. Biering argues already widespread. Sol plays a prominent role in Horace: Karl Galinsky, "Sol that the paintings are Augustan in date; Coarelli favors the traditional late and the Carmen Saeculare," Latomus 26 (1967): 619-33. Republican date of ca. 50-40 B.C.E. 135. For example, Suet., Aug. 94.4; Dio 45.1.2. See Eugenio La Rocca, 127.Augustus, Res gestae 34: "After that time [27 B.c.E.]I was preeminent in "Theoi epiphaneis: Linguaggio figurativo e culto dinastico da Antiochos Wad respect to rank, but I had no more actual power than those who were Augusto," in ,Macht und Kultur in Rom der Kaiseneit, ed. Klaus Rosen (Bonn: colleagues with me in any magistracy [post id tempus praestiti omnibus dzgnitate, Bou~ier,1994), 9-63; Pierre Lambrechts, Augustus m de Egyptzsche Godrdienst potestatis autem nihilo amplius habui quam qui furrunt mihi quoque in magistratu (Brussels: Paleis der Academien, 1956); Ilse Becher, "Okta~iansKampf gegen conlegae]." During recent decades, there has been a steady move away from the Antonius und seine Stellung zu den agyptischen Gottern," Das Altertum 11 position taken by Ronald Spein The Roman Revolution (Oxford: Clarendon (1965): 40-47. Press, 1939), for example, by Galinsky. See, however, Dietmar Kienast, Augus- 136.Weinstock, esp. 44-50; Erich Gruen, "Augustus and the Ideology of tus: Prinzeps und Monarch (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, War and Peace," in Winkes (as in n. 4), 31-72. Lily 1.19.2 specifically connects 1982; reprint, 1999); Michael Mause, "Augustus: 'Friedensfurst' in einer the closing ofJanus with the pacification of Rome's neighbors. In this context, unsuhigen Zeit," Klio 81 (1999): 142-55. recall the personifications on the base of the inner altar, which may represent 128.Janus was the god of time as well as of the beginning of the year. Pliny, pro~inces,above at n. 116. Augustus makes the connection between peace ,\'H 34.16.34, mentions a statue ofJanus erected by Numa that had its fingers and victory explicit in Res gestae 2.13 where he talks about his closing ofJanus. arranged in such a manner as to indicate the 353 days of the early Roman year 137. Dio 31.19.2-3. See also discussion in Weinstock (as in n. 63), 209-10. and to show thatJanus was the god of time: "praeterea Ianus geminus a Numa Objections have been raised to some aspects of Buchner's calculations for rege dicatis, qui pacis bellique argument0 colit~~rdigitis ita figuratis, ut ccclv reconstructing the Horologium, for example, by Michael Schiitz, "Zur Son- dierum nota et ae~iesse deum indicent." nenuhr des Augustus auf den1 Marsfeld," qmnasium 97 (1990): 432-57; and 129.Ancient sources give conflicting boundaries for the Campus Martius, Walter F. Hubner, re~iewof Buchner, 1982 (as in n. 131), Trier Zeitschrift 46 but Strabo includes the mausoleum of Augustus, which lies even farther north (1983): 333-38. But cf. the response by Buchner in LTLrR,vol. 3 (as in n. 131), than the Ara Pacis and Horologium-Solarium. Suet., Aug. 100, reports that and by Roger Beck in Apeiron: The Sciences in Greco-Roman Society, ed. Timothy Augustus opened the gardens surrounding the mausoleum to the public in 28 D. Barnes, 27 (1994): 99-117, esp. 104-5. The basic correctness of Buchner's B.c.E.,which suggests (but does not prove) that the constsuction of the tomb case for a programmatic relation behveen the sundial and the Ara Pacis seems was well advanced by this date. secure, for we can extend the north-south meridian line (uncovered by 130. On the tomb itself, see Henner von Hesberg and Sihia Panciera, Das excavation) and bisect it in the middle to compute the east-west line that the Mausoleum des Augustw: Der Bau und seine Inschnften (Munich: Verlag der shadow of the gnomon traced on the equinoxes; this line intersects the Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1994); Konrad Kraft, "Der Sinn doorway in the west facade of the haPacis, the original position of which is des Mausoleum der Augustus," Historia 16 (1967): 186-202; Zanker, 72-77; also known through excavation. As Beck potnts out, while Schutz demon- Mark J. Johnson, "The hlausoleum of Augustus: Etruscan and Other Influ- strated that the shadow cast by the obelisk would not actually reach the Ara ences on Its Design," in Etruscan Italy: Etruscan Influences on the Civilizations of Pacis, spectators nevertheless would have seen the shadow pointing toward Italy from Antiquity to the Modem Era, ed. John F. Hall (Provo, Utah: Museum of the monument and would have understood the general message. Art, Brigham Young University, 1996), 217-39; and Penelope J.E. Davies, 138. The astrologer Publius Nigidius Figulus (who also predicted Augus- Death and the Emperor: Roman Imperial Funeray Monuments from Augustus to tus's world rule) calculated that Romulus, like Augustus, was born on the ~MarcwAurelius (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 13-15, 137- autumnal equinox. Pierre Brind'Amour has challenged this date, and argues 42. The obelisks have been considered a Fla~ianaddition, but on the basis of that the actual birth date of Romulus was the vernal equinox: Le calendn'er recent excavations at the mausoleum, Edmund Buchner assigns them an romain: Recherches chronologiques (Ottawa: ~ditionsde 1'Unlversite d'ottawa, Augustan date: "Ein Kana1 fur Obelisken: Neues vom hlausoleum des Augus- 1983), 240-49. Whichever date is "correct" (for this is all playing with tus in Rom," Antike Welt 27 (1996): 161-68. For hvo very different interpre- numbers), the shadow of the gnomon would have fallen toward the Ara Pacis 208 ART BCLLETlS JUNE 2001 YO1 UhlE LXXXIII NUMBER 2 on both equinoxes. See Tamsyn Barton, Ancient Astronomy (London: Rout- record a series of i~rlportarltdates connected with the Imperial family. Augus- ledge, 1994); idem, Power and Knozuledge: Astronomy, Physiognomies and ,Mediczne tus mentions in the Res gestae that this dedication date was marked by an under the Roman Empire (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1994);idem, annual sacrifice (see n. 48 above). The Feriale Cumanum records the suppli- "Augustus and Capricorn: Astrological Pol~valencyand Imperial Rhetoric," ratio: "[eo die Ara Pacis Aug, dedicatal est. supplicatio imperio Caesaris Journal ofRoman Studies 83 (1995): 33-51; and Scott (as in n. 70), 82-103. Augusti cost[odis civium Romanorum orbisque terrar]um." 139. ~lut.,Numa 3.4: "+€pa 6; yeyovhs 6fi rwa Oeicuv ~it,yvviv 5 rfiv 142.Dio (as in n. 137).Werner Suerbaum, "Merkwiirdige Geburtstage: Der 'Phpqv €KTLU~Voi rrepi 'P~pvAov." nicht-existerende Geburtstag des M, htonius, der doppelte Geburtstag des 140. CIL 1.313: "Romulus urbem inauguravit." On the importance of cal- Augustus, der neue Geburtstag der Livia und der vorzeitige Geburtstag des endars and the control of time, see Andrew Wallace-Hadrill, "Time for alteren Drusus," Chiron 10 (1980): 327-53. Augustus: Ovid, Augustus and the Fasti," in Homo Viator: ClassicalEssays for,John 143. Strabo 17.3.23: "$ rrarpis irrirpeQeu cuirrr@ rilv ~pourauiav rfls Bramble, ed. Michael l?litby, Philip Hardie, and Mar?.M'hitby (Bristol: Bristol +yepovias ~airroA€yov ~cuieipfivvs K~T€UT~K~~LOS 6ilY PIov." [His (AU~IIS- Classical Press, 1987), 221-30; idem, ",Mutatio montm: The Idea of a Cultural tus's) country entrusted to him the preeminent position of authority, and he Revolution," in The Roman Cultural R~volution, ed. Thomas Habinek and became established as the lord (kurios) for life of war and peace]. Alessandro Schiesaro (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 19971, 3-22, 144. Cf. Marta Sordi, "L'idea di crisi e di rinnovamento nella concezione esp. 16-18; and Mary Beard, "A Complex of Times: No More Sheep on romano-etrusca della storia," in A,VR11: vol. 1, fasc. 2, 781-93. See also Romulus' Birthday," Proceedings ofthe Cambridge Philosophical Society 213 (1987): Holliday (as in n. 6). 1-15, 143. "Ita duo deinceps reges, alius alia via, ille bello, hic pace, civitatem 141. Livia's birthday: Fasti Praenestini for January 30. Anthony A. Barrett, auxerunt . . . cum valida tum temperata et belli et pacis artibus erat civitas." "The Year of Livia's Birth," Classical Quartn-ly 49 (1999): 630-32, argues that Note Livy's use of auxerunt, from augeo, the verb connected with the title she was born in 59 B.c.E., not 58, as is usually assumed. The Fasti Praenestini "Augustus."