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Kinship and Relatedness in Urban Papua New Guinea Parenté Et Relations En Papouasie Nouvelle-Guinée Urbaine Journal de la Société des Océanistes 144-145 | 2017 Urbanisation en Mélanésie Kinship and relatedness in urban Papua New Guinea Parenté et relations en Papouasie Nouvelle-Guinée urbaine Fiona Hukula Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/jso/7756 DOI: 10.4000/jso.7756 ISSN: 1760-7256 Publisher Société des océanistes Printed version Date of publication: 15 December 2017 Number of pages: 159-170 ISSN: 0300-953x Electronic reference Fiona Hukula, “Kinship and relatedness in urban Papua New Guinea”, Journal de la Société des Océanistes [Online], 144-145 | 2017, Online since 15 December 2019, connection on 15 March 2021. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/jso/7756 ; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/jso.7756 Journal de la société des océanistes est mis à disposition selon les termes de la Licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 4.0 International. Kinship and relatedness in urban Papua New Guinea by Fiona HUKULA* ABSTRACT RÉSUMÉ Early anthropological literature on urban Port Mores- Les premiers textes anthropologiques sur la Papouasie by (Papua New Guinea) highlights the importance of Nouvelle-Guinée urbaine ont insisté sur les liens de parenté urban-rural kin connections and the village flows into ville-village, et sur la façon dont le village s’épand en ville et town and vice versa. While this is still important, this vice-versa. Bien que cela soit encore important, cet article met article focuses on contemporary kinship and relatedness l’accent sur les liens sociaux et de parenté contemporains dans in an urban settlement in Port Moresby and how rela- un quartier de Port-Moresby. Il montre comment les citadins tions there are made evident through everyday actions of établissent des liens sociaux de type familial en partageant de exchange and sharing of food, time, and consideration. la nourriture, du temps et des idées. Utilisant le concept de People in town build kin-like relations using the concept wan dans des mots comme wantok (même langue), wans- of wan, particularly wantok (same language), wanstrit trit (même rue) et wanlotu (même religion), ils indexent (same street), and wanlotu (same religion), as they share des relations quasi familiales construites par le partage des resources, support neighbourhood marriage and funera- ressources, les soutiens offerts lors des mariages et des obsèques ry rituals, and as employers and employees become kin. dans le quartier, et par l’intégration d’employeurs et d’em- Kinship in Port Moresby, though constrained in many ployés à la famille. Même si la parenté est contrainte de bien ways, is acted out in forms that are rooted in urban des façons, elle est mise en scène sous des formes enracinées place, space, and home. dans l’espace et le monde urbain, et le village. Keywords: urban life, kinship, Melanesia, Port Mots-clés : vie urbaine, parenté, Mélanésie, Port Moresby, settlements Moresby, quartiers résidentiels Relatedness and ideas of kinship are an 2004), Leach (2003) and Bamford (2007, important part of social life and social order in 2009), this article describes how people talk Port Moresby. They affect ways in which people about relatedness and the sorts of actions that think about each other, help each other and inform ideas of relatedness and how relations address conflict, among other things. This article and competing interests such as giving and not aims to contribute to the discourse of kinship giving are managed. To illustrate this point more and urban Melanesia by making a case that clearly, I offer several ethnographic examples. kinship in Port Moresby, though constrained in I draw on 15 months of doctoral fieldwork many ways, is acted out in forms that are rooted in 2009-2010 in an urban settlement called in urban place, space, and home. Drawing Morobe Blok1. I lived in Morobe Blok where from the work of Gow (1991), Carsten (2000, I followed the lives of several key informants, 1. Tokpisin spelling for Block * The national research Insitute, Papua New Guinea, [email protected] Journal de la Société des Océanistes, 144-145, année 2017, pp. 159-170 160 JOURNAL DE LA SOCIÉTÉ DES OCÉANISTES Map 1. – Morobe Blok (nmb), Port Moresby interviewed Blok residents and Blok leaders, and land around the Nine Mile area beyond the city conducted a mini household survey. boundaries. Situated on the outskirts of Port Moresby, Various versions of this story were told to me Morobe Blok is a settlement of approximately by several informants. One of them was the 5,0002 people that is predominately made up of chairman of the Blok, a man named Atisinke. people from the Morobe Province of Papua New The chairman of the Blok is the elected leader of Guinea (map 1). the settlement community. He is part of a komiti Morobe Blok was founded around 1992. The (committee) of men who have been elected by settlement was created after Morobeans living at the residents to represent the interests of the another ethnically mixed settlement community members of the different electorates of Morobe in the Six Mile area of Port Moresby, commonly Province who reside at the Blok. This komiti known as Saraga Street, decided to seek another serves as a conduit between the papa graun (land place in Port Moresby to shelter after several owners) and other parties such as the National incidences of violence raised anxiety and worry Capital District Commission. about safety and security. The Morobeans at Six Morobeans who first settled at Nine Mile were Mile felt that they needed to move to a place allocated plots of land according to the electoral where they could live among themselves and boundaries of their home province. Although pursue their lives in a manner that did not leave the evidence of settlement in electoral boun- them feeling threatened. The anxiety and worry daries is not so clear now, this intention is still of those at Six Mile were relayed to Sondiong evident with people from the different electo- Babago, a man from the Wain area of Morobe rates living in close proximity to each other and who lived among the Koiari people of the Sogeri in some cases in clusters of houses of close kin. Plateau. The Koiari people of the Sogeri Pla- Residential arrangements according to ples is not teau make customary land ownership claims to uncommon as shown by Lindstrom’s (2011) 2. According to the 2000 Papua New Guinea National census the population of the entire Nine Mile settlement area is 5,000. I arrive at this estimate population via two sources: The first from the settlers themselves, the chairman included; and the second via an estimation based on a mini household survey that I conducted in the settlement. KINSHIP AND RELATEDNESS IN URBAN PAPUA NEW GUINEA 161 description of how Tannese migrants in Port sely associated with. However, most people were Vila reproduce the village. quite vague about how they were related to each Like other urban settlements in urban Melane- other. This vagueness does not indicate that one sia (Lindstrom, 2011; Rooney, 2015; Carpenter does not know who his or her kin is. It was more and Munro, 2016), Morobe Blok residents are the case that people knew their connections to engaged in various forms of income generation each other and did not need to go into grand which include being employed in the public explanations of genealogies. sector as well as in the private sector as security Relatedness through a sense of similarity of ori- guards, construction workers, and hospitality gin in a place like Morobe Blok, where one who industry workers. Others earn a living solely is not Morobean may be seen as different, is a through the informal economy while many way that people establish and maintain a sense of households supplement their income by enga- connection. It also shows that coming from the ging in the informal economy through the sale same province is not always a defining character of betel nut, cigarettes, and garden produce. of relations in the Blok, but can serve also to em- phasise difference. I observed that groups are for- med and disbanded according to perceived needs; Relatedness and kin – the non-genealogical therefore, Blok residents are united as Morobeans model in the Blok when they need to show solidarity or amass mate- rials for payments such as annual rents to the lan- downer. However, this solidarity is not static and Peter Gow (1995) studied kinship among constant and changes over time to suit different native people living on the Bajo Urubamba in social situations. I mentioned earlier that many Peru collecting stories about land, as well as people refer to, or address, one another by using through observing how they used the land and kinship terminology. Yet the loose use of kinship the ways this mediated their relations with other terms in everyday conversation and interaction people. Gow writes, must not be interpreted only as an observation “In truth, I did not learn of the centrality of kinship of the use of language to describe what is consi- for native people through the classical anthropological dered as a socially correct way to address others, techniques. I found the famous ‘genealogical method’ especially people who are older. I observed how rather embarrassing to use, for my informants were kinship terms such as “sister” and “mother” were either insulted or aggrieved by my objectification of acted upon through caring, sharing, eating food their kinship relations.” (Gow, 1995: 48) together, and through the recollection of histori- cally shared stories. Thus the kin term is not suf- In a similar fashion, I learnt about Blok ideas ficient to designate existing relations but becomes of kinship and relatedness not through the col- a medium that is combined with action.
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